Journeys toward spiritual maturity among Korean immigrant women in midlife.
Kim, Hyejeong ; Pak, Jenny
As one of the essential elements of the human experience,
spirituality has received much attention in academic circles,
particularly in the last decade. Despite the universality of spiritual
practice, the definition of spiritual maturity varies widely among
different social and cultural contexts, even within the broad spectrum
of Christian practice. However, academic studies of Christian spiritual
maturity have often drawn attention to the relational nature of God, and
have further pointed to the relational aspects of Christian spiritual
practice. Benner (1989) defined Christianity as the human response to
God's gracious invitation to a relationship with himself. Moberg
(2001) extends this understanding to an individual's relationships
with fellow Christians in a spiritual community that "shapes
personal spirituality that nurture one's relation with God"
(p. 86).
A theoretical definition of Christian spiritual maturity then,
might include some qualitative understanding of interpersonal
relationships as well as the perceived relationship between the
individual and God. Shults and Sandage (2006) suggest that spiritual
maturity is the result of spiritual transformation towards qualitatively
more complex relationships with self, others, and God. This definition
of spiritual transformation does not "mean merely gaining more
knowledge about spiritual issues, or even adding to our repertoire of
practices, but developing qualitatively more complex ways of holding and
being held in relation to others and the Other" (p.18). Shults and
Sandage's definition also corresponds to biblical passages
indicating loving God and others is the ultimate goal of Christians, as
these are the two greatest commandments (Deut. 6:4; Luke 2:52). For this
study, Christian spiritual maturity indicates growth in developing
intimate relationships with self, others and God.
Previous research has examined the intricate connection between
individuals' relationship with God and their relationships with
others (Benner, 1989; Conn, 1989; Ciarrochi, Dy-Liacco, Piedmont, &
Williams, 2009; Dy-Liacco, Piedmont, Murray-Swank, Rodgerson &
Sherman, 2009). Furthermore, some researchers have attempted to develop
a cohesive theoretical framework to determine the link between
psychological maturity and spiritual maturity (Allport, 1950; Hall,
1996; Kirkpatrick, 1995). In particular, recent relational theories,
such as Object Relations Theory and Attachment Theory, have contributed
greatly to understanding this link (Hall, 1996; Kirkpatrick, 1995) by
building on the distinctions between intrinsic and extrinsic frameworks
(Allport, 1950). However, they were developed in an individualistic
culture such as the United States, and their application to Christians
in a collectivistic culture such as Korea appeared to have limitations
(Choi, Kim, Lee, & Lee, 2002). These limitations originate from the
difference in cultural practices, ideas, and behaviors associated with
spiritual maturity in the U.S. and Korea (Kang, 2004).
In fact, because of the fundamental cultural differences between
these two countries, the ideas and beliefs about spiritual maturity
within the two cultures greatly differ. Korea can be characterized as a
collectivistic society, whereas the U.S. can be classified as an
individualistic society (Markus & Kitayama, 1991; Triandis, 1995).
According to Hui and Triandis (1986), in collectivistic cultures,
interdependence (concern for others) is the main value, which stresses
loyalty, harmony, and strong affectionate bonds among members. However,
in individualistic cultures, independence (autonomy) is of primary
importance, where personal goals and self-actualization are highly
valued. Consequently, while Americans typically look at individuality
and personal behaviors to measure spiritual growth, Koreans are more
likely to use communal values as measurements of growth. These
differences in culture explain the reasons underlying the different
understanding of the marks of spiritual maturity between the two
cultures. Even though they share the same biblical principles regarding
spiritually mature relationships (e.g., loving God and loving others),
their concepts of "mature" behavior and its outworking in
relationships are different.
The significant impact of individuals' cultures on their
spiritual journey was also supported by several cross cultural studies
conducted in Korea. For example, Choi et al. (2002) found that there was
no significant correlation between extrinsic religiosity (religious
activities within the church community) and spiritual immaturity in the
Korean culture, contrary to what was originally suggested. Rather, the
findings showed that the evaluation of extrinsic religiosity by Koreans,
whose maturity is evaluated in terms of group relationships rather than
individual achievement, is not negative as it is in American culture.
Furthermore, these extrinsic behaviors are actually identified as
significant indicators of spiritual maturity by some Korean theologians
(Jo, 2005). They point out an individual's contribution to the
spiritual community, obedience to church authority, and his or her
ability to conform to the group's extrinsic religious behaviors as
signs of spiritual maturity. Therefore, it is safe to say that the
theoretical models birthed in Western societies do not adequately
explain the collectivistic interpretations of spiritual maturity found
among Koreans.
The distinction between individualistic and collectivistic cultures
is less evident when studying Korean-immigrant Christians in the U.S.
because they live in a dual cultural context. These immigrants are
likely to feel conflicted by the two very different approaches to
spiritual maturity: compliance to group expectations from the old
collectivistic view on one hand and the focus on private spirituality in
their newly adopted individualistic culture on the other hand. Thus, the
current studies regarding psychological and spiritual maturity are not
applicable to the understanding of the cultural and spiritual
ambivalence of Korean American immigrant Christians. In order to study
this group, one's assumptions about individualism and collectivism
should be reevaluated and a more sophisticated model that can be used
effectively in understanding this population must be sought.
Individuals' spiritual maturity seems to have a close
relationship with their developmental stages. According to Brennan and
Brewi (1982), Carl Jung suggested midlife as the most appropriate time
for individuals to grow spiritually because of their cultivated,
holistic understanding of maturity based on their developed psyche as a
whole. In particular, Jung recognized a woman's midlife as the best
time to experience spiritual growth as she begins to have new strength
as well as the courage to look at her reserved spiritual desires
(Brennan & Brewi, 1982). Slee (2004) adds further weight to the
importance of interpersonal relationships in women's spiritual
maturity. According to Slee, while women and men tend to move through
the stages of spiritual growth in similar ways, women have more
distinctive relational qualities as part of their spiritual maturity.
