Gender pay equality: the effectiveness of Federal Statutes and recent U.S. Supreme Court decisions.
Melconian, Linda J.
"We shall not be safe until the principle of equal rights is
written into the framework of our government." (1)
Historical Introduction
United States history has laid a solid foundation for the denial of
domestic gender equality. Its founding fathers, forging the great
experiment in democracy, systematically excluded women from
participating in the common purpose of forming one united country, woven
together out of thirteen original, separate and distinct British
colonies. First, they denied women a voice in the 1776 deliberations in
Philadelphia, culminating in the Declaration of Independence; and they
purposely left women out of that famous document which states: "...
all men are created equal, ... endowed by their Creator with certain
inalienable rights, ... life, liberty, and the pursuit of
happiness." (2) Second, the founding fathers excluded women, once
again, from participation in the deliberations of the 1787
Constitutional Convention, where the great national experiment in
democracy was consummated. The resulting document, the U.S.
Constitution, denied all women the right to vote, thus rendering them
less than citizens and less than equal in rights attained by their male
counterparts at the time. (3)
It took women another 133 years to gain the right to vote, the
right to full citizenship participation. Finally, they exercised that
right under the law with the 1920 adoption of the Nineteenth Amendment
to the U.S. Constitution, which states: "... the right to vote
shall not be denied or abridged on account of sex." (4) It remains
today the only explicitly articulated Constitutional guarantee of a
right held equally by both women and men. (3)
In the 180 years since U.S. ratification of the Nineteenth
Amendment, women have made modest gains, especially, in the political
arena. For example, they serve as Governors of six states, hold
approximately a quarter of state legislative seats, and women have
served as mayors in seven of the fifty largest U.S. cities. (6) Today,
women serve in all elective offices, and a greater number of women than
men voted in the 2008 Presidential election. (7) Yet, these advances
have failed to provide women political equality with men.
In the federal arena, Nancy Pelosi presides over the U.S. House of
Representatives as Madam Speaker, the first woman to hold that position
and third in succession to the Presidency, following the Vice President.
(8) However, "No woman has been nominated by a major political
party to be President" (9); two women have been nominated to be
Vice President--one each from the two major national political parties;
and three women have served on the U.S. Supreme Court. Women hold 17% of
seats in both the U.S. House of Representatives and U.S. Senate, placing
the U.S. Congress at 68th in the world in terms of women's
participation in national legislatures. (10)
Constitutional denial of equal citizenship and women's
political rights carried over into other areas of legal denial. For
years, the U.S. Supreme Court refused to apply interpretations of the
Fourteenth Amendment's Equal Protection Clause to gender equality
or women's rights. For example, in Strauder v. West Virginia, (11)
Ballard v. United States, (12) and Hoyt v. Florida, (13) the
Court continued to allow states to deny Equal Protection to women
seeking jury service. Finally, in J.E.B. v. Alabama, the Court struck
down the gender discrimination against potential jurors who affirmed
their Equal Protection rights to serve on juries. (14)
Refutation until 1920 of full citizenship in the Constitution and
Court denial for 100 years of the Fourteenth Amendment's Equal
Protection to women who served on juries helped to perpetuate and affirm
gender discrimination practices. In Reed v. Reed, (15) the U.S. Supreme
Court broke with the century long precedent against Equal Protection for
gender discrimination, enabling two other important cases to advance
this protection: Fronterio v. Richardson (16) providing equal treatment
of male and female military personnel in determining dependent benefits;
Craig v. Boren (17) establishing the Court's application of
"heightened or intermediate" standard of scrutiny for gender
discrimination cases. However, the late Supreme Court Chief Justice
William Rehnquist, in dissenting opinion in Craig v. Boren, helped to
diminish the strength of these precedents. The Chief Justice argued that
the guarantee of Equal Protection in the Fourteenth Amendment was
written to provide more critical equal protection scrutiny against
racial discrimination; it was not written, in his view, to provide a
more "heightened" equal protection scrutiny against gender
discrimination. (18)
Yes, Chief Justice Rogers, There is a Gender Pay Gap
Persistent gender political inequality in conjunction with legal
ambivalence to equal protection against gender discrimination fosters
further gender inequalities. Particularly, the law tolerates real gender
barriers to equal pay for equal work. For example, Current Chief Justice
John Rogers has publically stated that there is merely a
"perceived" gender pay gap. (19) However, the Economic Policy
Institute and the U.S. Labor Department's Current Population Survey
confirm a real gender pay gap of 20% in raw 2008 figures. (20) This
means women earn only 80% of what men earn (in full time, year round,
wage and salary jobs), which translates into median weekly earnings of
$638 compared to men's median weekly earnings of $798, or a yearly
salary of $32,515 compared to $42,262 for men. (21) While the actual
extent of gender economic inequality varies (i.e. the smallest--98% in
Washington, DC, and the largest--66% in Louisiana), it clearly appears
in every state. (22)
To further confirm the existence of a persistent gender wage gap,
academic studies use regression analysis to account additionally for
differences in education, job title and responsibility, regional labor
markets, work experience, occupation and time in the workplace that may
legitimately affect wages. (23) One study concluded that the wage
earnings of women to men increased to 95.1% after evaluating
demographics, education, work experience, test scores, workplace and
