Displacing method(s)? Historical perspective in the teaching of reading.
Reid, Jo-Anne ; Green, Bill
Introduction
At the present time, the International Reading Association is
calling for. a scaling down of 'the reading wars' and, like
Allan Luke (1998), is reminding both sides of the debate that reading
pedagogy is much more than adherence to a particular reading
'method'. Claiming that it's 'time to turn down the
heat', and arguing that the reading community needs to
'respect divergent views' about how best to teach reading, the
IRA position indicates that it is appropriate for teachers to 'get
over method'. What teachers of reading must do, instead, is
'get on' with high-quality reading pedagogy, aimed at
improving the reading experience and achievements of children in
classrooms (Farstrup, 2003, p. 15). In this paper we argue in support of
this position, by presenting an account of some of the history of
debates about particular methods for the teaching of reading in
Australia. Our account is contextualised by findings from a larger
curriculum-historical study of English teaching, teacher education and
public schooling in the first half of the twentieth century (Green,
Cormack & Reid, 2000; Green & Reid, 2002). Like the so-called
'New Times' (Hall, 1989) in which we now live and work, this
early twentieth century period was characterised by large-scale economic
and social reformation. It was also a time, in Australia as elsewhere,
when English curriculum was constituted as central to the task of
shaping future citizens for a changing nation. We use our historical
analysis to help us to rethink current conceptions of English and
literacy in schools--when radical social and cultural change has raised
new questions about the school curriculum, teacher education, and the
purposes of schooling.
In dialogue with earlier work in this field of inquiry (Michael,
1987; Patterson, 1997; Rennie, 2000; Reeves, 1996; Soler, 2000), we seek
to show how teacher 'casualties' of what is now a
'Hundred Years War' over reading have lurched along behind the
experts. They have often sought 'hand outs' from an
educational publishing industry that has fed off the anxieties of these
teachers (and parents) who understandably do not want to fail their
children by having them fail at literacy. The 'newest'
successful reading method has always been of great interest to teachers
on this account. Our current educational climate of reliance on
measurable outcomes for certifying success in literacy, though, has
extended the range of interest and influence of the latest
'methods' into both the home and the pre-school setting. As
Peter Freebody (2001, p. 1) warns, we are now facing a 'growing
diversity of literacy-education practices' within both the public
and private realms of education. There is 'increasingly heated
debate' about the merits of a range of instructional packages sold
to parents and teachers for the teaching of reading at home and in
school settings (Freebody, 2001, p.1).
We begin by contextualising the question of Method in an historical
and sociological framework, situating the debate over reading methods
within the larger framework of English curriculum (Green & Reid,
2001). We then focus on a particular instance of the teaching
profession's embrace of an apparently successful method in our
research period. This is the 'Jones Method', as it was known
in the 1920s, and we use it as a case-study of the kind of
methodological fixation that characterises the historical scene of
reading pedagogy, now as much as ever. Our aim is to harness the
capacity of an historical perspective to enhance understanding and to
enable teachers to better see present circumstances as effects of
particular discursive traditions that are not (and never have been)
fixed, immutable or offering us a 'right answer'. Liberated in
the knowledge that there is no one right way to teach all children to
read, we are far more likely to look to the needs and circumstances of
the particular children we are charged to teach, and work with them,
rather than relying on or looking for any single reading method.
Historicising reading methods
In 1926, advice to teachers on 'Educational Efficiency'
provided a clear statement as to the importance and centrality of
reading to the project of schooling:
It would be difficult to over emphasise the importance of securing
efficiency in Reading and Literature in our Primary Schools, for
they are the basis of a sound knowledge of English. 'The importance
of English in the Elementary Schools' states the report on '"The
Teaching of English in England" is absolute and unchallengeable.
It is not so much a subject as the body and vital principle of
all school activity.' (Hayes, 1926, p. 41)
From the turn of the twentieth century, reading instruction in
primary schools has been understood as part of the work of English
teaching. Prior to this time, 'Reading' was an 'R'
unto itself, so to speak. Michael's (1987) survey of 300 years of
the teaching of English from the late 1500s drew on textbooks devoted to
the teaching of 'reading, spelling, rhetoric, logic, composition,
grammar, elocution, poetry, fiction, drama' (Michael, 1987, p. 2).