Developmentally, the main psychological task in midlife is
generativity. According to Erikson (1968), middle aged adults develop
their identities through their concern for and commitment to the next
generation. McAdams and de St. Aubin (1997) found that adults develop
different narratives, their internalized identities, based on their
different levels of generativity. Further, MacDermid, Franz and De Reus
(1998) explored the relationship between social roles and generative
levels of middle-aged women and discovered that one's unique
generative expression is a critical component for one's personality
development. In that sense, the spiritual identity of women in midlife
appears to closely correlate to social roles and interpersonal
relationships, while reflecting a tension between collective and
individual identities.
Based on the foregoing review of the literature, five
first-generation Korean American women in midlife were selected as
subjects. The goal of the study was to better understand their
psychological and spiritual process as bicultural Christian women while
they integrated their second culture into their spiritual journeys.
Living in a dual cultural context, the challenges they faced in defining
the true meaning of loving God and others were overwhelming. They not
only needed to integrate two different sets of cultural values
(individualistic and collectivistic), but also had to bring together two
conflicting ideas and beliefs of spiritual maturity--the private
spiritual practices of the West and the communal spiritual practices of
their home culture. The current study proposed that a rich process of
psychological and spiritual maturation would emerge in midlife and some
valuable insights could be drawn from these women's life stories.
To investigate the intricate phenomena of these Korean American
immigrant women's spiritual journeys, the goals of this study
included: (1) identifying the factors impacting their ideas and beliefs
about spiritual maturity and its process, (2) understanding and
describing how participants integrate two conflicting cultures (Korean
and American) in their views of psychological and spiritual maturity,
and (3) identifying the unique psychological and spiritual needs of this
population to better inform mental health professionals and spiritual
caregivers who are interested in serving this population.
Method
Participants
Five participants (P1, P2, P3, P4, and P5) were selected based on
the following criteria during the initial interview: (a) born and raised
in Korea at least until they finished formal education, (b) immigrated
to the U.S. as an adult and have lived in the U.S. longer than 20 years,
(c) Christian women in their midlife who were recognized as devoted to
their spiritual maturity, and (d) currently residing in Southern
California. The final participants for the study were five women, coming
from three different denominations and three different age groups (40s,
50s, and 60s). The participants attended churches belonging to the
following denominations: Presbyterian (n=2), Non-denominational (n=2)
and United Methodist church (1). (Demographic characteristics of the
participants are presented in Table 1.)
Procedure
A case-study method was employed to investigate the multiplicity
and complexity of issues embedded in a woman's unique spiritual
journey as a bi-cultural Christian. It examined the participants'
changing experiences psychologically and spiritually as they continued
to mature in a new cultural context. A life story method (McAdams, 1985;
Pak, 2006) was employed due to the developmental nature of the
individuals' spiritual journeys. Gathering data from the early
years as well as currently, the researcher can identify the tone of
one's narrative, the characteristic set of imagery and the
prevailing themes of one's life that emerge through the
interactions between that person and his or her environment.
Utilizing the life story method, the research questions were used
to gather information across the participants' lifetimes, covering
their formative years in Korea through their lives as immigrants in
America. The interview questions were divided into two specific domains:
general maturity and spiritual maturity. With respect to the first
domain, general maturity, the participants were asked to reflect on
their shifting perspectives in each developmental stage (e.g., the
childhood years and how they viewed their parents during that time). For
the second domain, spiritual maturity, participants were asked to
reflect on their views and experiences at each stage of their Christian
journey after conversion (e.g., their implementation of ideas or images
of a mature Christian reflected by church leaders and their church
experience).
Three 90-minute in-depth semi-structured interviews were arranged
for each participant on an individual basis in order to obtain richness
and depth of description in a narrative inquiry (Pak, 2006). After
completing all three interviews for each participant, the data was
analyzed in two steps by employing within-case analysis and cross-case
analysis (Pak, 2006). Using within-case analysis, each
participant's life story was thoroughly and critically reviewed and
analyzed to identify the significant study themes across her life. After
individual case analysis was completed, cross-case analysis was
conducted. By comparing and contrasting different life stories, the
cross-case analysis methodology revealed insight into these women's
process of integrating two conflicting sets of cultural values into
their spiritual journey.
In qualitative research, the researcher's self-awareness of
his or her personal biases and subjectivity in regards to the study is
essential (Pak, 2006; Patton, 2002). The primary author's
familiarity with the topic of study came from her own experience as a
bi-cultural Christian after she came to America for post-graduate
education in her early thirties. Her decision to investigate the rich
and unique challenges and benefits of being Christian in a
cross-cultural context was fueled by helping women at a Korean American
immigrant church. She believed that her personal background proved to be
an advantage in the research process, providing a sense of cultural
connections in shared ethnic nationality. However, she was also aware
that her personal preconception about the study topic could negatively
impact the interview process. She sought, therefore, to be aware of how
her personal experiences and biases impacted the interview process and
took into account the subjectivity that those biases brought to bear on
the study.
In order to enhance the validation of the current research, the
investigator triangulation method was included (Seale, 1999). This was
achieved by the means of the primary author attending a bi-weekly
research team meeting led by the senior researcher. The primary
researcher had the opportunity to discuss and examine the gathered data
and findings with the team throughout the research process. The
identified themes and plotted stories were further reviewed by the
senior researcher for clarity, coherence, and accuracy. The presentation
of these themes provides a description of the developmental stages of
the women's spiritual journeys--by means of in-depth narratives on
their transforming views and beliefs on a level of spiritual maturity.
After an individual case analysis was completed for each
participant's data, cross-case analysis was conducted by comparing
and contrasting the cases. Common themes as well as themes unique to
each individual participant were identified. By comparing and
contrasting their different life stories, the cross-case analysis
methodology revealed insight into these women's process of
integrating two conflicting sets of cultural values into their spiritual
journeys (see Table 2).
Results
The final analysis and synthesis of these women's stories as
bicultural Christians are presented here with a discussion of the
limitations and implications of this study.
Early Relationships with Parents during Historical Transitions in
Korea
In all five of the participants' stories, one clear theme that
stands out during their early years is the prevailing wartime insecurity
tied with uncertainty in society and family. Since all five women were
born between 1946 and 1959, around the time when the Korean War broke
out in 1950 and the Army Revolution occurred in 1960, they spent their
early years in the middle of the most chaotic period of modern Korean
history. In particular, the experiences of three women who were born in
the late 1940s and early 1950s (P2, P4, and P5), the unpredictable time
around the war, were directly tied to the absence of father and unstable
livelihood.