occupational characteristics, and child related factors. (24) Another
study found that specific fields of academic study impacted pay. For
example, "college graduates who major in the humanities rather than
the sciences have lower incomes," and since more women than men
major in humanities, women subsequently earn less. (25) Likewise, time
in the workforce affects pay. If employers pay less to workers who take
time out of work than they pay those with longer time on the job, women
who take time out for child rearing consequently earn less. (26)
While no definitive consensus exists on the size or reasons for the
persistent pay gap, one can estimate the influence of gender by removing
the effect of other factors. (27) Perhaps 1/2 of that 20% gender pay gap
is justified by productivity differences based on education, skill, and
work experience. (28) Examination of additional individual variables
including age, occupational segregation by industry, occupation place of
work, and the jobs held within that place of work, may account for
another 25%. (29) However, examination of all independent
variables--including women and men making the same career choices, and
working the same hours at the same job--demonstrates a significant,
unexplained gap of 5 to 10% of the total 20% gap in men and women's
earnings. (30) This unexplained portion of the difference in pay defines
the gender discrimination gap, correlating solely to one's gender.
(31)
Women's participation in the United States work force is
impressive, reaching new historic levels of substantial employment, as
more women are working, more are working full time and year round than
ever before, and more mothers are working. For example, labor force
participation in 2008 by mothers with children under age 18 was 71 %.
(32) Additionally, the 2008 educational attainment of working women aged
25--64 shows 35.6% held college degrees and only 6.9% of women were high
school dropouts. (33) Finally, women, recently attaining higher career
positions, accounted for 51% of all persons employed in management,
professional and related occupations in 2008, even higher than their 47%
share of total employment in that year. (34)
Increased women's share of the labor force is "one of the
most important and desirable social and economic transformations of our
lifetimes." (35) As the United States approaches a milestone in its
history marked by a majority of women in the workforce, it is important
to recognize that the gender pay gap in raw numbers has changed over
time. (36) Women's earnings in raw figures have improved--from 59%
of men's earnings (a 41% gap) in 1963 when the Equal Pay Act was
enacted to 80% of men's earnings (a 20%o gap) in 2008--for those
working full time and year round. (37) However, it is equally important
to affirm that a gender pay gap remains and continues to hinder equality
in the work place.
Laws and Recent Court Decisions
While the U.S. has achieved several important laws to support a
national commitment to gender pay equality, these laws do not fulfill
that promise because they are limited in applicability, enforceability,
and remedies.
The 1963 EQUAL PAY ACT (EPA), the first federal law to prohibit
gender wage discrimination, amends the Fair Labor Standards Act of 1938
(FLSA) to require equal pay for women and men doing substantially equal
work. (38) The law states, "No employer shall discriminate ...
between employees on the basis of sex by paying wages to employees ...
at a rate less than the rate at which he pays wages to employees of the
opposite sex for equal work on jobs, the performance of which requires
equal skill, effort, and responsibility, and which are preformed under
similar working conditions ..." (39)
Today, the EPA covers virtually all public and private employers
who are covered by the FLSA. (40) An alleged victim has two years to
file a complaint and three years to file for a "willful
violation," which is "when an employer knew or showed reckless
disregard" of whether its conduct was prohibited by the EPA. (41)
Victims recover back Day for any violation, but also recover fixed and
limited damages for a "willful violation." (42) Most
significantly, the Act anticipates and prohibits employers from reducing
the wages of one gender to equalize the gender wage, and instead it
requires the employer to increase the wages of the underpaid gender.
(43)
Men and women are equally protected by the EPA, although female
plaintiffs file the majority of legal cases alleging EPA gender pay
discrimination. (44) However, significant barriers exist to obtain that
protection. A plaintiff must establish a prima facie case of EPA
discrimination to succeed in the claim of gender pay discrimination, and
the burden of proof is substantial. (45) First, the plaintiff must
demonstrate that he/she receives less pay than an employee of the
opposite sex and "that the compared male employee's
educational experience ... relative seniority, and job duties are as
similar as possible to those of the Plaintiff." (46) Second, the
plaintiff must show that both male and female employees perform equal
work on jobs that require substantially "equal skill, effort, and
responsibility." (47) Third, the plaintiff must manifest that the
jobs "are performed under similar working conditions." (48)
Additionally, the plaintiff may use supportive "statistical
evidence of pay disparity between the sexes in substantially the same
positions" to establish the prima facie case of discrimination.49
However, claims of mere employer "intent to discriminate"
provide insufficient evidence to establish a prima facie case. (50)
The EPA provides four exceptions for a wage differential, giving an
employer the right to exercise these affirmative defenses to prove it
did not engage in gender discrimination. (51) The employer meets this
burden through the legal standard of "preponderance of
evidence" that the wage differential is justified. The four
defenses are: (1) a seniority system; (2) a merit system; (3) a system
that measures earnings by quantity or quality of production; or (4) any
other factor other than sex. (52) To overcome the hurdle, the plaintiff
must be able to show that any one of these defenses evidenced by the
employer is simply a "pretext for unlawful discrimination."
