Examining the interpretations children share from their reading of an almost wordless picture book during independent reading time.
Mantei, Jessica ; Kervin, Lisa
Introduction
Reading is complex and multifaceted both within and outside school
and as 'literacy' has broadened from being print centric to
multimodal, the teaching of reading has focused on meaning making
through multiple modes. This increased complexity also demands the
taking of a critical reading stance as a reader attempts to understand
the beliefs, values and positions offered within these diverse texts
(Janks, 2012). Taking a critical stance is about reading 'against a
text' and 'learning to have your say' (West, 1994, p.
93). A reader with a critical stance questions norms and rule systems,
and exercises their power to take action that enhances lives (Comber,
2013; Luke, 2012). Short and colleagues (2003; 2004; 2011) argue that it
is this ability to critique and to realise the existence of other
perspectives that supports the development of true sensitivity and
insight into others' experiences across cultures and within
cultural groups.
Pedagogically, teachers are expected to create and deliver
systematic and explicit reading experiences for students. Their aim is
to arm students with a range of skills that work alongside text decoding
such as visual, media and critical literacy for successful engagement in
this environment. Whole class and small group learning experiences are
designed with the intention (and perhaps assumption) that learners will
apply these skills to their independent engagement with texts. But do
they? How do children interpret and respond to the texts they access
independently of teachers? How can we learn about their interpretations
and responses?
Our study investigates children's interpretations of a common
form of children's literature--a picture book--during a common
daily classroom practice independent reading. The students were not part
of an instructional teaching episode, instead they were invited to
shared their interpretations following independent reading time.
Capturing students' interpretations provides insight into their
personal reading experience (Galda, 2013). Furthermore, it can develop
teacher understanding about how critical and visual literacy skills
taught during teacher directed episodes have (or have not) transferred
into students' independent reading.
Independent reading time
Independent reading time is an enduring and common practice in
Australian primary schools where students read texts considered to be
within the scope of their reading capability. Students are usually free
to choose reading material and children's literature of many forms
will feature, for example, novels, picture books, magazines and factual
texts. Alongside enjoyment, its purpose is to provide time for students
to put into practice the skills taught during teacher directed lessons.
As independent readers, Allington (2002) recommends Grade 4 students
access a broad range of texts for a minimum of 20 minutes independent
reading time daily.
Research about independent reading has focused on student
engagement (e.g. Garan & DeVoogd, 2008) and home/school literacy
connections (Krashen, 2004). Other applications include students'
reading development in: fluency (e.g. Allington, 1983; Garan &
DeVoogd, 2008), vocabulary (e.g. Krashen, 2004; Kelley &
Clausen-Grace, 2006), letter knowledge and phonemic awareness (e.g. de
Jonga & Shareb, 2007), and comprehension related to standardised
testing (e.g. Freeland et al., 2000; Kelley & Clausen-Grace, 2006).
This study takes a focus on children's interpretations of a
children's literature text during independent reading time.
Children's literature
Keifer (2008) observes that children's literature (picture
books with narrative) is primarily intended to engage an aesthetic
response. The protagonist is usually a child or representative of one,
the plot is usually resolved satisfactorily and the content is generally
something of interest to a child, such as friends or family. While
engagement is obviously central to winning readers' attention, it
is through overt and implied ideologies (Hollindale, 1988; Sarland,
1999) that the reader is positioned to envisage the world, their role in
it and the roles of others. Short (2009) argues that social, ethical and
cultural ideologies within children's literature communicate how
one might 'be' in the world. Vasquez, Tate and Harste (2013)
concur, observing that ideologies endow the reader with particular
identities--child or adult, boy or girl, citizen and so on. Further,
children's literature communicates certain responsibilities and
obligations, for example, good manners or meeting personal challenges,
potentially influencing a child's developing identity (Chaudri
& Teale, 2013; Flanagan, 2013; Haynes & Murris, 2012). For child
readers, then, important considerations emerge for having time to
interpret the messages on offer (Arizpe, Farrell & McAdam, 2013);
skills to examine the interests served and omitted in the perspectives
shared; and the ability to identify alternative perspectives (Janks,
2010). That is, the opportunity to take a critical stance. This is
significant considering the types of children's literature that
children access at school.