One participant (P5) recalled an early traumatic experience about
her father's absence during wartime. She was locked in a small room
by her neighbors with her mother who had caught typhoid because they
were fearful of the contagious disease. Intense memory constructed the
foundation of her views about herself, others, and God, throughout her
life.
Since there was no medication for
typhoid during those postwar days,
they roped off the house by hanging
curses aimed at the evil spirit
attached to a yellow rope according
to a traditional method of casting out
the evil spirit causing the disease.
The door was opened only for meals
and quickly locked again. I remember
crying in front of the locked door
and trying to open it. I was so scared
to be separated from others and
locked in a small room. Sitting next
to my dying mother, I heard my
mother constantly praying in her
groaning that God would spare her
life for my sake. That memory rules
over my whole life. (P5)
This frightening experience caused her to view herself as unloved,
which resulted in her difficulty in building relationships with others
later on. She might have thought that she had a tendency to drive people
away, since her father was also gone due to the war when she was born.
However, observing her mother's recovery from her disease through
prayer despite people's abandonment convinced her that "man
should live his life by depending on God," which characterized her
life centered around church both in Korea and America.
Compared to those who were impacted by the war directly, the other
two participants (P1 and P3), born in 1959 after the war, grew up in a
more settled social environment. However, they still had little
involvement with their fathers, who were always busy with their careers
at a time when the country was undergoing major reconstruction. One
participant (P3) recalled that her father was like "a wind"
that could not be grasped, and the other participant, when describing
her interaction with her father, stated,
My father had never paid full attention
to me ... I could not talk with
my father longer than five minutes.
When I talked longer than five minutes,
he stopped me and dismissed
me ... He did not know how to
relate to me. (P3)
Spending their early years during one of the most chaotic periods
in modern Korean history, the Korean War, these women's distant
relationships with their parents, who strived to survive in the unstable
economy during the unpredictable postwar social transition, laid a
discrete foundation for their spiritual journeys. The detail will be
discussed in the next section.
Development of Individual God Images
The nature of these women's relationships with their parents
or parental figures during their critical early years significantly
impacted their image of an invisible God. Growing up with the lack of a
father figure, the participants' collective initial experience of
God was emotionally distant and fearful. Their God representations
evolved and operated in the strong patriarchal, Confucian context of
Korean culture. The distant relational nature they experienced with
their earthly fathers impacted their views of God as their heavenly
Father. One participant (P2) stated,
I learned from the Bible that God is
my father and I am His child. But I
did not know how to relate to Him as
a child ... I had never approached my
father as a carefree child. I could be
transparent with God, allowing Him
to examine my heart, but I had no
clue whether I was intimate with Him
or not. I guess I had an intimate relationship
with Him. I have never even
called my physical father, daddy. (P2)
Without experiencing emotional intimacy with their fathers, these
women's initial view of God was vague and distant. Rather, their
mothers' major role as the guardian appears to explain the stronger
notion of maternal qualities in their views of God. This is also
encouraged by traditional cultural gender ideology in terms of the
division of labor. Traditionally, it is a wife's responsibility to
raise children at home as the homemaker, while it is the husband's
role to meet the family's financial needs as a breadwinner in a
Korean family. Nevertheless, the participants' relational
experiences with their mothers appeared to be also lacking compensatory
nurture and care during their fathers' absences as their mothers
had little resources left while they strived to survive the postwar
without their husbands' supports. In fact, as the result of their
own overwhelming life struggles, the participants' mothers were
experienced as needy, harsh or critical by the participants. One
participant (P2) recalled feeling overburdened by the reverse role she
had with her mother. She said, "To everyone else, I was my
mother's child, but in our relationship I functioned as her
mother" (P2). She further described that "the best part of
immigrating to America was to be free from my family
responsibility" (P2). Two other participants (P3 and P4) remembered
experiencing their mothers as critical and judgmental during their
formative period. One (P4) stated,
My mother always told me that I
did not or could not do anything
right. Because she continued to
push me down, I strived to prove
that she was wrong. I worked extra
hard for everything in order to
prove that I was not such a bad or
stupid person. (P4)
Undoubtedly, the participants' negative implicit theology
about God based on their early childhood experiences constantly blocked
them from experiencing Him as unconditionally loving as the Bible
teaches after they became Christians. Projecting her critical
mother's image on God, the above participant (P4), when asked to
describe her views of God, stated,
I was afraid God would abandon
me if I were not a good Christian.
So, I tried not to miss any service
or devotional time. I read the Bible
and gave offerings. I thought I
should do a lot of those. With the
fear of being rejected, I had to do
something for him, always. (P4)
Repeating the relational pattern that the participant had with her
criticizing mother in her relationship with God, the participant strove
to prove herself and receive approval from God through behavioral
commitment to church activities.
Impact of Gender Socialization on the Spiritual Journey
Another theme identified in these women's stories is the
significant impact of each participant's gender socialization as a
female in a male-dominated society on the development of one's
self-concept. Not surprisingly, three participants (P3, P4, and P5) were
unwelcomed by their parents and grandparents, who wanted to have a son
or a grandson. Accordingly, these women carried feelings of rejection,
which often fueled their ambition to prove their equality to males
through high academics, social achievements, and leadership roles. One
participant (P5), when sharing her struggle as an adolescent said,
In my junior high and high school
period, I fought a lot with adults in
my church. Not fight, but protest.
No girl was selected to be the top
leader of the student government at
the church! Only a boy was always
selected as the top leader and then
a girl as the second leader. Why
should it be that way? I always
argued with my pastors about that.
Why should it be that way? (P5)
Undoubtedly, proving her ability as a female became a dominant
theme in her spiritual journey, which may explain her current leadership
role as an elder in the church and the head of a parachurch
organization, leading numbers of male pastors.