(53)
The higher education profession illustrates the unique challenges
female plaintiffs face in proving a prima facie EPA case. First, a
plaintiff must demonstrate gender pay inequality using a reasonable
opposite-gender comparison or appropriate statistical evidence. (55) The
male competitor does not have to be in the same department; however, a
plaintiff must show that the "teachers compared are in the same
discipline" and that they both "teach classes to students in
that discipline." (56) Second, plaintiff faces a much greater
challenge to prove comparable education, skills, responsibilities, and
employment conditions if comparator is not from same department or
discipline. (57) Third, the plaintiff has the greatest burden to prove a
teaching position in a female-dominated discipline is substantially
equal to a teaching position in a male dominated discipline. (58) For
example, in Spaulding v. University of Washington (1985), male faculty
in the predominately female discipline of nursing alleged EPA gender pay
discrimination because they were paid less for their work than male
faculty in other schools of the university such as architecture, urban
planning, health services, and pharmacy practice. (59) The Court found
no EPA violation viewing the issue as "lower pay for [teaching in]
nursing as a discipline ... rather than lower pay for female faculty
members performing substantially the same job as male faculty
members". (60)
TITLE VII OF THE 1964 CIVIL RIGHTS ACT (Title VII) is the broadest
anti discrimination statute regarding employment. It guarantees equal
opportunity, making it "... unlawful employment practices for an
employer to discriminate against an individual with respect to
compensation, terms, conditions, or privileges of employment ..."
on account of gender. (61) First, it covers all public and private
employers with fifteen or more employees. (62) Second, it allows
employer the same exemptions for the pay differential as the EPA.
Employers may use these exemptions based on merit, seniority, superior
skills or abilities as affirmative defenses to demonstrate that the pay
differential is not gender discriminatory. (63)
Title VII provides an additional exemption against gender
discrimination for a bona fide occupational qualification
"reasonably necessary" to the safe and efficient operation of
a particular business. (64) The Equal Employment Opportunity Commission
(EEOC) administers and enforces workplace equality with power to
intervene on behalf of a victim of gender employment discrimination.
(65) An employee challenging a discriminatory employment practice must
first file with EEOC within 180 days "after the alleged unlawful
employment practice occurred." (66) Finally, the EEOC investigates
the charges, holds an administrative adjudicatory hearing, and upon a
finding of employment discrimination, orders a number of
"appropriate remedies," including hiring, reinstatement and
back pay, promotion, and damages. (67)
Ambiguity over the breadth of appropriate remedies under Title VII
led to legal change and court challenges. The 1991 Compensatory Damage
Act amended Title VII to explicitly include recovery of compensatory
damages as an appropriate remedy in cases of intentional Title VII
violations. (68) With this Congressional change, the law carried broader
statutory remedial intent and purpose. However, West, Jr. v. Gibson
challenged, in part, the EEOC's legal scope of authority to require
federal agencies to pay compensatory damages as an appropriate remedy
for employment discrimination in violation of Title VII. (69) In its
decision, the Supreme Court upheld the EEOC's authority to provide
compensatory damages against federal agencies "when they
discriminate in employment in violation of the Civil Rights Act of
1964." (70)
Despite these difficulties, the EEOC has won substantial
settlements for plaintiffs against major businesses practicing past and
continuous gender pay discrimination. For example, in U.S. EEOC v.
Morgan Stanley Co., the investment firm agreed to a $54 million payment
to plaintiffs in a sex discrimination class action consent decree
settlement. (71) The EEOC charged, in part, that the investment firm
paid women in mid to upper level jobs in its Equity Division less than
men and passed over women for promotion. (72) While Morgan Stanley
denied these allegations, it committed to take several actions to
prevent future discrimination, such as 1) implement a program promoting
diversity management training, 2) perform promotion and compensation
analysis, and finally, 3) implement policies to enhance promotion and
retention of women. (73) In another example, in Bell v. Woodward
Governor Company (74) and EEOC v. Woodward Governor Company, a federal
judge approved a $2.6 million settlement for gender discrimination in
pay, promotion, and training. (75) The EEOC on behalf of female
employees working at two of the company's plants brought suit
against this global engine system and parts company for paying women
less than men for similar work. (76) In the agreement, Woodward
committed to 1) implement written job descriptions for positions,
performance appraisals, and compensation, and 2) develop a procedure for
investigating employee complaints of discrimination with EEOC oversight.