Children's literature for learning
Children's literature at school is acknowledged as a vehicle
to personal discovery, an 'inquiry into life' (Short, 2011, p.
50), 'a resource that aids in the exploration of self, others and
knowledge of the world' (Arizpe et al., 2013, p. 241). In
considering children's literature as a cultural exploration, we
take Rosenblatt's (1982) position that reading is 'a
transaction, a two-way process involving a reader and a text at a
particular time under particular circumstances' (p. 268). To this
transaction, the reader brings a unique body of knowledge, values and
experiences (Rosenblatt, 1986) within which they make meaning. For young
readers, these transactions are limited by a 'smaller personal
history' (Hoffman, 2010, p. 242) that has grown within the body of
values, beliefs and positions of the significant adults in their lives
such as parents and teachers. It is necessary, then, for children to
spend time establishing their own understandings and for teachers to
access these interpretations so that relevant literacy experiences can
be developed.
This study utilises a well known form of children's
literature, the picture book, specifically, the almost wordless picture
book. Arizpe (2013, p. 165) defines almost wordless picture books as
those that 'minimise the role of print in the narrative'.
Here, images convey the message or story, positioning the reader as
coauthor (Pantaleo, 2005). As coauthors, readers must take risks with
meaning making through their imagination, social and cultural knowledge
and the ability to make inferences (Arizpe, 2013; Pantaleo, 2005).
In reading an almost wordless picture book, the interplay between
the limited print and images affords and promotes multiple
interpretations of meaning (O'Neil, 2011; Pantaleo, 2013; Serafini,
2014) as readers build critical understanding about the cultural and
social ideologies conveyed (Janks, 2014). This unique combination points
to the need for explicit instruction to develop children's
understanding of the way the visual design, for example, vector, gaze,
and proximity, conveys particular messages (Callow, 2013; Jalongo,
Dragich, Conrad & Zhang, 2002). But Arizpe (2013) and Serafini
(2014) also argue that in order to cope with such complexity, children
must have opportunities for extended interactions with an almost
wordless picture book before being expected to share their
understandings. In this study, participants spent extended independent
time with Jeannie Baker's almost wordless picture book Mirror
(2010).
Mirror, a complex and sophisticated almost wordless picture book
Mirror (2010) recounts through collage the routines of a day in the
life of two families, one in Australia and one in Morocco. Its unique
design invites readers to view the stories simultaneously. The left
side, introduced in English, recounts the Australian story. These
characters live in an urbanised inner city suburb in the coastal
metropolis of Sydney. The right side, introduced in Arabic follows the
Moroccan story. Its characters, dressed in traditional djellaba, are set
in remote rural inland Morocco. The male child characters carry the
storylines as they accompany their father over a single day.
Mirror is two almost wordless picture books contained in one
covering and joined at the spine. The 'stories' comprise two
initial sets of single image pages followed by two sets of eight double
page collages containing multiple images. The recount is conveyed
through a series of intricate collages where some take a narrow and
others a wide angle on the events of each family's day. Print text
embedded in some collages form part of the scene, for example, QANTAS on
an aeroplane in the Australian scene and NIKE on a Moroccan child's
Tshirt.
The peritextual content comprises two sets of three single print
based pages. The first page explains, 'The Western and Moroccan
stories in this book are designed to be read side by side.' In
other words, when the left hand opens the first page of the Australian
story, the right hand opens the first page of the Moroccan story, and so
on. The print text is limited almost exclusively to this section. The
story is introduced,
There are two boys and two families in this book.
