Bakhtinian approaches to the indigenous world of Manuel Scorza.
Estrada, Oswaldo
RELYING on the novel as the optimum medium to represent the
dialogic encounter of various social languages, the Russian thinker
Mikhail Bakhtin recreated in the first part of the twentieth century a
hybrid world of intertwining ideological systems. He conceived the
novelistic whole as a puzzle of compositional-stylistic unities, made up
of unique dialects, authorial literary-artistic narration, different
forms of oral or semiliterate discourse, and the personalized speech of
characters. As literary critics of today, we can still draw on his
theorizations regarding the ambiguous nature of the novel, a
heterogeneous genre that allows individual voices to have some degree of
autonomy while they remain subordinated to a leading language that
controls the course of the narrative. By virtue of this novelistic
conflict between multiple discourses, also known as heteroglossia, the
reader can observe how opposing languages--centrifugal and centripetal,
official and unofficial--encounter each other dialogically to reflect
"the interaction among different attitudes and opinions of a
society" (Booker 479).
This sort of societal representation is achieved in Manuel
Scorza's Redoble por Rancas, (1) a neoindigenist novel that
confronts various social languages. (2) Divided in two intermingling
parts, one that delineates the conflict between the comuneros of
Yanacocha and the town of Yanahuanca, and another one that portrays the
silent battle between the village of Rancas and the International Cerro
de Pasco Mining Corporation, the novel takes us to the center of a
heteroglossic world. Scorza's "account of the transition from
a semifeudal system of land tenure ('gamonalismo') to more
'modern' forms of imperialist and capitalist
exploitation" (Larsen 137) embraces the orality of the Peruvian
Central Andes and delineates its social dialects. Loaded with
autochthonous sounds from the highlands, the language of the extremely
poor and unprotected peasants, the authorial voices of the gamonales,
and the standard Spanish dialect of those individuals from the Peruvian
capital who reside in the Andes, the text highlights the language of the
Indian, one that relies on "traditional oral stories, proverbs,
prayers, formulaic expressions, or other oral productions" to
perpetuate its existence (Ong 11). (3)
From its opening sentences, Redoble por Rancas confirms the
validity of Bakhtin's postulates in regards to the "living
words in a novel," since every utterance of the indigenous or
mestizo individual is "charged with value ... entangled, shot
through with shared thoughts, points of view, alien value judgments and
accents" (276). This is obvious throughout the novel, but
particularly when the leader of the Indian peasants, Hector Chacon,
reassures the people of his village that they will lose all their
pastures and communal lands, due to their failure to combat the
semifeudal landowner of Junin. As this revolutionary confirms what seems
to be a perennial state of Indian servitude, Hector tells them, full of
rage and irony, that they will have access to a better world
"cuando vuelen los chanchos" (45). The presence of this
deterministic proverb explicitly engraves in the text not only the
agonistic situation of the subaltern but also the seemingly
impossibility of his survival in the presence of oppressing forces.
Later on, the struggle between these two social groups is reinforced
when mestizo Prefect Figuerola expresses his despotic attitude toward
the Indians: "Hace anos que soy autoridad. Yo he servido en casi
todos los departamentos. Nunca he conocido un indio recto" (145).
The inclusion of these words in the text reminds us, once again, of the
Manichean construction of postcolonial Latin America, where whiteness
and Spanish heritage are consistently placed in a higher category than
the Indian and his native culture.
Far from being a system of abstract grammatical categories, the
language employed by these characters is ideologically saturated and
reflects an ongoing struggle. In Redoble por Rancas the voices of those
who belong to the world of literacy diminish the Indian background by
stating that the indigenous people are worthless, or
"uncivilized." The conflict between orality and literacy in
the novel, rooted in the same axis of civilizacion y barbarie that
permeates a great deal of Latin American literature, represents the
argument between two worlds separated by the nature of their beliefs,
their traditions, their dialects, their culture and traditions. (4)
Combined, these sets of variables make up a novelistic framework of
heteroglossia. It is an aesthetic construction that Cornejo Polar would
certainly see as appropriate to represent various bilingual and
multilingual environments of the heterogeneous Peruvian Andes (Escribir
25).
Just as in everyday life we find differences between: "the
language and the world of prayer, the language and world of song, the
language and world of labor ..., the specific language and world of
local authorities, the new language and the world of the workers freshly
immigrated to the city," the novel represents a similar and complex
atmosphere (Bakhtin 296). This network of dialects entangles itself in
Redoble por Rancas through a variety of speech cultures, such as that of
the priests, who tell their indigenous parishioners to rebel against the
local authorities; the insults of the semifeudal landowners, who call
the Indians "el cancer que esta pudriendo al Peru" (145); the
voices of the illiterate Indians, who have guarded their traditions by
means of their oral memory; and, finally, the voice of the literate
Indians, who can read and write but cannot let go of their traditional
and cultural beliefs. One way of representing this state of
heteroglossia in the novel is through "a hybrid construction, which
contains within it the trace of two or more discourses, either those of
the narrator and character(s), or of different characters" (Morris
249). Instead of a plain amalgamation of voices, what we have is an
intentional debate between two languages that are forced to face each
other.