(77) Such cases demonstrate effective and robust government enforcement
by the EEOC, financially penalizing large business firms engaged in past
gender employment discrimination. Consequently, proactive settlement
agreements requiring prospective adoption of internal business processes
increase transparency and accountability to prevent future gender
discrimination.
These particular settlements did result in financial gains for
women victimized by past gender pay discrimination. However, the Supreme
Court undermined the advancement of gender pay equality with its
decision, Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire. Lilly Ledbetter, a supervisor at
Goodyear Tire for nineteen years, earned substantially less than her
fifteen male counterparts performing the same work under the same
conditions. She claimed cumulative discriminatory pay decisions over
nineteen years, rather than a one-time discriminatory pay act, which
resulted in a lower salary of $3,727/month compared to the lowest salary
of $4,286/month earned by a male supervisor. (79) The Court acknowledged
that Ledbetter appeared to have a meritorious claim of gender pay
discrimination; however, it struck down her claim on a procedural
technicality because she failed to file the charge with the EEOC within
the 180 day period prescribed by statute after the alleged
discriminatory pay decision occurred. (80) Furthermore, it rejected the
EEOC conclusion that the back pay provisions of Title VII allowed
challenges to pay discrimination commencing before and continuing
through into the 180 day filing period.
The Ledbetter case demonstrates an "insidious
discrimination" practice undervaluing Ledbetter's work by
repeated pay decisions causing her salary to fall "slowly but
steadily" over time, "15 to 40 percent behind her male
counterparts." (82) Furthermore, Ledbetter as a "member of a
protected class ... performed work substantially equal to the work of
the dominant male class (men); she was compensated less for that
work" because of her gender. (83) Justice Ginsberg's
dissenting opinion points out that the majority opinion in Ledbetter
reflects a narrow interpretation of Title VII, "incompatible with
the statute's broad remedial purpose." (84) Consequently, it
fails to remedy the persistent wage disparities between men and women
performing equal work under the same workplace conditions.
The 2009 LILLY LEDBETTER FAIR PAY RESTORATION ACT (Lilly Ledbetter
Act) reverses the negative impact of the Supreme Court decision in
Ledbetter v. Goodyear Tire (2007). (85) The law amends Title VII to
impose a "paycheck accrual rule" specifying that
discriminatory pay decisions start the 180 day EEOC filing period
"each time an employee receives a paycheck, in whole or in part,
resulting from a discriminatory practice" whether it occurred
during the filing charge period or "outside the time for filing a
charge." (86) Additionally, the law provides remedies of two years
of back pay preceding the filing of the charge and compensatory damages.
(87) Filing period extends to 300 days in states with a fair employment
agency and the effective date is retroactive to the Supreme Court
decision. (88) This new act makes clear that Congress intended "a
robust application of the law" to further "statutory
protections against discrimination in compensation" as a bedrock
principle of U. S. law for decades. (89)
Yet, barriers to gender pay discrimination remain because these
laws fail to provide effective protection against gender pay inequality
in their applications, remedies, and enforcement. The Ledbetter case,
which exposed an interpretive loophole in Title VII, illustrates the
difficulties plaintiffs face in proving gender pay discrimination
claims. Prevention of gender wage inequality requires improvements and
modifications to these laws; and it requires more proactive federal
government response.
The PAYCHECK FAIRNESS ACT (PFA), proposed legislation in the
current 111th Congress, is an important effort to improve the
effectiveness of the EPA and Title VII and to correct their obvious
deficiencies. First, it would strengthen the EPA remedies to include
provisions mandating compensatory and punitive damages for employer EPA
violations. (90) The current EPA remedies are weak: successful victims
can recover merely fixed and limited damages and back pay--awards
"which tend to be insubstantial." (91) The EPA remedies must,
at a minimum, be equal to those of Title VII and the Lilly Ledbetter
Act.
A second PFA legal change would allow Title VII suits to proceed
automatically as class actions, granting relief to all who are injured
by the employer's unlawful practice. (92) This legal change would
eliminate a major problem plaintiffs have faced in the case, Dukes v.