One family lives in a city in Australia and one lives in
Morocco, North Africa. The lives of the two boys and
their families look very different from each other and
they are different. But some things connect them ... just
as some things are the same for all families no matter
where they live.
An afterword explains the motivation for the creation of Mirror and
perhaps something of its purpose,
... outward appearances may be very different but the
inner person of a 'stranger' may not be a stranger at
all ... Inwardly we are so alike, it could be each other
we see when we look in a mirror.
Overt and implied ideologies of Mirror centre on multiculturalism
and notions of 'sameness despite difference'. Its unique
format constructed from dual perspectives invites multiple responses.
Its subject matter, cross-cultural understanding, is identified in
curriculum policy as something of significance for young people (ACARA,
2012). Jeannie Baker is a well-established, prize-winning Australian
children's author and artist whose books are used extensively in
Australian schools. An almost wordless picture book like Mirror would
commonly form part of the material available during Australian primary
school experiences such as independent reading time. As such, critical
literacy theory provides a useful lens through which to consider the
ideologies of Mirror in connection with the children's
interpretations.
Critical literacy as a theoretical lens for the present study
A critical literacy lens affords a focus on children's
literature in terms of a text and its power (Janks, 2010; Luke, 2012)
because it
encompasses the broader 'historical, socio-political and
cultural contexts' (Arizpe et al., 2013, p. 243) within which a
text sits. Mirror and the children's interpretations are considered
across the four interrelated dimensions of Janks' (2010)
interdependent framework for critical literacy education: power, access,
diversity and design. Briefly, power, refers to the way a text conveys
particular views or promotes particular choices. The dimension of access
focuses attention on the types of texts one is able to engage with, both
physically and cognitively. This is particularly relevant where students
have backgrounds different from existing school cultures. Diversity
refers to the ways meaning is represented within text, where the author
has drawn on their own social and cultural selves to create a message.
Often powerful texts are exclusive not only because of the groups they
represent (or don't) but also in the modes through which the
meaning is expressed (Janks, 2010). The final dimension,
design/redesign, promotes opportunities for readers to understand the
way a text is constructed (the design), for example, using visual
literacy to examine how colour conveys mood. Within this dimension,
redesign offers opportunities for the creation of new texts that promote
views from less powerful groups or less popular perspectives (Janks,
2010; Comber, 2013).
The purpose of the present study
In the larger project, interpretations of and responses to
children's literature texts were sought from Grade 4 students and
their teachers across three schools. Teachers reflected on their own
interpretations and expectations about their students in connection with
the students' actual responses following independent reading. The
children shared their interpretations and responses through interviews
and creatively through a range of media (Mantei & Kervin, 2014) as
they considered their understandings. There was no intention to engage
in reading instruction in this project, but to understand the reading
approaches and personal interpretations of independent Grade 4 readers
and their teachers.
The findings reported in this paper focus on the students'
interpretations shared during group interviews following independent
reading time. These questions framed the focus in this paper:
* How do students interpret the stories in the almost wordless
picture book Mirror during independent reading time?
* What implications are there for the ways students access
sophisticated children's picture books in their classrooms?
Conducting this study were two researchers who are experienced
classroom teachers and classroom based researchers, and a research
assistant. Protocols remained consistent across data collection: one
researcher conducted all interviews, one made field notes and the
research assistant captured video and audio recordings.
The study occurred in three schools in a multicultural region south
of Sydney, Australia following ethics approval from the systemic school
body and the university Human Research Ethics Committee. The principals
of Schools 1 and 3 invited the researchers to their schools and
recommended the study to the principal of School 2, who subsequently
extended her invitation. Teachers in each school indicated interest to
their principals and subsequently the study was conducted with students
from Grade 4 (aged 9-10 years). The NSW BOSTES (2012) recommends Mirror
for students from Grade 1 in primary to Grade 10 in secondary school.
Located midway between these points, Grade 4 is considered an
appropriate cohort.