Scorza depicts this dialogical engagement with allusions to several
musical fragments that, besides contributing to the oral quality of the
text, confront those who are obliged to stay away from the center of
society with their immediate oppressors, in a heteroglot zone. Such
process becomes palpable, for example, with the sudden intrusion of the
Peruvian vals "El plebeyo" in the heat of an indigenous
argument. At once, the lyrics of this popular song from Lima
circumscribe the anguish of the Andean peasant who complains about his
misery with the language of his oppressor. Thanks to this intertextual
link, the attentive reader can take an "inferential walk" (5)
or an imaginary excursion to hear the silenced voice of the Indian who
uses the words of his oppressors to assert: "Mi sangre, aunque
plebeya, / tambien tine de rojo / ... / no es distinta la sangre / ni es
otro el corazon." (6) Likewise, the Peruvian National Anthem, a
patriotic song that pronounces the freedom of all Peruvians with the
words "Somos libres, seamoslo siempre," is juxtaposed in the
novel with the voice of the Indian, who almost automatically denounces
his situation: "Mentira decimos que somos libres. Somos
esclavos" (191). As a result of this novelistic encounter of two
divergent dialects, the literary language of the novel breaks the
socio-linguistic barriers of these songs that are usually associated
with the circles of power, and the Indian dialect acquires a new tone.
It is, in Bakhtinian terms, "deformed and in fact cease[s] to be
that which had been simply as dialect" (Bakhtin 294). It is a
language enriched by a diversity of voices.
The intentional contact of different linguistic dialects in the
novel produces the hybridization of literary discourse. Even though
Redoble por Rancas is a neoindigenist novel, the language of the
narrator is not indigenous. Most of the narrative voices use a limeno
speech that belongs to the world of literacy, yet Scorza manages to turn
up the volume of the voices of illiterate or semiliterate Indian
characters with Spanish rather than Quechua lyrics. While these songs
emphasize the orality of the indigenous world, it is valid to consider
that the characters of this novel are empowered by dialogism to pass, in
Bakhtinian fashion, from one language to another. This linguistic
confluence is also apparent towards the end of the narrative, when the
peasants finally use the written language of the educated in a
complicated procedure that allows them to win a temporary victory
against their oppressors. Guided by their oral mentality, on that
occasion the peasants of Rancas use hundreds of pigs as their only
weapons to infect the sheep pastures that the Cerro de Pasco Mining
Corporation has taken away from them. Enveloped by a comic aura, the
plan is sketched out on a black chalkboard by one of the village
leaders, Cayetano, with a written language that draws on the Andean
wisdom of the villagers to contaminate these fields.
Even though this victory against imperialism does not last for too
long, at least the peasants corroborate that they have finally learned
how to use the language of their opponents to fight against the
capitalist forces based in the Peruvian capital and the United States.
If an illiterate person can live in a multi-language world, where he
prays to God in one language, sings songs in another, speaks to the
members of his family in a third and, when he needs to attract the local
authorities' attention, he uses a fourth language (Bakhtin 295), in
Redoble por Rancas the peasants also exploit a language deep-rooted in
the "world of the letter" (Mignolo 30). Cornejo Polar
attributes this conversion of various languages within the Indian space
to the growing intercommunication between different sectors of the
Peruvian society. It is a phenomenon that mirrors the constant Andean
migration to the coast, as well as the expansion of the cultural
influence from the cities to the rural areas ("Neoindigenismo"
550). This socio-linguistic encounter, a clear indicator of what Jean
Franco calls the Decline and Fall of the Lettered City, where
"indigenous languages and cultures enter into productive contact
with lettered culture" (10), implies, nonetheless, the recognition
of the Other as a unique representative discourse of an
individual's consciousness.
Such process of dialogism is understood in the context of every
utterance, where the most "serious" statement can become
"comical" (Bakhtin 340). This happens in Redoble por Rancas
when the ranquenos, stripped from their pastures, find themselves
debating for six hours if it is morally right to let their sheep eat the
flowers from the cemetery of Cerro de Pasco. With a blend of humor,
denunciation, and irony, the narrator indicates that spending six hours
debating this issue is not a waste of their time, especially if we
consider that "al comenzar la conquista, los filosofos espanoles
debatieron no seis horas sino sesenta anos si los indios pertenecian o
no al genero humano" (197). Although there is a clear confrontation
between a) an authoritative discourse and b) an internal persuasive one,
the semantic structure of the first one, representative of the official
history of the conquest of the New World, is not malleable or divisible:
it has a "single meaning, [and] the letter is fully sufficient to
the sense and calcifies it" (Bakhtin 343). The novel's
ideological discourse, on the other hand, is internally persuasive
because it opens up a wide range of possible meanings.
