摘要：In the present paper I argue that, in Czech, all occurrences of po- that contain some notion of small quantity are in fact instantiations of a single prefix, so called delimitative po- (analyzed as containing an extensive measure function, following Filip (e.g. 2000)), though it might not seem to be the case at first sight. In order to do that, I first demonstrate that there is no need to have more po-'s (hence, the unifying analysis is superior); and second, I try to show that the po- that attaches to quantized and the one attaching to non-quantized predicates can be unified, too (i.e. there is no need of any homogeneity requirement for extensive measure functions).