During the sixteenth, seventeenth, eighteenth and nineteenth centuries,
teachers naturally 'had their methods' but, as Michael notes:
... they did not follow, or discuss, a Method. Their central concern
was the relation between the teaching of reading and the teaching of
spelling. At no time was there complete agreement as to how the two
skills should be related, and during much of the period there was
little conception of them as separate skills. Until well into the
nineteenth century the dominant view was that reading was learnt
through spelling, which should therefore precede it; but in fact the
early stages of both processes were taught in such close
relationship that they cannot be distinguished. (Michael, 1987, p.
14)
It is predominantly throughout the last century that instruction in
reading has become increasingly understood in terms of
'Methods', as more or less manageable solutions to the
problems faced by Modernist industrial national governments trying to
introduce mass (and increasingly compulsory) education among the
populace. We have written elsewhere (Reid, 1999) of early accounts of
the teaching of reading, where attention to method was a nicety often
overlooked in the interests of what was, often, quite 'ruthless
efficiency'. In the early nineteenth century, for instance:
Mrs Wesley's methods of teaching her children to read are perhaps
most widely known.... When one of the Wesley children reached the
age of five, a day was set aside to teach it to read. All in turn
began their lesson at nine in the morning; by five o'clock they knew
their letters, 'except Molly and Nancy, who were a day and a half
before they knew them perfectly', for which their mother thought
them very dull. On the following day the child was ready to tackle
the first chapter of Genesis. (Musgrove, 1966, p. 6)
As the responsibility for teaching young children to read shifted
from the family to the schoolroom, and from the mother to the teacher
(Steedman, 1992), conscious attempts were needed to emulate en masse the
successful practices of the immediate past. This particular and fairly
common sort of teaching practice became known as the
'alphabetic' method of teaching reading. It has since become
the base-line Method, against which all others have been measured and
counted.
Getting over Method?
Allan Luke (1998, p. 305) notes that '[i]n Canada, Australia,
New Zealand, the US and England the "great debate" over
literacy education has taken the form of a near-continuous debate over
which instructional approach is best able to "solve" student
reading and writing problems.' In most of these places, the
adjudication of literacy debates takes the form of state-mandated
literacy curriculum and assessment. However, where researchers and
experts on reading cannot agree, and see a moral and intellectual
obligation to debate and continue to research their often-competing
claims, educational systems, by contrast, must act. Increasingly, their
actions tend to support a uni-dimensional approach across the system.
Luke sees the search for a single successful method of teaching reading
and writing as misguided, however, and doomed inevitably to fail at
least some children in our schools:
Many of us working from sociological and cultural perspectives on
literacy education have tried to change the subject of the great
debate, to shift it sideways. We have argued that there is no
"right" way of teaching reading and writing, but that different
curricular approaches--and their attendant textbooks, classroom
events, assessment instruments, and adjunct materials--shape
literacy as social practices differently. The ways that literacies
are shaped have uneven benefits for particular communities and,
unfortunately, the outcomes of literacy teaching continue to favour
already advantaged groups in these communities. (Luke, 1998, p. 306)
In Australia, and in particular our present home state of New South
Wales, the English K-6 Syllabus specifies that all teachers should heed
Luke's words. No individual state system has legislated a
particular method by which teachers must work to achieve the outcomes
the state has mandated for children in particular years of schooling.
That is not the case in some other English-speaking countries. NSW requires that teachers ensure a 'systematic' and
'explicit' approach to the teaching of reading, and requires
them to have a sophisticated and broad knowledge about reading. It is
only when teachers feel insecure in their knowledge of a range of
instructional methods, and the principles informing them, that such
requirements encourage them to seek out and institute 'a
method' that seems to have brought successful results for others.
Rather than teaching reading in a set and prescribed fashion, NSW
teachers have a larger task. They must ensure that they provide students
with time to learn to use, and to learn about, what Luke and Freebody
(1999, 2003; see also Freebody & Luke, 1990) characterise as a
complex interconnection of four reading processes or practices
(decoding, comprehension, knowledge of textual function and critique).