Unlike those who were driven to prove their ability as a girl, one
participant (P1) was content with her gender while she was raised to be
a Hyun-Mo Yang-Cheo (a wise mother and good wife), which refers to the
traditional prototype of an ideal Korean woman, one who is a submissive
wife and sacrificial mother. According to the social hierarchy of
Confucianism, the backbone of traditional Korean culture, a female is
identified as a "daughter" before marriage and as a "wife
and mother" after marriage. Hyun-Mo-Yang-Cheo also implies that
before marriage, a woman is under her parents' authority, but after
her marriage she becomes an outsider to her family of origin and is
under her husband's care. Growing up in a patriarchic family, the
participant developed a tendency to live her life depending on the given
authority and environment. Recalling her satisfaction with her role as a
dependent married woman, she described,
I felt content about who I am, as
my husband's wife. As I did as a little
girl, what I needed to do was
only to accept my circumstance and
submit to the situation. I believed
that my life would unfold smoothly
as time went by without any obstacles
as long as I would live as a
good wife with submission and
obedience. (P1)
Not surprisingly, repeating her inner striving to be
"good" even in her spiritual journey, her idea about spiritual
maturity was to be a "good" church member through dependence
and obedience to God and the church leaders.
I felt so comfortable with the
church that I experienced it as my
home and the people were family.
once I accepted God's powerful
care, I totally depended on Him.
Since then, I felt less sad, angry,
and fearful, and had more self-confidence.
(P1)
Projecting the trust and interdependence she had with her parents
and husband onto the church leaders and God who became her new dependent
objects, she regained the emotional stability she had experienced as a
young wife and daughter when she operated clearly within the bounds of
traditional Korean society.
In contrast, another participant (P2) had a distinctive spiritual
journey after she grew up without any gender restrictions under her
parents who were influenced by the western culture through their study
overseas. The encouragement of autonomy and self-reliance during her
formative period was translated into her spiritual journey.
I went to a church in my junior high
and I found it so foreign to me. The
church staff told me that I had to
simply believe in God, but she could
not explain to me who God is clearly.
She just constantly insisted that I
should believe in God. I could not! I
could not believe Him at all if I
could not comprehend Him. I
thought I could believe God only
after I could understand Him. (P2)
Applying her autonomy and independence to her spiritual journey,
this participant developed a tendency to depend on her intellect to grow
in faith and was devoted to learning opportunities such as Bible
studies, conferences and seminary trainings.
Marital Crisis and Entering into the Spiritual Journey
In addition to the impact of the participants' gender
socialization and life expectations as women on their spiritual
journeys, one shared theme among these women is the critical influence
of their marital relationships on their spiritual journeys. Growing up
in a patriarchal society despite individual differences, the
participants seemed to depend on their future husbands as a way of
completing their identity or fulfilling their emotional and social
needs.
The task of young adulthood is to build intimacy with others
(Erickson, 1968), which applied to these women as they married in their
late 20s and early 30s. However, growing up in a patriarchal
collectivistic culture, the meaning of marriage for these women seemed
to extend beyond their quest for intimacy. As they had identified
themselves in relation to their parents, they attempted to define who
they were through their relationships with their husbands. As a result,
the significant collective experience of these women is for the
disillusionment their marriages initiated their spiritual journeys.
For example, one participant (P4), when asked how she became so
devoted to her spiritual growth, stated,
My husband's affair pushed me to
God and He became the center of
my life like a target of an arrow.
Because I wasn't satisfied, and my
husband could not satisfy my needs,
I would go to God and seek Him.
Since I could not receive support
and love from my husband, I had no
hope in this world. I could not find
comfort from anywhere in this
world. (P4)
Another participant (P2) reported that her feelings of "being
suffocated" in her cross-cultural marriage relationship pushed her
to seek out the relationship with the invisible God, who she would not
have had faith in the past. Even though she was content with her
marriage as a Hyun-Mo-Yang-Cheo, another participant (P1) also ended up
accepting God as her only dependable object when her husband collapsed
with aneurysm in the brain and lost his cognitive ability. The other
participant (P3) found God as the only meaning after her divorce when
"nothing was certain and the world is empty" (P3). She stated,
Marriage life was so different from
what I had expected. I married him
after giving up everything because I
wanted to feel loved ... Soon I realized
that he could not always love
me like that. Both of us wanted to
be loved without knowing how to
give love instead. So, we became
angry at each other (P3).
Experiencing identity crises in the midst of their marital
struggles in their late or early 30s, the participants encountered
significant turning points that prompted them to begin and deepen a
spiritual journey in America. When they felt despair in their marriages,
their attention was drawn to God and their spiritual journeys began.
Openness to Christianity as Korean Immigrants
The women's openness to spirituality and church when they
experienced hardships of immigrant life is a notable point. Many
religions are blended together in Korea such as shamanism, Buddhism,
Confucianism, and Taoism. Korean shamanism is the native religion of
Korea, and its influence can be found in every aspect of Korean society.
Despite their background in the blending of religious traditions in
Korea, it is notable that four of the participants, all except one,
started to attend churches after they immigrated to America, which
reveals the critical role of a church in Korean-immigrant society. Hurh
and Kim (1990) asserted that this is because church participation has
indeed become a way of life among Korean immigrants in America as they
gain primarily religious benefits and secondarily social or
psychological benefits (i.e., meaning, belonging, and comfort) from
their involvement. One participant (P1) expressed the participants'
shared perception of their churches as immigrants.
Since I do not have any family member
in America, I wanted to have a
family at church. I like the fact that
there are people in the church who
can help us to adjust to the immigrant
society. They appeared to be
able to lead us because they have
studied and worked in America. I
felt supported. I joined a church
with wholeheartedly because I knew
that I should be grounded in America
without any biological family
member. (P1)
Combined with their openness to the concept of God, the dominant
role of a church among Korean immigrants in America enabled them to
enter into their spiritual journeys when they sought out spirituality in
the midst of their life dilemmas.
The Spiritual Journey as Bi-cultural Women
Regardless of each woman's unique spiritual path, all
participants indicated their strong identity as Koreans as early
immigrants. These women's first church experiences showed that all
of their churches were operating under principles stressed in a
hierarchical collectivistic community. Accordingly, the virtues of group
commitment, group conformity, loyalty, and
"other-centeredness" were stressed in their churches as they
had experienced a collectivistic culture during their formative periods.