Wed Mart, where six plaintiffs, "on behalf of more than 1.5 million
current and former female employees who worked in 3,400 stores in 41
regions," brought a class action suit under Title VII against
Wal-Mart for gender pay discrimination. (93) The court must first decide
to allow the case to move forward procedurally as a class action suit
before it can examine the case on its merits. A three judge panel of the
Ninth Circuit Appellate Court in 2007 reaffirmed the Federal District
Court certification as a class action--the largest class action gender
pay employment discrimination case in U.S. history. (94) Wal-Mart
appealed the decision to the full judge panel of the Ninth Circuit
Appellate Court. (95)
A third PFA provision would improve EEOC's collection of data
and pay information essential to the EEOC's ability to detect
violations. (96) Enhanced detection capability and strong, uniform,
punitive remedies in all gender discrimination laws would send a clear
message of zero toleration of gender pay discrimination, putting greater
teeth into enforcement against employers who practice gender pay
discrimination. (97) Additionally, it would strengthen EEOC enforcement
prohibitions against employer retaliation by further preventing
employers from punishing employees who share salary information with
their coworkers. (98) Furthermore, increased employee knowledge about
wage disparities in their workplace would be useful information to
evaluate individual experiences of gender wage discrimination, a
significant problem for Lilly Ledbetter." (99) Pay privacy prevents
transparency regarding employee wages. It hinders the EEOC's
enforcement capabilities, allowing employers to perpetuate gender wage
discrimination practices.
Perhaps the most important PFA change would amend the very broad
fourth affirmative defense language of the EPA and Title VII permitting
employers to pay a differential based on "any other factor other
than sex." (100) The amendment would require a specific, stronger
"bona fide factor such as education, training or experience."
(101) Furthermore, it would require evidence that the pay differential,
based on the bona fide factor, is also directly related to job
performance and "consistent with business necessity." (102)
However, if an employee "demonstrates that an alternative
employment practice exists that would serve the same business purpose
and the employer has refused to adopt such alternative practice,"
the defense is eliminated. (103)
THE FAMILY AND MEDICAL LEAVE ACT OF 1993 (FMLA) builds upon the
1978 Pregnancy Discrimination Act to prohibit gender pay discrimination
resulting from work and family responsibilities. (104) A milestone in
the legal support of family, it recognizes explicitly that family needs
impact women in the workplace: "Due to nature of roles of men and
women ... primary responsibility for family caretaking often falls on
women, and such responsibility affects the working lives of women more
than it affects the working lives of men..." (105)
Furthermore, the FMLA requires the workplace to provide employment
policies accommodating the needs of the growing number of working women
with children. (106) Its purpose is to balance work and family;
"promote the stability and economic security of families;"
and, "preserving family integrity" as a national interest in
furthering the "goal of equal employment opportunity for men and
women." (107) The law entitles an employee to take "reasonable
medical leave", including maternity related disability "for
birth or adoption of a child, and for the care of child spouse or parent
who has a serious health condition." (108)
FMLA covers all private employers engaged in commerce or affecting
commerce who employ fifty or more employees. Yet, it denies coverage for
any with less than fifty employees, precluding leave availability to
many employees working in small businesses. (109) To be eligible for the
leave, employees must be (1) employed consecutively for at least twelve
months and for at least 1250 hours in a calendar year (2) they must
provide the employer thirty days notice of leave intent and (3) it may
be taken on an intermittent basis, if sanctioned by the employer. (110)
Additionally, the Act limits leave to an aggregate number of twelve work
weeks total if both spouses work for the same employer. (111)
Furthermore, the leave is gender neutral, consistent with the Equal
Protection Clause of the Fourteenth Amendment to minimize potential harm
against employment discrimination based on gender. Employer violation of
the FMLA entitles an employee to recoup any wages, salary, benefits or
other monetary loses directly resulting from the violation and
liquidated damages. (112) This law provides an employee two years to
bring a law suit commencing from the date of the last event constituting
the alleged violation for the cause of action." (113)
Under the law, employees cannot be immediately penalized upon
return to work; they return to the "same or equivalent"
position of employment held at time when the leave commenced. (114) The
law prohibits an employer from reducing, any loss of employment status,
pay or benefits earned prior to leave upon return to work. (115)
However, an employee loses seniority or any additional right of benefit
or position earned during the period of leave. Lastly, the law requires
the employer to maintain employee health benefits during the leave.
(116)
Restrictions under the law limit its short-term effectiveness in
meeting the needs of family and work. First, leave eligibility is
available only for serious medical conditions, or illness of dependents,
remaining unresponsive to the more common need to care for children who
are moderately ill, but perhaps too ill to attend school or day care.
(117) Second, it is unpaid. (118) Consequently, employees who can afford
to accept the pay loss for the twelve weeks benefit; lower income
employees who cannot afford a twelve week compensation loss fail to
benefit. Third, the leave carries employment risk. The workplace norm
consists of "unbroken career progression." (119) Employees
experience a long term wage penalty in terms of advancement and
seniority resulting from the leave. Moreover, employers may consider the
leave as broken career service.
