期刊名称：Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics
印刷版ISSN：1893-3211
出版年度：2013
卷号：2
期号：2
页码：81-128
DOI：10.7557/1.2.2.2526
出版社：University of Tromsø
摘要：This paper investigates the structure of transitive sentences that contain a non-doubling reflexive clitic such as Juan se lavó todos los platos and María se leyó un libro .Though these are traditionally labelled unselected (non-core) agreeing datives or aspectual datives, I argue that this label obscures a relevant difference between two classes of constructions.agentive reflexive clitic (= ARC) constructions are characterized by a uniform set of effects on the external argument (= it must be an agent) and the aspectual interpretation of the VP (= it must be an accomplishment).On the other hand, transitive se clitic (= TSC) constructions do not impose any type of uniform restrictions on the kind of external argument they take or on the aspectual interpretation of the VP.I propose that the difference between these two constructions may be captured by treating se in the ARC construction as the realization of a special v DO head, based on an idea in Folli & Harley (2005), while se in the TSC construction is generated in the complement position of the verb and incorporates into V, forming a complex predicate, following work by De Cuyper (2006), MacDonald (2004, 2008) and MacDonald & Huidobro (2010).It is shown that many of the empirical and theoretical disagreements that plague the literature on the role of non-doubling se in transitive sentences have a simple solution given the new division established here.
其他摘要：This paper investigates the structure of transitive sentences that contain a non-doubling reflexive clitic such as Juan se lavó todos los platos and María se leyó un libro. Though these are traditionally labelled unselected (non-core) agreeing datives or aspectual datives, I argue that this label obscures a relevant difference between two classes of constructions. agentive reflexive clitic (= ARC) constructions are characterized by a uniform set of effects on the external argument (= it must be an agent) and the aspectual interpretation of the VP (= it must be an accomplishment). On the other hand, transitive se clitic (= TSC) constructions do not impose any type of uniform restrictions on the kind of external argument they take or on the aspectual interpretation of the VP. I propose that the difference between these two constructions may be captured by treating se in the ARC construction as the realization of a special vDO head, based on an idea in Folli & Harley (2005), while se in the TSC construction is generated in the complement position of the verb and incorporates into V, forming a complex predicate, following work by De Cuyper (2006), MacDonald (2004, 2008) and MacDonald & Huidobro (2010). It is shown that many of the empirical and theoretical disagreements that plague the literature on the role of non-doubling se in transitive sentences have a simple solution given the new division established here
关键词：se; non-core datives; intrinsic reflexivity; event structure; non-truth-conditional meaning
其他关键词：se;non-core datives;intrinsic reflexivity;event structure;non-truth-conditional meaning