Naturally, each participant projected her understanding of a mature
person in her initial growth as a Christian, which resulted in her heavy
involvement with church activities based on her group mentality. These
behaviors ranged in diversity from serving the church by cooking,
washing dishes, and teaching Korean language to diligently participating
in Bible studies, early morning and midnight prayer meetings. However,
in the process of adopting the values of American individualistic
society, these women gradually experienced disappointments with their
Korean churches while their images, ideas, and views of spiritual
maturity changed according to their increasing acculturation into
mainstream culture. One participant (P3), exploring her disappointment
with her first Korean church, asserted,
I became more polite and socially
acceptable. It was like covering me
with religion. For example, I
stopped yelling at my children at
church, but I did it at home. My
relationship with my non-believer
husband improved as I learned
through the discipleship program
how to respond to him as a good
wife. However, I was simply masking
myself with socially acceptable
behavior without making real
changes at a deep level. I did
everything suggested by the church
including Bible studies, early-morning
prayer, and discipleship programs,
but I did not experience any
change in my life. Not a single
problem was resolved. I still felt
empty, too. (P3)
By appearance, the participants were perceived as maturing
Christians according to the virtues of collectivistic church cultures
(Jo, 2005), but their desires for internal changes evolved as they felt
stuck in the same place internally without transformational experiences.
Even though the biblical goal of maturity remained the same, to love God
and others, the manifested behaviors were filtered through different
ideas and images of maturity from each cultural value. Consequently, to
the degree participants adopted the virtues of the new individualistic
culture, such as independence, autonomy, and self-actualization, they
struggled between the opposing values suggested by the collectivistic
and individualistic cultures in their understanding of spiritual
maturity. one participant (P5), when asked how her exposure to Western
leadership training program impacted her views of the Korean church
explained,
I started to doubt whether being
urged to actively participate church
would really help my spiritual
growth. Is being active at church
equivalent to spiritual maturity?
That's not always true. Actively participating
in church does not facilitate
individual spiritual growth.
Back then, I had always thought
being faithful to the church is being
faithful to God, but as I started to
read the Bible by myself and
become intimate with God, this
thought provoked much controversy
within myself. You know. I can
always talk to God like this alone. It
may be true that being superficially
active and faithful to the church is
the same thing as being faithful to
God, but not necessarily. However,
this kind of mentality was so readily
accepted like a math formula, so I
struggled to solve this spiritual
question myself. It was then that I
realized that I don't have friends in
my Korean church, but rather, in the
Western denomination leadership
training group that I attended. I felt
more comfortable with Caucasian
Christians I met there. (P5)
As seen from the case of this participant, the result of the
increasing disappointments with their first Korean churches after years
of attending, spurred each participant to move on to the next stage of
her spiritual journey while she attempted to adjust her spiritual
environment based on her newly defined concept of spiritual maturity.
Two participants (P2 and P3) moved to an American church. One
participant (P4) actively tried out different nonconventional ways of
meeting her spiritual needs, which ranged from an inner-healing prayer
group to a contemplative prayer training group. Others (P1 and P5)
resolved the cultural tension by moving from legalistic Korean churches
to other Korean churches where the pastors were more Americanized and
encouraged their congregation to grow psychologically as well as
spiritually.
Nevertheless, even after these women had left their church in Korea
physically or psychologically, they seemed to continue to negotiate
between the two different sets of cultural values in defining and
redefining the meaning of spiritual maturity. Notable in these
women's spiritual journeys are the participants' changing
views, images and ideas about the definitions and characteristics of
spiritual maturity as they continued to negotiate the conflicting
categories of spiritual maturity in their dual-cultural contexts.
By intimately examining these women's changing understanding
of spiritual maturity, the discovery was made that their views, images
and beliefs about spiritual maturity continuously deepened and extended,
while the focus fluctuated between a communal and personal spirituality.
One participant (P2), when asked about her preference for American
churches, stated,
The church offered a wide range of
Bible studies that meet my intellectual
needs and I also learned from
the pastors who I could approach
easily. I met some elderly mature
Christians in the prayer group.
Although I was in my 50, I was the
youngest one among them (laughs).
Most of them were in their eighties ...
They were like the ocean.
They could embrace everything and
anyone. They also knew how to
wait for people and God with
patience. I learned from them how
to relate to God with faith. They
were not shaken when they were
sitting in front of God's throne. (P2)
These elderly ladies and other approachable pastors played a
significant role in the participant's growth as they enabled her to
envision God as an accessible, trustworthy father. Their embracing
personalities also allowed her to experience the acceptance and nurture
that she missed during her childhood while she was overburdened with
family responsibility. Nevertheless, her struggles as a bi-cultural
Christian continued in her spiritual journey. Growing up in a
collectivistic culture during her formative period, her relational
expectation to the church community was more than the American church
could offer. She, when asked the reason why, chose a Korean church as
her ultimate home church:
Years after I grew up in my faith in
God, everything went so well at the
church including my relationships
with the pastors and church member.
However, I began to see the
church as a flow of individuals. I
perceived our relationships as
superficial ... I did not see the fruit
of my spiritual maturity as a loving
person without having close interactions
with other people. I did
everything well at the church
according to the offered programs,
but there was no real evidence that
I was maturing, given such shallow
interpersonal relationships among
the members. (P2)
Even though the participant grew in her private spirituality in an
American church, the sense of community was lacking in the
individualistic church. Thus, not long after, she returned to a Korean
church and experienced many anticipated conflicts and tension. However,
she accepted the church as her ultimate spiritual community because she
believed that the relational closeness in the collectivistic spiritual
community enabled her to grow as a loving Christian.