All readers need employ these processes in any reading activity that
goes beyond 'barking at print'.
In many ways this can be seen as an 'anti-Method' model.
It requires teachers to provide instruction that will assist children to
'decode' a range of cultural texts, 'participate' in
the meanings generated by them, 'use' the range of texts and
textual forms in purposeful and appropriate ways, and
'analyse' the social and cultural norms taken for granted as
'natural' in the texts they encounter. One of the strengths of
this model is that '[i]t shifts the focus from trying to find the
right method to whether the range of practices emphasised in one's
reading program are indeed covering and integrating a broad repertoire
of textual practices that are required in new economies and
cultures' (Luke & Freebody, 1999, p. 6).
This model of reading instruction arguably represents the
'best we can get' in the early twenty-first century. Informed
and careful teacher use of this framework in planning for reading
instruction all through the primary school (and indeed beyond) is likely
to provide the sort of reading curriculum that best ensures success for
most readers and for the system. Yet it is also clear that it demands
high-quality knowledge, preparation and organisational skills from
teachers. This is not a new state of affairs, certainly in NSW. All
throughout the twentieth century it has been acknowledged that there is
little to be gained from a narrower and more technical legislation of
method. In 1926, for instance, the NSW Syllabus did not prescribe any
particular method for the teaching of reading; rather, as one
commentator of the time wrote, 'it leaves the teacher free to use
those methods which appeal to him most. in many ways this freedom is
desirable, but it throws the responsibility upon the teacher of having
some definite means of attack' (Hayes, 1926, p. 43).
Further, as Dewey (1916/66, p. 170) wrote, 'nothing has
brought pedagogical theory into greater disrepute than the belief that
it is identified with handing out to teachers recipes and models to be
followed in teaching'. Yet in spite of this official acknowledgment of the inadequacies of adherence to 'methods', the search for
successful teaching programs and methods has been more intense in the
field of literacy education than in any other area. This is true in all
English-speaking countries, and teachers in Australia are well aware
from their own personal-professional histories of methods of teaching
reading that have gone by such popular names as 'phonics',
'look and say', 'language experience', and the
associated products and reading series that have accompanied them.
Moreover, they are even today able to choose from such general and
specific packages for literacy instruction as 'The Spalding
Method' (Spalding & Spalding, 1957), 'Cued
Articulation' (Passey, 2003), 'Reading Recovery' (Clay,
1991), and 'Letterland' (Wendon/Pollard, 2003).
Looking back: A history lesson
In this section, we take a look behind the official syllabus
requirement for teachers to choose wisely in 'attacking' the
teaching of reading, in examining the record of more popular and
vernacular educational thinking during the first half of the twentieth
century in NSW. While we know what the Department was saying officially
to teachers and to the public, through its printed materials, the
text-books it authorised for trainee teachers, and its annual reports to
the Minister for Education, we focus here also on what teachers were
saying to each other. Our sources include the professional journals
Education (Organ of the NSW Teachers' Federation) and the Education
Gazette, published by the NSW Department of Education. These monthly
circulars record much of interest to us in our search to understand the
practice of teaching reading during this period.
According to one early Australian commentator (Archibald, 1922),
the situation described by Michael (1987) and Patterson (2000) regarding
the teaching of reading in England was very similar for NSW, as indeed
it was for other British colonies (Soler, 2000). The alphabetic method
was in general use in New South Wales up until the New Syllabus of 1904:
After that date, phonic methods gradually superseded the alphabetic
method, though much spelling was still done by the letter names. The
primers and readers supplied by the Department of Education were
based on phonics. The 1st Primer, for example, contained lists of
words, e.g., hit, bit, pit, sit &c., to be read by the children.
Other lessons consisted of disconnected sentences containing similar
words, while a few lessons were composed of continuous narrative.
Needless to say, these last named were the favourite lessons in the
book. (Archibald, 1922, p. 179)
As Archibald explained, once a system of teacher education became
established in NSW in the 1900s, 'word and sentence' methods
of reading were introduced to student teachers, and in this way
gradually spread to schools. At this time, professional development for
teachers was provided in the form of 'Evening Extension
Courses' at the new Teachers' College, and these too focussed
on this 'freer' method of reading. As Archibald writes:
By 1915, word and sentence methods, with a more or less definite
system of phonic teaching, were used in most infant schools. From
experience of the results obtained by word and sentence methods at
North Newtown I can affirm that the change was justified. The
reading in the upper classes was fluent and expressive, and new
reading matter was attacked with confidence. In all classes the
reading period was a favourite one.... but in many schools a
definite phonic plan appeared to be lacking (Archibald, 1922, p.