The teachers invited participation from students in their class who
they believed would be interested in reading Mirror and engaging with
the researchers. Students and parents were made aware during the initial
information session, on printed information sheets and consent forms
that Mirror would be the focus text. Understanding what they would read
and with whom they would share their interpretations was key in offering
the students a choice about reading material for independent reading in
line with regular classroom procedures. Ultimately, it was the students
who made the decision to participate in the study. The researchers
worked with each group of students in their schools in an area
identified by and in line of sight of their teacher.
Participants and their schools
School 1: located in an inner urban suburb of low-mid
socio-economic status. This suburb has experienced ongoing change
through a growing refugee population resulting in cultural diversity in
the school population previously unseen. Six students (two boys, four
girls) from the same class elected to be part of the study. Their
teacher reported they were well known to each other. All participants
had come to Australia in the previous four years, five from Burma and
one from the Democratic Republic of the Congo.
School 2: located in an urban suburb of low socioeconomic
multicultural status. Here, extended family groups are common and
grandparents are active in childcare while both parents work.
Consequently, many students are bilingual and have travelled overseas
with grandparents to the countries of their non-Australian heritage. Six
students (four boys, two girls) from the same class elected to
participate. These students came from Australian Indigenous, Lebanese,
Macedonian and Serbian backgrounds.
School 3: located in an urban suburb of mid-high socioeconomic
status. Here, many parents hold professional qualifications and may
travel some distance to the city for work. The suburb has a
predominantly native English speaking population. Four students (two
boys, two girls) from the same class elected to participate. Their
teacher identified them as 'good thinkers' and all came from
native English speaking backgrounds.
In total, a small sample size of 16 students participated in this
study focused on a single almost wordless picture book. As such, readers
should not consider the results to be generalisable. Instead, the
findings are positioned as an opportunity for educators to reflect on
their own settings, their students' reading practices and the texts
with which they engage during independent reading time.
Research design
The research team and each school group met twice over 10 days
(e.g., on two consecutive Mondays). Each meeting had two parts:
* Independent reading: Students read Mirror individually and in
pairs, independently of the research team.
* Group interview: Students identify points of interest and initial
interpretations of the stories. Then the students and researcher
'walk through' the text beginning to end to further explore
their interpretations. This includes reading together the Arabic and
English printed text at the beginning and end of the picture book.
Each child retained a copy of Mirror throughout the study so they
could revisit it at home and school. The picture books were then donated
to the libraries of each school.
Chambers' (1994) 'Tell me' framework informed the
interview structure for all meetings as it is well respected and
acknowledged as a tool that creates space for children to share their
interpretations about their reading and the broader world. At meeting
one, examples of 'Tell me' prompts included:
* Tell me some things you notice about this book.
* Tell me what you think it could be about.
* Was there anything you liked/didn't like? Tell me more.
* Was there anything that puzzled you? Surprised? Tell me more.
The second meeting prompts were designed in response to emerging
categories from analysis of responses shared at the first meeting.
Examples include:
* When we met last time, you talked about lots of the differences
you saw. Tell me about any similarities you've noticed.
* Tell me about anything these stories remind you about in your
life/the broader world.
* Let's look at the boys' lives and talk about some
things you notice.
* Are you surprised about anything someone else said about the
stories?
* What advice would you give a friend about this book?
Data analysis
The researchers individually and then together used constant
comparative analysis (Corbin & Strauss, 1990) to identify categories
and emerging themes in data gathered in the initial interviews. This
early analysis revealed a focus on the differences between the settings,
both visually in terms of urban and rural landscapes, and socially in
terms of wealth. For example, the adverb 'just', as in,
'on the left [Australian] side there's GPS navigators and here
[on the Moroccan side] they just have donkeys' (emphasis added) was
used 11 times to draw comparisons between the stories.
