摘要：El estudio se sitúa en la Olla de Caldera, comuna de La Serena, IV Región, Chile;
habitada por una Comunidad Agrícola derivada de ocupaciones territoriales
prehispánicas, adaptadas sucesivamente desde la conquista. Existen allí, sitios
arqueológicos incaicos de explotación minera, con profusión de caminos transitados
hoy por lugareños.
Se plantea una red caminera inca en el área, refutando la hipótesis de dos
caminos Norte Sur paralelos. La zona no presenta vestigios de vías principales. La
IV Región resuelve el trazado con senderos interconectados de diversa magnitud. El
uso continuado dificulta conferirles carácter incaico, no obstante la metodología
utilizada, permite reconocer su origen en terreno. La revisión de documentos
originales, particularmente de cronistas partícipes de la conquista, permiten
extrapolar datos reinterpretados en su contexto, por testigos peninsulares e
indígenas del Imperio. Pedro Cieza de León y Cristóbal de Molina en el primer caso y
Huamán Poma de Ayala y el Inca Garcilaso de la Vega para el segundo; atendiendo
sus comentarios, en ejercicio de contextualización. Se revisan registros históricogeográficos, contrastando arqueología y toponimia: nombres indígenas de lugares
relativos a tránsito y abastecimiento se combinan y concatenan, ensayando caminos
sobre el terreno. Se atiende la topografía y modalidades de transporte confrontados
a costumbres prehispánicas, infiriéndose su posible origen. Se estudia la cartografía
disponible, desde los viajes de conquista, especialmente los de Almagro y Valdivia,
pasando por el auge minero colonial y republicano, hasta los actuales registros,
rastreando finalmente con Google Earth para generar nuevos mapas.
El trabajo de campo contempla tres expediciones a Los Puntiudos - Los Infieles.
La primera interdisciplinaria de dirección arqueológica, acusa vestigios de
explotación minera incaica en un amplio radio, sumando alrededor otros centros
similares: Condoriaco, lavaderos de La Corina, mineral de Arqueros, entre muchos
que rodean la administración cuzqueña de Altovalsol. La discusión con arqueólogos,
sitúa el trabajo de campo en este complejo minero Incaico, su vialidad y actividades
asociadas: yacimientos, corrales, senderos, aguadas, recintos con apacheta,
emplazamiento estratégico de cierto señorío; instalaciones mínimas alineadas en un
continuo de postas, profusión de hornos rústicos de fundición; y en lugar especial,
la tumba de un señor.
El estudio confirma la existencia de una red caminera, contrastando la versión
de dos vías que desestima los ramales. La trama surca gran parte de la IV Región,
verificada por las evidencias ensayadas en el trabajo de campo. Un segundo aspecto, refiere la existencia de caminos pedestres rectos, con baja
densidad de uso e instalaciones mínimas, desestimados desde la conquista española
por la práctica exclusiva de la montura. Un hallazgo fundamental configura el
concepto de “territorio-urbe”, continuo y de muy baja densidad poblacional,
establecido por el incario para todo territorio conocido; articulado en torno a su red
caminera, asociada a un imaginario simbólico que rige su dominio religioso solar
unificador y totalizador, que no concibe la dualidad urbano-rural.
De las conclusiones se desprende que: La imposición religiosa incaica sobre los
imperados, no exige culto solar exclusivo, sino adherir a prácticas asociadas al
estado: mitas tributarias, acopio y distribución de bienes, censos y ordenamientos
de población, transferencia demográfica y constitución de familias referidas a un
espacio productivo. Los intereses imperiales fluyen veloz y discrecionalmente por la
red caminera, su estructura principal. La infraestructura caminera incaica configura
por sí, territorio conquistado. La lectura del territorio implica una mirada amplia del
contexto histórico, ecológico y social, sus potencialidades y versatilidad para
habitarlo, asociado a la obtención de beneficios sin incurrir en su deterioro;
considerando la densidad que el medio permite en un régimen determinado.
Un turismo ecológico-cultural sustentable de pequeña escala, como soporte del
enorme potencial humano, geográfico y arqueológico que subyace en el lugar,
puede ser administrado por la propia Comunidad, asociado a su rutina y prácticas
ancestrales; siendo coherente con la necesidad de implementar programas de
reconocimiento y conservación patrimonial. Un porcentaje minoritario de invitados
participantes, puede integrarse vivencialmente a la comprensión del territorio, más
que obtener el beneficio de un paisaje y situación exótica.