Regardless of individual differences, all the participants
vacillated between two cultures. Wuthnow (1998) explained such phenomena
as one's wavering between dwelling (relating to God in familiar and
comfortable ways) and seeking (looking for new spiritual experiences
beyond familiar spiritual communities and rituals) when one is
disappointed with one's current spiritual environment. In fact,
Shults and Sandage (2006) address the tension between dwelling and
seeking behaviors as an essential attribute of one's
transformational experience in the spiritual journey. In this current
study, the participants also appear to develop qualitatively more
complex relational changes with self, others and God as they wandered
among different Christian communities. In the midst of their confusion
and self-doubt during the process of maturation, they seem to be able to
merge the contrasting cultural and social factors of their two cultures
(collectivistic and individualistic). They also appear to grow in both
their private and communal spirituality, deepening their understanding
of their loving God as the underlying fundamental element of their
maturation process, and in the belief that one's relationships with
others is the external reflection of intimacy with God. In light of this
discovery, private and communal spirituality are not exclusive of each
other. The interdependence of these two aspects is the foundation of a
mature spirituality which transcends experience, family, community,
education and even culture.
Focusing on Internal Changes in Midlife
In the participants' journeys toward spiritual maturity, age
was one of the factors that contributed to the process of spiritual
transformation. For example, in addition to their acculturative stress,
including the parenting issues involved with first-generation and
bi-cultural offspring, their emerging existential questions led them to
hold fast to spirituality and cultivate a relationship with God and
others. For instance, two participants (P2 and P3) perceived a sense of
failure as mothers in addition to their experienced emptiness in the
midst of their academic and social achievements. Their existential
questions toward God followed by the experience of loss of their loved
ones, further led them to desperately depend on God and achieve focus in
their spirituality.
One participant (P2), recalling the turning point she experienced
in her midlife, reflected:
I reached the top very quickly as a
scholar, but when I got there I felt
so empty. Where is my life going?
one day, with that question, worrying
about my son who ran away, I
could not sleep until the next day.
At dawn, suddenly I heard a gentle
whisper that called my name. I
asked myself if it was God's wakeup
call for me. Then, suddenly I had
an uncontrollable sense of urgency
to return to God. That was the
beginning of my second life. (P2)
Disillusioned from the scholarly fame that she had pursued for
decades, she felt lost psychologically, culturally, and spiritually. Her
sense of failure as a mother also deepened her existential question. Two
other participants (P1 and P4) also experienced a different kind of loss
in their midlife as one's (P1) deteriorating health in her 40s
increased her introspection to the meaning of life and empowered her to
seek out a more spiritual community where she could grow in faith. The
other participant (P4) experienced a loss of pride masked by her
religious behaviors and biblical knowledge, when she felt
"publically naked" by her teen aged daughter's premarital
pregnancy. The last participant (P5) went through tremendous emotional
pain when she felt rejected by her church members, with whom she had
spent almost two decades of her life. Their significantly increased
devotion to their spirituality in addition to their cultivated
introspection in midlife, facilitated their spiritual development.
New Identity as a Giver
Participants showed an increasing desire to contribute to
others' growth in their midlife. According to Erikson, generativity
is the capability to care for younger generations and nurture their
growth, which results in the strong sense of self for middle aged people
and lays the groundwork for the development of their identity through
their sense of integrity later on. In their study of personality
development of adult women, Zucker, Stewart and ostrove's (2002)
findings supported Erikson's theory that women experience active
identity development through generativity in middle age. This study also
discovered that all participants' focus during their midlife is in
how to apply their experienced personal change to serve and give back to
other people.
However, each participant appeared to choose a unique area of
serving in different spiritual communities based on her unique
psychological and spiritual maturing process. For example, one
participant (P4) wanted to be a small group Bible study leader who could
facilitate people's openness and transparency, which was also a
crucial element of her transformational process. After experiencing true
change through a caring faith community, another participant (P3)
desired to help other people grow in knowing God with her new, changed
self-view as an evangelist. In addition, after the loss of her young
adult son, she desired to commit to be a nurturing mother to the younger
generations, a role she had missed out on with her own child. With her
increased sense of self-confidence, another participant (P1) decided to
go to China as a missionary to share God's love to people in a
remote area. For another participant (P2)'s case, even though her
main educational goal at the seminary was to grow intellectually in her
personal faith while finishing her Master of Divinity, having already
earned a Ph.D., now she devoted herself to be a channel of God's
blessings as an effective Bible teacher instead of living as "a
gold plated idol" (P2). Now she seems to have a new identity as a
Bible teacher, which she plans to fully commit to once she resigns from
her current teaching position as a professor.
The Meaning of Life-Pain
Looking back on their spiritual journeys, all of these women shared
a common belief that their life pains were seeds of blessings, as those
pains brought about significant turning points in their lives to grow as
Christians. When they had to give up the illusion that their husbands
would complete their lives, they experienced confusion and crisis which
led them toward their individual spiritual journeys. Starting from that
point, each loss and moment of despair and fear in their lives guided
them to reduce their dependence on other people, fame, and money while
searching for God's unconditional love. One participant (P1)
explicitly expressed,
Without experiencing life pains, I
would not know God. When there
were storms in my life, I encountered
God closely. As it became
clear that God is specially intervening
in my life, pain is no longer
pain. Now, pain is a blessing, and
this blessing is unlimited. (P1)
Another participant (P5) stated,
Actually, pain itself is not so bad.
My life journey has made me know
that although pain is not very pleasant,
it brings forth much self-growth.
I am able to understand
others much more due to my own
pain. I realized that forgiving someone
as a Christian means to bear
pain of a deadly level. I realized
that it is very easy to say that we
should forgive and love others, but
doing so means I need to go
through deadly pain. If I try to
understand the pains that I have
not personally experienced it can
be very shallow. However, after
going through the turmoil and bitterness
of life, I thought, it would
be great if I didn't have to experience
this pain, but without pain,
there would be no such growth.
(P5)
As first-generation Korean Americans, these women seemed to have
unique life challenges and pain as they walked their life journeys as
bicultural immigrants. The range of their experience was broad, from
threatened financial security to the meaninglessness of social
achievement in a new culture. Nevertheless, these women seemed to have
the strength and resilience to translate these negative experiences into
growing opportunities in expanding their knowledge of self, others, and
God. In fact, the challenges they faced as bi-cultural Christians in
integrating two different cultural views of an individual's
spiritual maturity seemed to facilitate their holistic understanding of
the true meaning of loving God and others in the Bible, beyond what each
culture suggests separately.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to understand the unique and complex
process of achieving spiritual maturity in Korean American immigrant
women in midlife. Important findings were identified across cases.