As such, the second interview schedule was designed to prompt
students to share the connections they had made between the stories, to
their personal experiences and to their world knowledge. These data were
subsequently analysed by the researchers individually and then together,
in isolation from the first set, and then across the full data set. The
dimensions of power, access, diversity and design (Janks, 2010) were
then used to analyse connections between the emerging themes and
ideologies identified in Mirror.
Findings from interviewing students about their interpretations of
Mirror
The predominant theme emerging from data analysis was that Mirror
is a story about difference. Specifically, the students considered that
'they' (Moroccan people) were quite different from
'us' (Australian people). Within this theme, a wealth/poverty
binary sat alongside a sense of sympathy for and superiority over the
Moroccan people. A secondary theme also emerged where students
identified literal similarities between the stories. These themes are
now discussed in connection with the data.
The perception of difference
Evident in the students' interpretations was a perception that
the stories in Mirror should be read side-by-side and further, that they
should be compared. Early interpretations identified Mirror as a story
about difference. For example, one student explained, 'Well,
it's about the differences, like how North Africa is and Australia
is, and the differences between them' (School 2, Meeting 1).
Another appeared to consider the difference so great he had no access to
the Moroccan text. He 'read' the Arabic script, 'Blah,
blah, blah, blah ...' stating, '... yeah, can't read it
sorry' (School 3, Meeting 1).
Summations in the second meeting revealed this sense of difference
was sustained despite repeated engagement. For example, 'it's
about two families' (School 1, Meeting 2); 'tells the
difference between two families' (School 3, Meeting 2) and it is
about '... the way people live and how they're different'
(School 3, Meeting 2). One student stated,
I'd tell my friends that it's very lovely and very nice
pictures ... But the best thing is that you see how two very different
people live (School 2, Meeting 2).
The observation in the afterword, that people and settings
'look very different from each other and they are different'
appears quite evident to these students.
A poverty/wealth binary
The sense of this difference as a binary of wealth and poverty
became evident in the students' interpretations. For example,
* Well, one is rich and one is poor (School 1, Meeting 1)
* That side [Moroccan story] is poor and that side [Australian] has
a road and houses (School 1, Meeting 1)
* We've [Australians] got everything and they've
[Moroccans] got nothing (School 3, Meeting 2)
When prompted for justification, to 'tell me more', the
students appeared to privilege urban development and acquisition of
goods. For example,
* These ones are sitting on a chair [Australians] and these ones
are just sitting on the floor (School 1, Meeting 2)
* They [Moroccans] don't have what we have. We have cars and
planes and they just have to walk (School 3, Meeting 1)
One student stated what she apparently felt was obvious, 'Well
they are poor; they live in Africa! They don't have a lot ...'
(School 3, Meeting 2).
The sense of poverty was further expressed in observations about
Moroccan life,
* They just look really dirty (School 3, Meeting 2)
* They have no electricity (School 2, Meeting 2)
* They don't have chairs--they're sad (School 1, Meeting
1)
The students' focus on material possessions appears to promote
a view of wealth that positions the characters and setting of one story
over the other. Further, they appear to have included themselves as
wealthy members of the wealth/poverty binary.
A sense of sympathy and superiority
Persisting throughout the interactions was a sense that Morocco is
a poor place where the people 'don't have what we have'
(School 2, Meeting 1). One student lamented, 'there's too much
poor people in Morocco' (School 2, Meeting 2) and subsequent
responses saw students express their sympathy as wishes for the Moroccan
people, for example,
* ... that they could have more houses and things to do like
school, which the Morocco family doesn't have (School 3, Meeting 2)
* ... that the Moroccans had more cars so they could drive (School
2, Meeting 2)
Alongside this, however, emerged a sense of superiority of
'us' (Australian people) over 'them' (Moroccan
people). For example, one student consistently labeled the Moroccan
characters 'the poor people' (School 1, Meeting 1&2), and
another identified them as 'the peasants' (School 2, Meeting
1&2). One student expressed his belief about Australia's
superiority related to urbanisation,
... we're much more civilised, [reading a Sydney billboard
advertising a tropical holiday destination] 'Wouldn't you
rather be here?' We have a lot more things like planes ... and
Yellow Express [a courier business]... and towers (School 3, Meeting 1)
Another consistently identified the Australian family as 'the
wealthies' (School 3, Meeting 1&2). This student also expressed
a sense of responsibility for Moroccan people because of their poverty.