其他摘要：Determine the prehispanic path "Camino del Inca" between the Santa Gracia gully
and Vicuña municipality as well as its touristic use.
This study is situated in Olla de Caldera, district of La Serena, IV Region, Chile,
inhabited by a farming community result from the pre-Hispanic territorial
occupations which were successively adapted and transformed since the days of the
conquest. In the place there are archaeological and mining sites from the Incaic
period, with lots of roads currently used just by locals.
The study proposes an Inca path network in the area, refuting the hypothesis of
the two North-South parallel paths. The area has no traces of main roads. The IV
Region solves the trace with connected trails of varying magnitude. It is difficult to
know the origin of these paths. So, we can not confer them an Incaic character with
certainty since the roads have been used permanently through time. However, the
methodology used in this study, allows to recognize its origins in the field.
The review of original documents, particularly of those chroniclers which took
part of the conquest, give us us the data extrapolation and the re-interpretation of
the facts at its context, narrated by Spaniards, as Pedro Cieza de Leon and Cristobal
de Molina, and by indigenous witnesses of the Inca Empire, as Huaman Poma de
Ayala and Inca Garcilaso de la Vega. The study collects the original sources in a permanent exercise of contextualization. This study reviews historical and
geographical records, contrasting archeological and toponymical data: Indian names
of places related to transit and supply are combined and concatenated to test paths
on the field. The study addresses the topography and means of transport to
contrast them with well-known pre-Hispanic customs to infer their possible origin.
We have studied the available maps from the voyages of conquest, especially those
of Diego de Almagro and Pedro de Valdivia, passing through the colonial and
republican mining boom, to the current records, and finally using Google Earth to
track the territory and generate new maps.
The field work includes three expeditions to Los Puntiudos - Los Infieles. The
first expedition, of interdisciplinary character and archaeological orientation, accuses
traces of Inca mining explotation in a wide radius that gathers all similar centers like
Condoriaco, Lavaderos de La Corina, Mineral de Arqueros, among many others
surrounding the administration of Altovalsol Cuzco. The discussion with
archaeologists have located the field work in this Inca mining complex due the roads
and its related activities that include archaeological sites, yards, trails, washes,
enclosures with apacheta1
a strategic location with some lordship, the minimum
facilities organized in a continuous line of posts, the profusion of rustic ovens of cast
iron, and the existence, in a very special place, of the tomb of a lord.
The study confirms the existence of a net of roads and refuses the current "tworoads model" which does not consider possible branches. This net of roads cuts
through much of the IV region as we have verified thanks to the evidences obtained
from the tests in the fieldwork. A second aspect concerns to the existence of
straight paths for pedestrians, with a low density of use and minimal facilities.
Those paths were avoided since the Spanish conquest due the exclusive practice of
the mount. A key finding sets the concept of a unique territory city, continuous and
with a very low population density, which was established by the Incas for all the
known territory. Those territories were articulated around a network of roads
related with the symbolic imaginarium that governs as well its religious-solar
domain unifying and total in which the duality urban-rural has no place.
The conclusions show that: the religious imposition of the Incas over the
dominated ones does not require exclusive solar worship, but to adhere to practices
associated with the state: mitas2
, taxes, collection and distribution of goods,
regulation and censuses of the population, as well as population transfers and
families formation related with a productive territory. The imperial interests flowed
fast and silently over the network of roads, the main imperial structure. The Inca
road infrastructure configured the conquered territory itself. Reading the territory
implies a broad view of the historical, ecological and social context, as well as their
potential and versatility to inhabit, linked to obtain profits without incurring in their
deterioration, considering the density allowed by the medium in a given system.
A sustainable eco-cultural tourism, of small scale, able to support the enormous
human, geographical and archaeological potential that the place owns, could be
managed by the local community itself, associated with its customs and traditional practices. This is consistent with the need to implement programs for heritage
recognition and conservation. A minority of invited participants could be integrated
in the experiential understanding of the territory, rather than just obtaining the
benefit of an exotic landscape at an exotic location.
关键词：Turismo sostenible;Camino del Inca;caminos prehispánicos;Norte Chico (Chile)
其他关键词：Sustainable tourism;Camino del Inca;Prehispanic Paths;Norte Chico (Chile)