Bakhtin suggests that the novel turns persuasive discourse into
speaking characters, personalities that can be autonomous and, at the
same time, inter-connected voices due to a creative and artistic
imagination. Even when the task of establishing, transmitting, and
interpreting the words of others seems to chain one speech to another in
an incessant line of connections, "one's discourse and
one's own voice ... will sooner or later begin to liberate [itself]
from the authority of the other's discourse" (Bakhtin 348). It
would be a mistake, however, to interpret this concept of dialogism as
the representation of total socio-linguistic freedom. Bakhtin perceives
heteroglossia as "the constituting condition for the possibility of
independent consciousness in that any attempt to impose one unitary
monologic discourse as the 'Truth' is relativized by its
dialogic contact with another social discourse" (Morris 73). This
assumption implies the presence of a central force, a dialogic device
that, in order to keep the stability of verbal discourse, weaves
diversified dialects into a linguistic whole. It is a force that plays
an important role in the novel because it holds together many dialects
that, by themselves, would get lost in the narration. The voices of the
Andean peasants in Redoble por Rancas, for instance, would not be as
effective if they were not linked to the voices of their oppressors.
What holds all the divergent pieces of the novel into an artistic
representation of the Peruvian society is the implicit but controlling
voice of the narrator as the ultimate "higher stylistic unity of
the work" (Bakhtin 262). This commanding unity of style is
different than the individual voices that constitute the polyphonic
make-up of Redoble por Rancas. In the specific novelistic scenario that
we are analyzing, the narrator lets us hear a variety of otherwise
silenced voices. At the beginning of the novel, we are presented with
the dialect of the Peruvian peasants in the midst of their fight against
the gamonales who take advantage of their Andean idiosyncrasy. Later on,
we hear the voice of the Indian who sings a patriotic song that acquires
new connotations in the world of the subaltern. And, at the end of the
novel, we can distinguish the speech of the Indian still anchored to his
traditions and culture, who now realizes that his people are being
exterminated by imperialism, concluding: "No es Jesucristo quien
nos castiga, son los americanos" (234). The unity of this
novelistic structure, however, is not maintained by an indigenous voice,
nor by a language that truly represents the voices from the world of
literacy. A fictional artifice manipulates the portrayal of the Andean
culture. After all, "El movimiento indigenista no es la
manifestacion de un pensamiento indigena sino una reflexion criolla y
mestiza sobre el indio" (Favre 11).
The higher stylistic unity of the novel is a phenomenon that occurs
precisely because each individual discourse is autonomous. The novel
brings them together to frame their peculiarities, to construct images
of languages. All of these images represent a view of the world and
specific social situations that braid incalculable connections with
other languages and social dialects. The higher stylistic unity,
therefore, is achieved by the artistry of the author who invents a
language to represent the colonized. (7) It is a fictional creation that
Mario Vargas Llosa recognizes as an "habla inventada" in the
Indigenist texts of Jose Maria Arguedas (132). Although Scorza does not
distort the grammatical construction of his Spanish narration with the
inclusion of Quechua expressions, (8) he crafts a language with the
texture of the Andean world. This commanding voice that controls the
development of ideas in the text is not a transcription of any specific
oral discourse but rather a "semantic fiction" (Vargas Llosa
132). By aligning the musicality of the Andes with oral proverbs and
confronting peripheral and central discourses, the letter and the word,
as well as the mentality of the Indians against the clasista culture of
their oppressors, Scorza constructs a voice that carries with it the
necessary variables to represent a group of colonized individuals. Only
then can we digest, according to Edward Said, "the pressures of
such transpersonal, transhuman, and transcultural forces as class, the
unconscious, gender, race, and structure" (294). This is why the
novel, as a genre, retains in this new century its subversive powers to
explore various social conflicts in a hybrid and dialogic manner.
WORKS CITED
Bakhtin, Mikhail M. The Dialogic Imagination. Ed. Michael Holquist
and Trans. Caryl Emerson and Michael Holquist. Austin: U of Texas P,
1998.
Booker, Keith M. A Practical Introduction to Literary Theory and
Criticism. New York: Longman, 1996.
Cornejo Polar, Antonio. Escribir en el aire: Ensayo sobre la
heterogeneidad socio-cultural en las literaturas andinas. Lima:
Editorial Horizonte, 1994.
--. "Sobre el 'neoindigenismo' y las novelas de
Manuel Scorza." Revista Iberoamericana 50.127 (1984): 549-57.