He explained,
It's sort of like Christmas in church. You have to put
something under the tree and it gets transported to the poor ... so the
wealthies have donated to them [the Moroccan family] and now
they've got like tea and tables and the telephone and computers and
everything (School 3, Meeting 2)
With the exception of the computer at the Moroccan market, there is
no evidence of these items in the Moroccan story. While such comments
came predominantly from one student in School 3, they were neither
challenged nor refuted by the others. Rather, the students were observed
in video footage and through field notes to laugh periodically, nod in
apparent agreement and continue reading.
Literal similarities
'Tell Me' prompts for the second meeting were designed to
gather students' independent interpretations about perceived
similarities. In this meeting, a focus was taken on the male children,
the main character in each story as the students reread what was now a
familiar text. While they were indeed able to locate similarities
between the stories, they remained literal. Responses included,
* Ummm the boy's doing fun stuff here and that boy's
doing fun stuff there (School 1, Meeting 2)
* They're eating--dinner and dinner (School 1, Meeting 2)
* ... this father is wearing a blue top and this father is wearing
a blue top. And the boy is wearing jeans and a red top and this boy is
wearing jeans and a red top (School 3, Meeting 2)
* ... and both the babies are wearing yellow clothes (School 1,
Meeting 2)
Comparisons of visual similarities imply only literal
interpretations that 'some things are the same for all
families'. At no time did students make more fundamental
comparisons, for example, identifying the families as cohesive groups
creating safe environments.
Discussion
These are surprising findings. The research team was surprised that
the students identified with white Australian nuclear family scenes as
representations of their personal cultures, that is, 'us'. In
fact, none of these students lived in urbanised, affluent suburbs and
some lived in extended family groupings more familiar to the Moroccan
story. The team was also surprised that a cultural practice such as
sitting on the floor was construed as poverty, especially when many of
the interviews were conducted with the researchers and children sitting
on the floor! And it was surprising that the perception of Africa as
poor and needy continues to endure alongside one of Australians as
wealthy, civilised and thus superior.
To be clear, our concern is not that 16 Grade 4 students across
three schools in one multicultural region appear to have formed what
Short and Thomas (2011) describe as 'superficial understandings
about people around the world' (p. 149), including those in their
own country. Rather, it is the possibility that as teachers we may miss
opportunities to unearth these limited perceptions and to design
experiences that promote a critical stance by broadening cultural
awareness in teachers and students alike (Short & Kauffman, 2004).
In responding to our first research question, we use Janks'
(2010) interdependent framework for critical literacy education to
explore connections between the students' interpretations and the
ideologies in Mirror. In response to the second, we consider
opportunities for teachers to develop students' propensity for
taking a critical stance beyond teacher directed episodes.
Considering students' interpretations through the dimensions
of power and design
When reading independently, these students appeared to read Mirror
as a comparison of two groups. It seems they interpreted the
'mirror' to be the reflections, the literal similarities in
the characters, the colour of their clothes and their daily activities.
The obvious dissimilarities in geography and culture appear to have
perpetuated a sense of great difference for these students as the
extreme remoteness of the Moroccan setting juxtaposed with the dense
urbanisation representing Australia has obscured a sense of sameness.