First, the participants' early parental relationships had a
significant impact on their initial images of God, which is consistent
with Rizzuto's finding (1979). However, due to their mothers'
major roles as parents in these women's formative periods while
their fathers were busy with their work and career development, the
participants' individual differences seem to stem from their
relationships with their mothers or mother figures who specified the
participants' vague images of God through the relationships. In
that sense, this study seems to support the idea that individuals'
God images are influenced by both their paternal and maternal
attributes, with slightly higher influence from maternal qualities
(Vergote & Tamayo, 1981).
Secondly, the participants' cases show the close link between
one's psychological growth and spiritual growth. The contrasting
social and cultural factors of their two cultures (collectivistic and
individualistic) are beautifully interwoven in their journeys toward
maturity as individuals. Ironically, their decreased dependence on their
husbands in the individualistic immigrant culture and the hardships they
had to bear as the first immigrant women were the catalysts for the
growth of their previously uncultivated individualistic self.
Integrating the two contrasting cultural meanings of general maturity
and spiritual maturity, these women devoted themselves to becoming
mature Christian women in a way that made sense to them given their
life's circumstances and background. Upon closer scrutiny, the
virtues they gained from their collectivistic society, such as royalty,
oneness and harmony served them in their acceptance of the stresses they
underwent as a new immigrant in America. In the same account, their
newly gained insight, views, and understanding of what a mature adult is
in American society contributed to their psychological and spiritual
well-being beyond what their original culture could offer. With an
increased individualistic sense of self, the participants continued to
expand their understanding of the nature and scope of loving God and
others as they grew in both private and communal spirituality. This
finding is consistent with multiple studies identifying the complicated
connection between spiritual and psychological maturity (Benner, 1989;
Ciarrochi, Dy-Liacco, Piedmont, & Williams, 2009; Conn, 1989;
Dy-Liacco et al., 2009). These studies identified a positive
relationship between an individual's spiritual maturity and
positive personality function.
In addition, age was one the factors that contributed to the
process of spiritual transformation. Through the various experiences of
midlife, the participants' spiritual journeys transitioned from
being focused on external behaviors to genuine internal transformation.
More specifically, the participants initially based their confidence and
sense of righteousness and pride on their accomplishments and the
approval of others, even in their spiritual journey, but such external
focus shifted to an internal spirituality based on their personal
experience of God's unconditional love, as they gained
self-awareness of their limitations in the face of loss and pain in
midlife. Their previous goals of attaining admiration, fame, or money
changed to a single focus: maturing in loving God and others. This is
consistent with Moberg's finding (2001) that an individual's
spiritual growth is not a simple reflection of their generational
difference; rather, it accounts for the increased function of their
spirituality in the process of dealing with their life challenges such
as an increased fear of death, inevitable loss and a desire to find
meaning in their lives. The participants' significant spiritually
transforming experiences during midlife are also consistent with Wink
and Dillon's finding (2002) that midlife is a pivotal season for an
individual, as one's experience of negative life events and
increased introspection facilitate spiritual development.
Limitations and Directions for Future Research
The aim of this study is to provide a better understanding of the
Korean American immigrant woman's complex process of transformation
in their spiritual journey. Using a small sample from a specific group,
this study was not intended to generalize the findings to understand
one's spiritual journey. Rather, the study seeks to elucidate the
participants' shared group experiences as the cohort of first
generation Korean immigrant women while describing individual
experiences. By looking in depth at their spiritual paths as bi-cultural
Christians, this study also endeavors to shed light on the
participants' development of spiritual maturity as they sought to
integrate competing cultural values.
In addition, the participants' birth orders and leadership
roles in their various spiritual communities further limits the
study's applicability to the larger group. It was found that four
of five participants were first born children and all of them have a
leadership role in their faith communities. Future studies should
include more variables such as birth order and those equally committed
to growing spiritually but not in leadership roles, which would provide
richer insight into the Korean-immigrant population.
For future study, when compared to the participants of the current
study, the younger Korean immigrants have grown up in a comparatively
less collectivistic culture. This is because of the drastic social
changes from the modernization, westernization and industrialization of
Korean society since 1960s. According to Cho (2009), such social changes
in Korea resulted in the younger generations' reduced commitment to
the traditional Confucian values. If the same research methods were
applied to such younger Korean immigrants, it is expected that their
spiritual development would exhibit more individualistic tendencies from
an earlier stage in life. The results of such study might be fruitfully
compared to the present study and may help to more clearly identify the
cultural dimensions of spiritual development.
Implications
Based on this study, the following implications can be drawn.
First, mental health professionals can apply the results of this study
to support and facilitate growth in bi-cultural Christians. The
participants in this study experienced tremendous confusion and inner
struggle as they tried to resolve conflicting cultural values to make
sense of their spiritual journey. Thus, they are subject to being
perceived by both cultures as immature because they do not fully embrace
either set of cultural norms. They, therefore, often feel confused and
judged about their progress in becoming a loving person, when in fact,
their integrated understanding and practices of loving behaviors are
more holistic than views from a single cultural perspective. It becomes
important for this population to provide a safe and supportive
environment, so that immigrants can openly explore their confusion and
self-doubt in their attempts to integrate two cultures in their
spiritual journeys.
In addition, this study identified multiple factors that
contributed to the psychological and spiritual growth across the life
span. Christians often seek help for their mental health needs from
pastors or pastoral counselors rather than mental health professionals
since pastors are viewed as trusted spiritual leaders (McMinn, 1996).
This is especially true of Korean-immigrant Christian women, as they
trust pastors and pastoral staff as reliable and authoritative figures.
It is hoped that this study provides some meaningful insight for the
clergy and spiritual directors in understanding the needs of the Korean
immigrant women.
Above all, the study shows that the participants' early
relationships with their parents were identified as the single most
important factor in their spiritual journeys, as those relationships
laid the foundation of their views of God and their ability to relate to
Him. Careful examination of the nature of the parent-child relationship
of the participants provided insight into the underlying dynamics of an
individual's personal struggles and challenges in appreciating
God's unconditional love and sharing that love with others.