Legal Effectiveness
The above laws, explicitly prohibiting gender pay discrimination,
fail in a number of ways to achieve gender pay equality. First, as
previously discussed, they have not eliminated the pay gap that is based
solely on gender.120 In addition, as demonstrated in the outlined cases,
application of these laws creates a substantial burden of proof,
requires different time prescriptions for filing claims, and provides
varying remedies, contributing to insubstantial or ineffective results.
Second, Title VII specifically prohibits overt discrimination--use
of gender as criterion for all employment decisions, including other
conditions of employment such as employee segregation to deny women
employment opportunities. (121) Yet Title VII has not prohibited
employers from limiting women to occupationally segregated jobs that
create female dominated occupations promoting less pay, less prestige,
and less opportunity for advancement than male dominated jobs. (122)
Overt discrimination directly affects women's earnings. It is a
salient feature of the workforce contributing to wage inequality between
men and women. Furthermore, these gender dominated occupations create
unequal pay between men and women within the female dominated occupation
where more than 70% of workers in the occupation are women. (123)
Overt discrimination fosters gender devaluation or gender
subordination by allowing workplace practices that impede women's
participation, advancement, and pay. The practice begins by
"defining men and women differently" and then evaluating the
difference as gender deficient, thus rendering women's capacity to
grow and contribute as deficient. (124) Consequently, this so-called
gender deficiency perpetuates gender pay inequality. Devaluation further
diminishes women's human capital worth, implying that the
"true market value of a woman can actually be less than that of
men." (125) It justifies paying women less than men. Additionally,
subordination negates the fundamental meaning of human equality,
disproportionately concentrating women at low end paying jobs and men at
the high end of the wage paying jobs--perhaps an attribution to a
societal gender bias "favoring men as leaders and women as
followers." (126) For example, the assumption remains that women
are less skilled than men in the leadership requirement of problem
solving. (127) This assumption creates a major barrier to the
advancement of women in top executive corporate leadership. In Fortune
500 companies women hold an impressive 50.3% of managerial and
professional positions; however, among the top earners, women represent
merely 7.9%, and among CEO's, less than 1.4% are women. (128)
Subordination perpetuates a salary glass ceiling. (129)
The profession of human resources illustrates the persistence of a
salary glass ceiling. Identified as one of the ten top paying female
professions, it has failed to eliminate gender pay disparities in senior
executive positions: men still dominate the high paying human resources
executive positions with significantly higher pay. (130) For example,
among the current top fifty highest paid human resources executives,
just fourteen are women; and among the top fifteen, only three are
women.
Furthermore, these laws fail to prevent glass ceiling practices
perpetuating gender pay inequality. Prevention requires implementation
of organizational systems that embrace inter-organizational networks
involving collaborative experience and placing teamwork as the basic
organizational structure. For example, organizations with extensive
bureaucratic rules and levels of hierarchy continue "hidden modes
of operation including gender stereotyping and discrimination,"
subtle barriers to prevent women's advancement. (132)
The Life Science biotech profession illustrates an effective way to
prevent glass ceiling practices. Employment in a biotech firm opens
career advancements for female PhD's. For example, female
PhD's are nearly eight times more likely to be in leadership
positions in biotech firms--largely network forums--than are female
PhD's in more hierarchical organizations of other sciences. (133)
Women, traditionally disadvantaged in other areas of scientific academic
research, perceive upwardly mobile career opportunities in the biotech
profession because these firms are open to talent, skills, and
motivation. (134) They foster a gender equal environment with more
varied or flexible networking opportunities for all scientists, men and
women, to take on positions of responsibility. "Biotech firms
present the carrot of opportunity to do basic science to highly trained
women with more flexibility in terms of hours whereas it is more
difficult to accommodate a family in academia, especially with the
tenure clock." (135)
Third, these laws specifically fail to challenge the standard of
the "ideal worker", whose value is mainly measured by time in
the workplace. This standard is a major contributing factor to gender
pay inequality, consistent with devaluation of women's worth. The
ideal worker is determined by time in the workplace, number of hours
worked (usually 40 or more hours per week), and when those hours are
worked. (136) The ideal worker has the flexibility to change shifts when
required, but for mothers with child care, a shift change may pose real
problems. The ideal worker works all year round with limited number of
breaks in employment. (138) The notion that "time spent with
one's child is time wasted" implies that child rearing creates
an adverse impact on work qualifications and permits a pay penalty for
women who exit the labor force to have or rear a child. (139) For
example, women who stay continuously in the work force for twelve or
more years experience greater wage parity with men, suggesting
"employers expect women to take significant timeout from the labor
force to have and care for children" and then reward them with less
pay. (140)
Employees who fail to meet these standards are considered less
valuable, suggesting certain stereotypes: "women have little
ambition or are unprepared to work long hours; they will be content with
a position of limited potential; and women will leave the profession to
have a family." (141) In other words, women choose to stay at home.