Drawing on Janks' (2010) dimensions of power and design to
consider Mirror's ideologies perhaps sheds some light on the source
of these students' interpretations. Mirror is the work of a native
English speaking author/artist renowned internationally for the
exploration of culture and urban development through collage, and, as
such, is a powerful text. In its design, Morocco is presented from a
Western perspective, an outsider's view (Flanagan, 2013). Its
unique design invites comparison. Physical placement of the stories side
by side inside one cover implies a connection, which by the title could
be similarity, but, as seen in this study, was construed as difference.
The reading instructions in Mirror state first in English and then in
Arabic that, 'The Western and Moroccan stories ... are designed to
be read side by side'. 'Western' maintains the first
position in the instructions in both stories and in the introductory
text, potentially foregrounding the Western view. An underlying ideology
here seems to position the Western story as dominant, powerful.
It seems the readers in this study responded to this Western
centric view as they demonstrated a perception of their own (Australian)
culture as the 'barometer' (Flanagan, 2013, p. 18) or
'the norm against which to judge other perspectives and
cultures' (Short & Thomas, 2011, p. 157). It is interesting to
consider how students may have interpreted Mirror had it combined images
from more physically or culturally similar communities, for example, the
Australian outback positioned alongside remote Morocco, or the Moroccan
coastal metropolis of Casablanca with its population of 3.181 million
adjacent to an inner city Sydney suburb.
Considering students' interpretations through the dimensions
of access and diversity
During independent reading, these students appeared to respond to
the images as snapshots of Australian and Moroccan life rather than as
sequenced events recounting a day in the life of each family. For
example, on a page containing collages of a meal, the students observed
differences between the food eaten, sitting positions, furniture and
even the physical structure of each home rather than considering it as
one of a series of events typical of family life.
Janks' (2010) framework, now through the dimensions of access
and diversity, affords a focus on Mirror's reading demands and the
students' responses. In terms of access, the images in Mirror must
be read linearly since the text is a recount, a sequence of events. This
restriction for reading image is less common in children's picture
books and requires a particular reading strategy. Furthermore, like the
print in the Moroccan story, the images are read right to left,
something not apparent to these students, potentially challenging
meaning making.
Pictures are often considered easy reading since print decoding is
not required; however, Serafini (2014) observes that Mirror presents
complex challenges in its treatment of abstract social issues. The
foreword (print) directly stating Mirror's purpose is brief; and
while a longer explanation is shared regarding its ideological stance,
it sits beyond the story in its end pages. The reader is required to
draw the initial print message forward through the text as they engage
with the complex images. It is only if the reader moves beyond the end
of the story to the end pages, that they can then gather more direct
information. The increased use of one mode (visual) over another (print)
reduces the diversity of modalities for meaning making (Janks, 2010) and
therefore creates its own challenges.
It seems that for the students in this study, the somewhat
interrupted interplay between text and image identified by Pantaleo
(2013) and O'Neill (2011) as important for meaning making has
created challenges in the context of drawing on their own lived
experiences and understandings to access Mirror's complex messages.
The ambiguity created by the prevalence of the visual mode, the demand
for linear left to right then right to left movement and the
students' focus on individual events over the 'story'
appears to have led these readers to narrow, even stereotyped views.
Considerations about the ways students access almost wordless
picture books
The students in this study shared their interpretations from
extended independent reading of an almost wordless picture book that
presents somewhat stereotyped versions of Western and African culture,
family structure and gender roles. Not evident in their responses was a
sense of reading against the text (West, 1994), of challenging its
messages (Janks, 2010) or of insight into the unique cultural identities
of themselves and others (Short & Thomas, 2011). Developing a
critical stance has long been a focus of reading pedagogy and it is
through these lessons that we can consider the implications of the
findings of this study.