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Hyejeong Kim
Handong Global University
Jenny Pak
Biola University
Correspondence regarding this article should be addressed to
Hyejeong Kim, Ph.D., Counseling Psychology and Social Welfare
Department, Handong Global University, 558 Handong-Ro, Heunghae-eup,
Buk-gu, Pohang, Gyung-buk, 791-708, Korea; joyhjkim@gmail.com.
Hyejeong Kim (Ph.D. in Clinical Psychology, Rosemead School of
Psychology, Biola University) is an Assistant Professor of Counseling
Psychology Dept. at Handong Global University (Pohang, Korea). Dr.
Kim's interests include narrative analysis, the integration of
psychology and religion and pastoral and missionary member care.
Jenny H. Pak (Ph.D. in Counseling Psychology, University of
Southern California) is an Associate Professor of Psychology at the
Rosemead School of Psychology, Biola University (CA). Dr. Pak's
interests include narrative analysis, cultural psychology, identity
development, and pastoral and missionary member care.
Table 1
Demographic characteristics of participants
Variable Participant 1 Participant 2 Participant 3
Age 49 59 49
Occupation Loan Broker Professor Lawyer
Years of being 19 27 16
a Christian
Denominational Non- Presbyterian Non-
Affiliation denominational denominational
Education B.A. Ph.D., M.Div. J.D.
Spouse's Christianity Christianity Atheism
Religion
Parents' Buddhism Christianity Atheism
Religion
Variable Participant 4 Participant 5
Age 55 62
Occupation Homemaker Insurance
Agent
Years of being 29 Life long
a Christian
Denominational Presbyterian United
Affiliation Methodist
Church
Education B.A. High School
Spouse's Christianity Christianity
Religion
Parents' Atheism Atheism
Religion
Note. Age, years of being a Christian, denominational
affiliation, and religious background of parents/spouses
at the time of the interview.
Table 2
Within Case Analysis
PARTICIPANT 1. Slow but solid spiritual journey as
a "good daughter of God"
Life Stage Self Concept Emotional
Maturity
Childhood Aim is to be a Intimidated
"good" child
Adolescence Aim is to be a Feels
"good" girl oppressed
20's Aim is to be a Feels freer
"good" daughter
Post-Immigration
30's Aim is to be a Struggles with
"good" wife, negative
mother, emotions
employee
40's Aim is to be Fulfilled
a "good"
daughter of
God
Life Stage Concept/ Concept/
Relationship Relationship
with others with God
Childhood Dependent No interest
Adolescence Compliant No interest
20's Fear vs. Vague
excitement to
be independent
Post-Immigration
30's Becomes more Dependable
independent object
Savior
40's Interdependent Intimate
Caring Father
Friend
PARTICIPANT 2. Continuous commitment toward maturity
(Integration of Confucianism and Christianity)
Life Stage Self Concept Emotional
Maturity
Childhood Proud Prideful
Adolescence Socially Depressed
inferior
Early 20's Confident Expressed
Post-Immigration
Late 20's Competitive Freer and
less
repressed
30's Proud Fulfilled
40's Conflicted- Depressed
Confused
50's Regains Peaceful
self-confidence
Life Stage Concept/ Concept/
Relationship Relationship
with others with God
Childhood obligated Vague
Adolescence Self-reliant Incomprehensible
Early 20's Shifted focus A man-made
from family to concept
self
Post-Immigration
Late 20's Developed No interest in
interest in God
peers
30's Loss of hope Creator
in marriage
40's Poor family Distant
relationships
50's Increased Caring Father
interdependence
PARTICIPANT 3. Intense growth through the discipleship
of different pastors.
Life Stage Self Concept Emotional
Maturity
Childhood Unwanted Rejected
Adolescence Isolated Insecure and
lonely
20's Competent Depressed and
lonely
Post-Immigration
30's Inadequate Oppressed and
especially inferior
as a mother
40's Renewed sense Peaceful
of self as
a believer
Life Stage Concept/ Concept/
Relationship Relationship
with others with God
Childhood Fear of being Vague
abandoned
Adolescence Superficial Distant
20's Disappointed by Inadequate
human love helper
Post-Immigration
30's Disconnected Judge
and
superficial
40's Interdependent Perfect Father
PARTICIPANT 4. Growth through dependent relationships
with church leaders and therapists.
Life Stage Self Concept Emotional
Maturity
Childhood Unloved and Lonely
unimportant
Adolescence Inadequate Intimidated
20's Inadequate Rejected
Post-Immigration
30's Inadequate Fearful about
being
rejected
40's Superiority but Felt loved
returns to through
reality of inner
need healing
50's A beloved child Peaceful
of God
A bride of
Jesus
Life Stage Concept/ Concept/
Relationship Relationship
with others with God
Childhood Fear of being No interest
rejected
Adolescence Enmeshed No interest
20's Superficial Distant and
fearful
Post-Immigration
30's Absolute Judge
dependence
40's Transparent Loving
Father
50's Self-reliant Intimate
bridegroom
PARTICIPANT 5. Fighting to prove her worth as a female
even in her spiritual journey.
Life Stage Self Concept Emotional
Maturity
Childhood Unwanted Rejected
Adolescence Superior Resentful
Early 20's Identity confusion Depressed
(independence and
vs. dependence) confused
Late 20's A forgiven sinner Felt
(conversion accepted
experience) and valued
Post-Immigration
30's Committed Excited
expectant
40's Conflicting Felt freer
identity "us"
vs. "me"
50's Embracing Peaceful
different
parts of self
Life Stage Concept/ Concept/
Relationship Relationship
with others with God
Childhood Fear of being Caregiver
rejected
Adolescence Distant Judge
superficial
Early 20's Disappointed Distant
by husband
Late 20's Devoted to Strong
others' passion
salvation for God
Post-Immigration
30's Shifted Intimate
commitment Father
from church
to family
40's Prefer to relate Loving
to Western mother
over Korean
Christians
50's Accepted Lord
differences