A History of World Agriculture, from the Neolithic age to the current crisis.
McCallum, Maurice
A History of World Agriculture, from the Neolithic age to the
current crisis
By Marcel Mazoyer and Laurence Roudart and translated from the
French by James H. Membrez. (2006) Earthscan, London/Stirling VA.
528 pages. Many charts and graphs.
'An army marches on its stomach', was one of
Napoleon's statements which has constantly been repeated, no doubt
because that truth is easily forgotten--not of course by soldiers
themselves, but by those who become famous, safe and rich on the inhuman
foundation of their bent backs and piled up corpses. At the 2007 Forum
on Sustainable Development at DWU only one presentation addressed food
security. This was Bryant Allen's, on PNG's most basic and
under-researched staple, kaukau (sweet potato).
On a much wider canvas, how many of us realise that all the more
glamorous and fashionable achievements of modern civilisation rest on
the producers of food, and on the social systems which allow these
people to interact with technologies, nature, and politico-economics? We
know of many crises affecting our modern world, but how many are aware
of the deep-seated crisis in world food production? If they are, for how
long at a stretch?
Since the 1950s the world has been heading towards a chilling
future, already present in many parts of both the First and the
Third/Fourth World--islands of wealth, privilege and high competence
walled off against growing masses of shanty town or slum dwellers,
totally desperate people. PNG has developed a bad reputation in this
area, but it is a heaven compared with larger Third World countries.
While most restrained on apocalyptic rhetoric, this book's authors
point out what seems to be the only way to avoid that ugly future.
This politically difficult way is to keep some degree of
globalisation, but to group poor countries together in similar customs
unions (not mixed up with the most developed countries, as in ASEAN and
NAFTA), to have differential tariffs decided by a UN body, favouring the
poor peasant farmers of the poorer countries, and then (and only then)
to industrialise parts of the weakest countries, selectively. Food
imports, not food exports, should be taxed. Various unified moves must
be made, world wide, to put a brake on excessive currency fluctuations,
and on excessive speculation (the Tobin tax is not mentioned).
This must come from a UN agency, and cannot be 'one size fits
all', massive top-down, command reform. The creativity and
knowledge of the remaining small farmers will need to be tapped to the
full, and under no conditions can they all be allowed to migrate
excessively to the slums of the cities, much less die out as a whole
class. Surprisingly, the advanced, hi-tech world still needs them, and
far more than it knows.
This large volume is far more than a history of agriculture. It
emphasises systems of food production which link up natural resources,
social structures, technologies, religion (in the past at least), and
economic systems. It is a total history of civilisation in the 20th C
French tradition of Braudel, Bloch, Le Goff, Duby, Le Roy Ladurie, a
tradition which has its Anglo reflection, far less sophisticated and far
more dubious in argument, in Jared Diamond in his recent blockbusters
Guns Germs and Steel, and Collapse.
There are also some patches of fascinating detail (on Ancient Egypt and the Inca), but, unfortunately, not on PNG, which is listed as
needing far more investigation into its traditional systems of
agriculture. New Guinea is at least presented as one of the hearths and
diffusion points (six in all) for the 'Neolithic revolution',
the beginnings of a move out of hunting and gathering to slash-and-burn
styles of agriculture. The story of hominisation and the Old and Middle
Stone ages is a conventional one, but its errors do not affect the main
period of this book, the last 10,000 years of our species. Other than
us, only some rare species of ants, it seems, practise gardening of
plants, and the maintaining and care of captive animals for their food.
Systems spread gradually and require complex social changes to
endure, as populations sometimes need new systems even to survive
themselves. Causation in life forms (and perhaps in non-living systems)
is always mutual. The reduction of the forests, population growth,
desertification and erosion forced some Neolithic groups to search for
new ways of growing food, leading to later revolutions and new systems.
Systems have definable, measurable limits (there are a lot of figures
and calculations in the book) and both population and wealth suddenly
find they cannot grow further until a new boundary is crossed.
Such boundaries in more recent times have involved new types of
implements, greater use of animal and machine traction, reduction of
fallowing (letting the ground 'rest'), rotations of crops, and
integrating cropping with animal manuring, and an accelerating growth in
transport and trade. Every boundary crossed has involved traumatic
changes in lifestyle, dwelling place, and employment (or lack of it!).