Consider the place of almost wordless picture books for directed
teaching episodes
As an almost wordless picture book, Mirror falls outside the
categories of texts such as basal readers or novels that are usually
recommended for a teacher directed program, especially in the case of
older readers. For independent readers such as those in Grade 4, texts
like these are generally displayed on a bookshelf for independent access
and engagement. However, considering the complexity of almost wordless
picture books, the cultural ideologies they convey and their related
reading challenges stemming from the synergy of multiple semiotic modes
(e.g. visual and linguistic), it seems appropriate to broaden the types
of texts used in teacher directed episodes. The inclusion of almost
wordless picture books would allow teachers to develop students'
critical reading strategies when linguistic modes are reduced while
others, in this case the visual mode, take priority.
Look for opportunities to focus on critique and personal cultural
identity
Mirror is recommended to teachers as a resource representing
multicultural views to develop cross-cultural understandings (BOSTES,
2012). However, Flanagan (2013) takes a different view, describing
Mirror as an over-simplified representation of both cultures that
undermines its stated ideology of sameness through 'images that
affirm racial stereotypes' (p. 18). Flanagan's view perhaps
resonates with the students' Western centric interpretations in
this study where the making of connections to the fundamental values of
people and cultures (Short & Thomas, 2011) and cross-cultural
understandings remained unexplored.
The inclusion of an almost wordless picture book such as Mirror in
teacher directed episodes not only offers opportunity to develop
students' multimodal reading skills, it could further support
students to develop their own cultural identities (Short, 2003; Short
& Thomas, 2011). That is, an understanding that ones personal
perspective is just one of many ways--none more or less important than
another--to view the world (Short & Kauffman, 2004). Short (2009)
argues that an inclusive ideology achieved through personal cultural
identity development can lead to improved intercultural understandings
and therefore the propensity to take a critical stance that challenges
stereotypical views of cultures, lands and people.
Monitor the development of independent and flexible critical
reading strategies
Rosenblatt (1986) and Galda's (2013) recommendation that
students have time to independently develop and share their
understandings about the texts they read was important in this study
because it provided insight into the students' somewhat superficial
understanding of Mirror. Indeed, Short and Kauffman (2004) observes that
students' initial interpretations represent for teachers
opportunities to identify their existing understandings about themselves
and the world and then to plan for the broadening of these through
direct teaching episodes.
Concluding comments
Learners are regularly prompted during teacher directed episodes to
apply the focus skills, strategies and understandings to independent
engagement. This common pedagogical practice allows learners to develop
flexibility and independence with decoding words, reading fluency and a
range of other reading skills and strategies. The taking of a critical
stance is no different. During direct teaching episodes, teachers can
teach specifically for the development of the critical stance and also
for its flexible application beyond that lesson. By gathering
students' interpretations from independent reading, teachers can
monitor and respond to students' development as critical readers of
almost wordless picture books through pedagogically appropriate learning
experiences.
Janks (2012) argues that critical literacy education must focus on
the role of text in maintaining or challenging existing practices that
promote the views and beliefs of some over others. Almost wordless
picture books offer teachers opportunities to develop in their learners
a propensity for reading with a critical lens that allows them to
consider their own lives and the lives of others within and across
cultures and to respond through action to promote greater equity. It is
through the development of this independence that learners can operate
both within and beyond the school setting to understand, challenge and
take action in response to the multiple and multimodal messages by which
they are confronted.
Jessica Mantei and Lisa Kervin
University of Wollongong
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Jessica Mantei is a Senior Lecturer in Language and Literacy in the
Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Wollongong.
Jessica's research interests are about children as readers,
viewers, writers and creators of text as they explore and respond to the
messages they are exposed to and those they convey in their own
compositions. Jessica is Secretary of ALEA South Coast Local Council and
Associate Editor of Literacy Learning: The Middle Years. Email:
jessicam@uow.edu.au
Lisa Kervin is an Associate Professor in Language and Literacy in
the Faculty of Social Sciences at the University of Wollongong.
Lisa's current research interests are focused on young children and
the ways they interact with digital technologies, on the literacy
development of children and on teacher professional development. Lisa is
currently the NSW Director of the Australian Literacy Educators'
Association. Email: lkervin@uow.edu.au