Dorra, Raul. Entre la voz y la letra. Mexico: Plaza y Valdes and
Benemerita Universidad Autonoma de Puebla, 1997.
Eco, Umberto. Six Walks in the Fictional Woods. Cambridge,
Massachusetts, and London: Harvard UP, 1994.
Estrada, Oswaldo. "Problematica de la diglosia
'neoindigenista' en Redoble por Rancas." Revista de
Critica Literaria Latinoamericana 55 (2002): 157-68.
Favre, Henri. El indigenismo. Trans. Glenn Amado Gallardo Jordan.
Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1999.
Franco, Jean. The Decline and Fall of the Lettered City. Latin
America in the Cold War. Cambridge, Massachusetts, and London: Harvard
UP, 2002.
Larsen, Neil. Reading North by South: On Latin American Literature,
Culture, and Politics. Minneapolis: U of Minnesota P, 1995.
Mignolo, Walter D. "Anahuac y sus otros: La cuestion de la
letra en el Nuevo Mundo." Revista de Critica Literaria
Latinoamericana 14.28 (1988): 29-53.
Moreno-Duran, R. H. De la barbarie a la imaginacion. La experiencia
leida. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 2002.
Morris, Pam. The Bakhtin Reader: Selected Writings of Bakhtin,
Medvedev, Voloshinov. London: Edward Arnold, 1994.
Ong, Walter. Orality and Literacy. The Technologizing of the Word.
New York: Routledge, 1997.
Said, Edward W. Reflections on Exile and Other Essays. Cambridge,
Massachusetts: Harvard UP, 2002.
Scorza, Manuel. Redoble por Rancas. New York: Penguin Books, 1997.
Vargas Llosa, Mario. La utopia arcaica. Jose Maria Arguedas y las
ficciones del indigenismo. Mexico: Fondo de Cultura Economica, 1996.
Yep, Virginia. "El vals peruano." Latin American Music
Review / Revista de Musica Latinoamericana 14.2 (1993): 268-80.
(1) Although I cite from the Penguin edition of 1997, the novel was
originally published in 1970.
(2) I apply the term "neoindigenist" to Scorza's
text taking into account Antonio Cornejo Polar's study of this
subgenre within the context of the Indigenist literary movement. In
short, the Peruvian critic differentiates a "neoindigenist"
novel from an "indigenist" text because the first one
portrays: a) a perspective under the influence of magical realism that
reveals the mythical dimensions of the indigenous universe; b) the
intensification of the lyric quality of the text; c) the enlargement,
complexity and mastery of technical devices, through a process of
novelistic experimentation; and d) the expansion of the proper space for
a narrative representation of the indigenous, with the real
transformations of his world ("Neoindigenismo" 549). I analyze
Scorza's novel under these parameters and other postulates
regarding neoindigenism in my article "Diglosia
neoindigenista."
(3) In defense of orality, Raul Dorra reminds us that, although our
contemporary world is reducing the survival of oral production, "la
identidad de cada individuo como persona humana, asi como la imagen del
otro como projimo estan fundamentadas sobre la oralidad porque es la
forma basica del reconocimiento y del intercambio" (35). Scorza
seems to develop his Indian characters in agreement with this assertion.
(4) As Moreno-Duran rightly points out, "El debate
'civilizacion' o 'barbarie', en efecto --legitima o
artificiosamente postulado--, se halla implicito y vigente en toda la
problematica cultural latinoamericana" (18).
(5) Inferential walks force us to complete the meaning of what
appears explicitly in the printed page with implicit materials from our
own experience. As Eco explains, "readers, in order to predict how
a story is going to go, turn to their own experience of life or their
knowledge of other stories" (50).
(6) For a detailed analysis of this Peruvian vals and its
importance as being the first musical composition that exposes class
differences within the context of Lima, see Virginia Yep's "El
vals peruano." To our surprise, the famous vals "El
plebeyo," written by Felipe Pinglo Alva to discuss issues of class,
takes a different route in Redoble por Rancas, for it is now intertwined
with race elements to represent the indigenous Other.
(7) I use the term "colonized" to refer to the Indians of
the Peruvian highlands, keeping in mind that the colonized includes
"women, subjugated and oppressed classes, national minorities, and
even marginalized or incorporated academic subspecialties" (Said
295).
(8) In his Utopia arcaica Vargas Llosa explains how Arguedas
composes a language that summarizes and transcends the linguistic
multiplicity of the Andes. It is a literary language characterized
"por la copresencia del castellano y el quechua en el texto"
(132). Quoting Alberto Escobar, he confirms that this relationship
"puede detectarse ante la presencia de expresiones de ambas
lenguas, o en ausencia de una de ellas, pero que esta subyacente y
genera un entramado singularisimo y de distinto signo" (132).
OSWALDO ESTRADA
UNIVERSITY OF NORTH CAROLINA AT CHAPEL HILL