180).
In the first NSW example of a smart teacher finding a niche and
filling it, the 'Ellis Method' was developed and demonstrated
at Arncliffe Public School by Miss Ellis during 1916 and 1917. Archibald
explains:
... much enthusiasm was aroused at the definite phonetic teaching
given, and the ingenious method of dealing with hitherto unphonetic
words. After the comparative indecision of past reading methods, it
was felt that her method supplied everything definite and thorough.
It was accordingly introduced into many schools. (Archibald, 1922,
p. 180)
Just a year or two later, though, a report warning teachers about
problems with the 'Ellis Method' was published in the
Education Gazette. A Miss Venables, Assistant in Charge of the
kindergarten and lower First Classes at Bowral District School, wrote
the following critique of the system:
It seems to me that there is a great danger in teaching to read in
this way. It is a danger that is common to every system of teaching
to read that gives young children power to read a set of symbols as
sound combinations ... People are being accused just now of reading
unthinkingly, of following the blind leadership of third-rate
politicians, of walking through life chained to the popular
philosophy of the moment--and we are asked to train children to
think. (Venables, 1918, p. 299)
Around this particular point in time, the end of World War 1 had
brought increasing awareness of the effects of both German and British
militaristic propaganda that had successfully mobilised and destroyed a
generation of young men. Many liberal educators were professing the
desire that citizens should be able to think beyond what they were told,
and to consider both the meanings and the implications of the public
texts that were made available.
A method of teaching to read that introduces a printed word as a set
of sound symbols and not as the written expression of an idea, is
going to increase the existing tendency towards the use of empty
verbiage ...
The disadvantages I have referred to are common to all methods of
teaching to read. The child whose experiences have been limited, and
lacking in vividness, will suffer through being taught to read too
soon, no matter what method is used. The child who has lived a full
and varied life will have a wider range of ideas, and the written
word will instantly call up its associative ideas. I believe one day
we shall not teach children to read until they have first lived.
(Venables, 1918, p. 299)
After three years of using the Ellis Method, Miss Archibald, too,
had her criticisms of it, which she summarised as follows:
1. The method does not follow the natural development of
perception, as it begins with elements in themselves meaningless to the
children, and proceeds to combine them into words.
2. The method is so logical that it is practically an adult method
... with children of 6 years of age it entails an amount of reasoning
that is foreign to the child's stage of development.
3. The early reading is so restricted that it is very hard to
awaken interest in the child ... A skilful teacher, of course, will
introduce interest into any lesson, but the interest in this case is
extraneous and is not inherent in the subject itself.
4. It has the disadvantage of oilier phonetic methods based on a
differentiation of type. The child has to examine the word so closely
that it is likely to affect his eyesight. (Archibald, 1922, p. 181)
She goes on to say that, after experiencing the 'intensive
drill' required by the Ellis method, the arrival of another
phonetic method '[i]n which the elements of words were introduced
in a play way, was received with relief' (Archibald, 1922, p. 181).