Some shocking possibilities are urged on us by this
'systematic' approach. It is claimed that the Roman Empire,
just to maintain such an empire in that stage of history, simply had to
have massive slavery. True or not, this warns us to look for deeper
structural causes for surface successes and disasters, one of the
strengths of the soft-Marxist style of doing and writing history. One
sensitive area common to both PNG and the Greco-Roman world was
population control, involving high levels of infanticide. If it was
necessary, how was it 'immoral'?
Some other scraps of interest can be pulled from what is a very
integrated discussion. It is amazing how the humble turnip stood right
at the centre of the pre-industrial 'Agricultural Revolution'
of carts, animal traction, dung and straw, various rotations of crops
and abandoning of fallowing. Going further back, we see that creeping
deforestation was an essential component of the Neolithic revolution,
though the book is less concerned with the massive acceleration of tree
loss involved in shipbuilding and then the early modern version of the
age of iron. And enough is shown of slash and burn to show that it was
as benign as the presence of mankind on this earth can ever be, up to a
very critical level of population.
Naturally, the huge, basic question of man's actual presence
on earth is never 'unpacked', to use a modish term. It is
however obvious from the whole enterprise of the book that our presence
at this precise point of the universe inherently involves massive
changes and losses to all other living things. The hinted prediction is
that this jerky series of 'revolutions' will continue into the
future and that new 'systems' will periodically have to be
devised. Assumed, perhaps, is that misery and disruption will precede
each new step in the process of cultivating the earth, and in the
building of the superstructures that are increasingly being mounted on
that foundation.
One of the avoidable tragedies lightly alluded to in this
non-apocalyptic book is the loss of the unique 'system' of the
Inca. In most unpromising terrain this group managed a widespread empire
and considerable food security without, apparently, many of the
oppressive evils of most other empires. Gold-hungry conquistadores from
one of Europe's more backward social systems put a surprisingly
quick end to that, as the Macedonian Greeks had done 1900 years before
to the Egypt of the Pharaohs. But the Greeks had improved Egypt's
agricultural production. The damage done by Spanish actions and
attitudes is still painfully apparent, with the tragic combination of
the huge estate and the too-small family farm,
'lati-minifundism' for readers comfortable with big new words.
If it were not for the looming crisis of fossil fuels, global
warming, and universal water shortages, modern industrial agro-business
could possibly feed the whole world, but only at the expense of
destroying crucial socio-economic structures. The Third and Fourth world
countries have huge populations which are heavily rural, and on the
verge of disappearing as a class. We close our eyes and ears to their
desperation, until they invade our cities and prey on our privileged
facilities and neighbourhoods. Who is concerned about the epidemic of
suicides among 2007's Indian cotton farmers, pinned in between a
drought, moneylenders, and a downward blip in world prices for their
single product?
We are still privileged in PNG, but a look over the fence at the
horrors happening around our region, a look into the mirror at our real
situation, and what will most likely happen in one or three generations
should help us turn our comfortable rhetoric about rural development
into something more solid. It is not only the top levels of PNG
government who don't take it seriously. As regards the history of
human food provision--many stages of that long development are described
and analysed here, before our very eyes. To see how each of these was
realised in other countries, mainly in the past, would give us far more
understanding of what is really going on in our world, under all the
superficial noise and nonsense. In countries where slash and burn is
still viable, we have extra reasons to look at the history of that
system all over the world.
The authors know, as we probably all do, that in modern times no
single nation or even group of them can avert the various world crises.
National politics is, as we see here, slow to move. International
politics seems incapable of movement except in the most tragic and
disastrous periods, such as in 1944 when the Bretton-Woods agreement was
miraculously inaugurated. The professional economists still in favour
these days seem to be shocked by little other than opposing ideologies
and bottom lines, but even they must see the disastrous effect on world
economies of what seems to be an inevitable decline of world consumer
demand. Since the end of Bretton-Woods in 1973, rampant, ideological
neo-liberalism has ruled over all other, saner voices. Let us be hope
that seemingly inevitable, horrible disasters will strike other
countries than ours first, and that we, or the next generation, will be
ready to grasp some fairly obvious, but very difficult, solutions.
Br P. Maurice McCallum