Employers who push long hours need to adapt a program of workplace
flexibility to retain female talent, to enable women to leave to have
families, and to come back to the same organization without any long
term penalty for broken career service.
All three of these causes of gender pay inequality are especially
evident in the mainly segregated medical and healthcare professions. For
example, male nurses "will earn $4,825 [per year] more than
females" when both have the same productive characteristics,
education, skills, and working conditions, demonstrating a pay
discrimination based mainly on gender. (142) Second, the male-dominated
profession of physician (84% male) has more prestige than the female
dominated profession of nursing (97% female), manifesting traditional
occupational discrimination. (143) Third, female physicians seem to
experience a negative impact from decreased time in the workplace
resulting from family responsibilities. In general, female physicians
earn less than male physicians where "median weekly earnings by
women physicians in 2006 were just 72% of median weekly earnings of male
physicians." (144) However, evidence suggests that female
physicians with no children earn salaries more closely aligned with male
physicians because they garner hours on the job more comparable to hours
worked by male physicians. Additionally, female physicians with
children, further disadvantaged by reduced time in the workplace,
subsequently fall behind their male counterparts by large numbers. (146)
For example, female physicians with one child earn 14% less, and female
physicians with more than one child earn 22% less than their male
physician counterparts with one or more children, respectively. (147)
Finally, female physicians with children are increasingly falling behind
in earnings from female physicians with no children. (148)
Conclusion
Gender pay equality is an attainable goal in the United States
workforce. The law, through Congressional statutes and Supreme Court
decisions, has advanced gender equality in both political and economic
spheres, and particular progress manifests in the workforce. However,
Supreme Court decisions, such as Ledbetter, focus attention on the legal
failure to provide the appropriate remedial process to address gender
pay inequality cases. Additionally, Federal statutes such as EPA and
Title VII, enacted to advance gender pay equality in the workforce,
still fail to prevent court interpretations that allow employers to
continue gender pay discriminatory practices. Title VII, a noteworthy
effort, still fails to prevent workplace practices that promote
occupational segregation and perpetuate salary glass ceilings.
Furthermore, the FMLA, a flawed attempt to balance family and work
needs, still fails to change the long term effect on women's pay
based on antiquated measurements of employee value.
As detailed in previous pages, these important laws explicitly
prohibit gender pay discrimination; yet they fail to achieve gender pay
equality. Uniform application, less ambiguity to invite interpretation,
stricter enforcement, and stronger remedies must be adopted to correct
past discriminatory practices as well as prevent recurrences in the
future. Moreover, these laws are only as effective as the next
President, the next Congress and the next EEOC Commissioner.
Interpretation of these laws requires stronger legal and political
support, such as the unwavering and compelling national intolerance of
racial discrimination. A simple majority in Congress can repeal or
further weaken these narrowly crafted laws which currently fail to reach
many root causes where gender employment discrimination prevails. The
Supreme Court can preclude purposeful equal pay for equal work gender
protections based on timeliness of filing complaints; and the Court
continues to deny the highest degree of protection against gender based
pay discrimination than it has affirmed against race based employment
discrimination.
A major step would require President Obama and Congress to renew
the effort to adopt a Constitutional amendment guaranteeing full gender
equality: "Equality of rights ... shall not be denied or abridged
on account of sex," is the language of the proposed Equal Rights
Amendment (ERA) to the U.S. Constitution. (149) "90% of Americans
believe that the Constitution should make it clear that women and men
have equal rights. (150)
Perhaps the most compelling argument for ERA adoption is the change
it would bring to the classification of women as a suspect class for
discrimination. First, it would raise the current level from
"intermediate scrutiny" to the optimal level of "strict
scrutiny," the same level as race. (151) Such increased scrutiny
would hugely impact Supreme Court decisions on gender discrimination
cases including those affecting gender pay equality. Adoption would
require the courts to exercise, at a minimum, an enhanced level of
"skeptical scrutiny" defined by Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg in
United States v. Virginia as requiring "exceedingly persuasive
justification of differential treatment on the basis of sex." (152)
Gender based classification on "generalized assumptions about
'the way men or women are' will not stand up to even
skeptical, [heightened] let alone strict scrutiny." (153) Second,
adoption of ERA would provide a Constitutional guarantee of equality
between men and women, further strengthening current statutes, such as
EPA, Title VII and Ledbetter Act, and it would unambiguously compel
gender pay equality. Third, the adoption of ERA would make it extremely
difficult for future conservative Supreme Courts, or changes in
Congressional party leadership and political philosophy to undermine
equal protection precedents. (154)
The political enticements of stronger, more effective laws through
additional legislation still will not address the social attitudes that
are at the root of the workplace discrimination. Any political national
commitment to gender pay equality is meaningless unless it embraces
attitude change in the workplace. Neither one alone will eliminate the
societal norms that perpetuate assumptions and lack of understanding of
a gender neutral workplace.