This new method was one devised by a teacher called Mr George
Jones, who had been teaching at Bundarra Public School, in the north
west of NSW for the past twenty-five years. During that time, he clearly
had ample opportunity to reflect on the need for, and design, a method
of teaching reading that, as it happened, had considerable success among
his pupils. As the Inspector for the region was able to compare the
success enjoyed by the children at Bundarra with that of children taught
by other teachers, the method Mr Jones had devised came to the wider
attention of the Department of Education. In December 1919, Jones was
invited to address the NSW Teachers' Federation Annual Conference,
where he demonstrated his system of teaching reading. The report of the
session allows us some insight into the reasoning behind his method:
The principle was one that they had in operation in the Bundarra
district for over 12 months. He saw the difficulties long since when
handling young classes himself, and also when his assistants took
charge of the young ones. He had come to the conclusion that the
fault lay with the mother tongue, which was full of phonic
difficulties. In order to make it thoroughly phonetic he sat down
night after night and formulated a new alphabet. That alphabet
consisted of letters and signs. There were 19 vowels, 16 consonants
and one silent letter in the alphabet.... Anyone could take it up
with the use of the chart and the necessary notes for their
guidance. The child must feel that it was interested. The fault in
the past lay not with the child, but with the system. (Education, 15
January 1920, p. 66)
The 'Jones Method' differed from the 'Ellis
Method' in one key aspect: it involved the children in hand
movements and special diacritical marking of the words they were
learning to read. To explain this, we turn once again to Archibald:
The children first make a 'sound' in their hands. For example, the
long sound of i is represented by the hands being placed together at
the tips of the fingers, and then coining down in a tent shape, the
letter m is shown by the hands being placed horizontally together.
The combination of these two hand movements gives the word 'my'. The
various vowel sounds are arranged in progressions, which have a
certain similarity of movement. In this way the children associate
sounds and hand movements.
The next step is to associate these sounds with diacritical marks,
which bear a close resemblance to the hand play, e.g. i is shown by
the diacritical mark ^. Which resembles the tent shape previously
made by the hands. The next step in association is connecting the
diacritical mark with its letter equivalent, e.g. ^ may be written
as i, igh, or y. A favourite exercise with the children is that of
'dressing' the signs, e.g., the following would be written on the
blackboard:
[d.sup.+]n [h.sup.+]s + [b.sup.+]t
and the children would write the corresponding words underneath--
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
In this way the children obtain a familiarity with words in [an]
easy and pleasant way. (Archibald, 1922, p. 181)
What is of interest to us here is the familiar echoes of both
Venables' and Archibald's criticisms, and the connections that
many primary teachers today can make with these methods. Further,
although we may never before have heard of either the Ellis Method or
the Jones Method, we in Australia have certainly beard of the Spalding
Method, devised in similar circumstances just ten years later, in the
1930s, in the US, and rediscovered here in the early 1990s. Jones'
method attracted attention from within the Education Department, and was
sponsored by several Inspectors who recommended his work. In 1920 he was
removed to Mortdale in Sydney, 'to afford fuller opportunity for
him to explain his reading methods to the many more teachers of the
metropolitan district. Mr Jones has many busy days and nights before him
in this year' (Education, 15 May 1920, p.168).
From this point followed a series of regular advertisements for
Jones' seminars, in the Teachers' Union paper Education, and
in the official Education Department paper, the Education Gazette. Jones
produced a series of publications, including the Jones Phonetic Chart
(at a cost of 5/-'mounted on linen with wooden rollers' or 3/6
for the manilla card version), and a series of textbooks (the First
Primer with coloured illustrations cost 9d), from which the following
illustration is taken.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
The accompanying Teachers' Handbooks cost 2/6 each. The
Education Department's strong sponsorship and recommendation for
professional development in this method lasted well over five years,
thus ensuring a full coverage of the approach throughout the state, and
also, interestingly, interstate. Jones' Teachers' Handbook was
named as a recommended text in the nationally used The Principles and
Technique of Teaching in Elementary Schools (Elijah, 1924).
We are able to see more clearly how the Jones method worked in
practice from an account by Hayes in 1926. By this time he is able to
assume teachers' familiarity with the principles of the method when
giving advice about how the youngest readers should be taught. As he
writes:
One successful teacher begins as follows:
'What do we use when we want to say something?'
'Our tongue.'
'Yes. Sometimes we use our hands also.'
The teacher makes a beckoning gesture to one child.
'How did you know I wanted you?'
The teacher makes a gesture indicating 'go away.'
'You see we can talk with our hands. Dumb children always talk
this way.
They make words with their fingers and we can also.'
The teacher makes MAN using Jones' hand signs, at the same
time saying the word. Gradually the word is said more slowly, the hand
signs keeping pace. The children are encouraged to imitate, and
attention is drawn to the position of the hands. When commencing the
word--'the three fingers pressed together just as our lips are when
we say the word; then we open the mouth with the tongue level; then the
tongue goes up to touch the roof of the mouth. Now we will write the
word. First three fingers III; now make them round at the top, just like
two lips pressed together m; now the open-mouth a--this ? is the tongue;
the letter looks something like an apple. Now two fingers touching the
roof n.'
