摘要：Appositives are highly restricted in downward-monotonic environments, but some gestural enrichments aren’t, as suggested by (2-4a), which contrast with (2-4b). Furthermore, for some speakers these gestural enrichments project like presuppositions: they ‘project out’ of conditionals/modals, and yield universal inferences under no NP (Chemla 2009). We suggest that for these speakers they might be presuppositions that can be justified on the basis of the clause or predicate they attach to; underlining gestural presuppositions, (2a)/(3a) have the LFs if p p', q / unlikely p p, and both yield the presupposition p p' ; while (4a) has the LF [No P](QQ') and yields [Every P](QQ'). For other speakers, the gestural contributions seem to be assertive and do not ‘project out’ – which is also inconsistent with a standard supplementary behavior