Next a man is drawn and the word is written underneath. Again the
word is broken into letters and the children are told that we call them
sounds. They are asked to give words with the sounds m. 'Mat,'
'Milk,' 'mum,' are given. The same method is
followed with a and n. To complete the lesson, the children attempted
the drawing of a man and the writing of the word beside it. (Hayes,
1926, p. 44)
Part of the reason for the success of the Jones Method seemed to
lie in the help it provided to both the child and the teacher. In what
was one of several 'advertorial' pieces for 'The Jones
System of Teaching Reading (Copyrighted)' that appeared in various
issues of Education each year through the early to mid 1920s, Jones (1)
claims that: 'The child becomes self-active, self-reliant, and
finds out how to sound words for itself. Thus the teacher finds that the
irksome stage of elementary teaching of Reading has lost its
boredom' (Education, February 1920, p. 92). He goes on to speak
directly to his clientele thus:
Besides being of great value in the kindergarten and infant classes,
there is a special value to be placed upon it in schools of one
teacher. In such the attention of the teacher is diverted owing to
so many classes needing aid. As a preparatory aid to a new Reading
lesson, the diacritics are marked where necessary; and as these
enable the pupils to pronounce the words for themselves, the lesson
is learned by silent reading, and the thought content arrived at
while the teacher is engaged elsewhere. This is a claim of precious
value to such teachers as well as to the children. (Education,
February 1920, p. 93)
By May, Education reported that 'intense enthusiasm' had
gripped 'Bundarra on the Gwydir', 'when teachers for
thirty miles around assembled to hear Mr Jones explain his method of
teaching to read.' (15 May 1920, p.168). What was clear, too, was
that it seemed to work. Eighteen months later, Jones and his publisher
were advertising a Summer School at Fort Street in January (Education,
15 December, 1921, p. 21). We may well ask, however, what happened to
the 'Jones Method' over the rest of the century. Did it simply
disappear? Or did something like it emerge at other times? Where are you
now, Mr Jones?
Certainly, in the following years, we could find no more
advertisements for the method, although by this time it was
significantly well known among teacher educators (Elijah, 1924), and
student teachers were informed about this method in their teacher
education. In the immediately ensuing period, articles and materials in
Education focussed on the teaching of writing replaced discussion about
reading for a year or so, with the introduction by the Department of a
new simplified cursive handwriting style, and increasing discussion
about spelling.
By 1928, in a piece discussing 'Spelling in the Primary
School', a practising teacher ('No. 139') underlined the
continuation of the earlier link assumed between the teaching of reading
and spelling. Asking 'How far are we, as teachers, responsible for
the condition of present day spelling?', this teacher offered the
following:
I would like to state that I have heard sound teachers of nearly
thirty years experience express the opinion that they cannot achieve
the results that they formerly obtained. I know that it is not due
to any falling off in enthusiasm on their part, nor vet lack of
effective methods. But I believe that, unconsciously, many of them
have suffered from the effects of pinning their faith too closely to
a particular method of teaching reading, forgetting that none is
perfect. (Education, 15 September 1928, p. 358)
This teacher went on to outline what s/he saw as the 'method
which approaches nearest to perfection'. Such a method would be
'one that makes greatest use of the faculties of touch, sight,
hearing and speech--in other words, uses hand, eye, ear and lip--one
that will give the child those best weapons for attacking the spelling
"demons" which are to confront him' (Education, 15
September 1928, p. 358). The vernacular understanding of Reading, at
this time, was still very much reading aloud. Archibald, speaking as an
acknowledged expert Infants Mistress in the Education Gazette, expressed
a wider view of reading. She considered the following criteria should be
considered, in terms of judging a 'packaged' reading method
before teachers chose to implement it in their classrooms:
The following tests may suitably be applied in summarising the
merits or demerits of any reading method:--
1. Does it create from the beginning a definite connection between
the child's spoken language, with which he is already familiar, and
the new written language he is now attempting to learn for the first
time?
2. Is it sufficiently elastic to allow of the introduction of a
certain amount of motor activity in the early stages?
3. Is it so planned that very soon the emphasis may be placed on
the real aim of reading, viz. thought getting, and so a love of reading
be fostered in the children?
4. Does it provide a means for the mastery of the mechanical
difficulties of reading? (Archibald, 1922, p. 179)
It is interesting to compare Archibald's criteria with those
listed in Freebody's recent warning against the problems inherent
in packaged reading methods. As he notes, there are 'four sets of
considerations that need to be dealt with in the use of commercial
early-literacy packages' (2001, p. 2). In summary, these are as
follows:
* What view of reading and writing is the package based on?
* Are there additional learnings or skills needed for children to
master the material?
* How consistent is the package with classroom practice?
* How does the package respond to the needs of individual children?
Certainly, in 1928, a teacher operating under the somewhat curious
pseudonym 'No 139' reflected on the state of teachers'
knowledge about the teaching of reading in a way that rings true to our
situation today:
During the past fifteen years or so, we have had a rich crop of
methods for teaching reading, none of which I wholly condemn, but I
cannot help thinking that teachers have not always understood the
principle underlying the methods adopted, and floundering as one
learning to swim, they have not achieved the results which the
author or an enthusiastic exponent of that method can and does
achieve. (Education, 15 September 1928, p. 358)
Conclusion
Seventy-five years later, the situation remains very much the same.
The current rhetoric for 'quality teaching' (DEST, 2001;
NSWDET, 2003) recognises the importance of the teacher's knowledge
and skills in teaching reading, and it is imperative that all teachers
remain critical readers of reading materials and methods. It is only in
this way that the need to 'deal the "effective teacher"
back into the game' (Freebody, 2001, p. 3) can be met with regard
to literacy curriculum. We suspect that few teachers are as willing as
Miss Venables was, in 1917, to openly criticise the methods that a
colleague, school or system might endorse as the answer to
students' problems with literacy. However we do believe that all
teachers would agree with her that the most important aspect of our work
as literacy teachers is to teach our students 'to think'.
Exploring the history of reading in Australia is very much an
exercise in relating to our present. We can see from this account that
debates over reading methods are, in fact, both limited and limiting.
The ]ones Method did work, for Mr Jones, in Bundarra, just as the Ellis
Method worked for Miss Ellis, in her classroom. Both these people were,
clearly, outstanding teachers, but it was their knowledge, skill,
understanding, tact and timing that was what was important in their
success--not 'the method' itself. Critics of programs such as
Reading Recovery query the nature of the intense and rigorous training
that teachers need to be accredited as Reading Recovery tutors, for
instance (Barnes, 1997). We think they miss the point that this process
of knowledge building, practice and skill development may be what all
teachers need, if they are ever to be able to move beyond reliance on a
single approach or a package of strategies and equipment. It may well be
the case, indeed, that good reading pedagogy involves teaching from
across a range of sometimes contradictory 'Methods'--that the
needs of a particular child, or a group of children in a particular
classroom may require teachers to draw on a variety of research and
perspectives, and never a single 'method'.
This, of course, highlights the need for openness to differing
points of view with regard to the teaching of reading. It highlights the
need for teacher education to ensure that teachers have access to the
sort of professional knowledge that will enable them to weigh up the
competing claims made by advocates of different reading
methods--including historical knowledge and awareness. The intellectual
work of teaching reading, as evident in the thinking of the teachers
whose words we have excavated from the past, is considerable. It
requires high-level professional judgement and application of
specialist, and situated, knowledge. The need for well-informed
teachers, able to evaluate the approaches and materials packaged in
support of the range of methods currently available, and adapt them to
the changing conditions of language, literacy and communication, remains
as acute today as is has been throughout the history of education in
Australia.
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Jo-Anne Reid and Bill Green
SCHOOL OF TEACHER EDUCATION
CHARLES STURT UNIVERSITY
(1) This article in fact bears no mark of authorship. However an
Editorial Note that accompanies it, explaining that Education was unable
to secure patents for the designs, which 'prevented Mr Jones from
being able to place the matter at our disposal', suggests that
Jones is indeed the author.