First, the national mindset must reshape gender behavior in and out
of workplace, starting with a new concept of the ideal worker. The
current measure of workplace value is based on outdated social norms. It
predetermines women's opportunities, personal choices, and
advancement, creating a glass ceiling and a gender pay gap. It presumes
that women who spend fewer years in the workplace are investing less in
developing their professional skills, thus creating lower professional
worth. However, women are refuting this presumption and showing clear
motivation by gaining more education and earning more college and
advance professional degrees than men. (155) Women's continued
investment in their personal skill development through education will
provide change in their occupational choices commensurate with their
enhanced education. Many educated women, with or without children, are
selecting full time, life time highly skilled professions like biotech;
and their salaries will continue to rise reaching salaries equal To
those earned by men. This change, perhaps more significantly than any
new laws, will further narrow the gender pay gap.
Second, part time work, flexible schedules, and alternative work
arrangements must gain wider acceptance. Organizations must recognize
that women are as motivated as men by economic interest but the nature
of their job choices may be more restricted. Expanded opportunities to
balance work and childrearing, initiated by the FMLA, are reasonable and
necessary to permit women to have equal opportunities to men and to
enable employers to take advantage of the full productive potential of
the female workforce.
Workplace change is already occurring because women themselves, not
legislation, are creating and forcing change. For example, female
faculty at MIT initiated a widely acclaimed internal gender equality
salary study that evidenced not only gender pay discrimination, but also
discrimination in limited and unequal distribution of laboratory space
and resources between male and female faculty. (156) To correct these
documented discriminatory practices, MIT raised female faculty salaries
commensurate to male faculty salaries and provided more discretionary
research and laboratory space. (157) In a more recent example, female
lawyers are using the platform of blogging to bring about change in
their law firms. They blog (1) to share resources, ideas, and strategies
to challenge their male-dominated workplace and to strengthen and
effectuate their own bargaining power; (2) to compensate for the
"law's limited ability to affect social change" and its
failure to make the Equal Rights Amendment part of the U.S.
Constitution; and finally, (3) to force partners in law firms to
"revisit ingrained institutional mindsets and practices" in
order to attract and retain female lawyers--nearly one half of the legal
talent pool of law school graduates. (158)
The increasing majority of women in the workforce inspires renewed
efforts by employees and provides further incentive to employers to
overcome workplace discrimination, especially gender pay inequality. The
Obama Administration reflects this desire for widespread societal
change, drawing on the nation's founding ideals of equality under
the law. In his first State of the Union address, President Obama
committed to "crack down on violations of the equal pay laws ... so
that women get equal pay for an equal day's work." (159)
Rhetoric alone will not motivate necessary workplace changes--It is
action that will realize the goal of gender pay equality.
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(1) Quote by Alice Paul, who introduced the Equal Rights Amendment
to Congress in 1923. "Women Open Campaign for Equal Rights,"
Equal Rights, Official Weekly of the National Woman's Party, July
28, 1923.
(2) THE DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE (U.S. 1776).
(3) At time of nation's founding, assumption existed that only
white males with property would vote. Specifically. African-American
males and all women were denied constitutional rights. Christina
Wobrecht, Political Women and American Democracy, (New York: Vintage,
2008), 3. http:www/cup.com/ac.nk/us/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780511380617&=exc
(4) U.S. const, amend. XIX.
(5) African American males gained their legal emancipation through
the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the U.S. Constitution. The 13lh
Amendment, ratified in 1865, abolished slavery. The 14th Amendment,
ratified in 1868, granted all former male slaves full citizenship and
all rights and privileges as citizens, including the right to vote. The
15lh Amendment, ratified in 1870, prohibited voting denial to former
slaves "on account of race, color or previous condition of
servitude." U.S. Const, amend. XIII, XIV, XV.
(6) "Biographies of Current Governors," National
Governors Association, (February, 26,2010).
http://www.nga.org/portal/site/nga/menuitem.42b929bla5b9e4eac3363dl0501010a0/ 7vgnextoid-d54c8aaa2ebbff00VgnVCM1000001a01010aRCRD&vgnextfmt=curgov. Christina Wobrecht, Political Women and American Democracy, (New
York; Vintage, 2008), 2,
http:www/cup.com/ac.uk/us/catalogue/catalogue.asp?isbn=9780511380617&=exc
(7) Wobrecht, Political Women, 5.
(8) U.S. CONST, art. I, [section] 2, cl. 5; U.S. const, art. II,
[section] 1, cl. 6, and amend. XXV
(9) Hillary Clinton received more than 17 million votes in the 2008
Presidential election primaries and was narrowly defeated to become
first woman major party nominee. CNN, "Clinton's new job;
Persuading diehard fans to back Obama," CNN Politics.com (June 8,
2008). http://www.cnn.com/2008/politics/06/08/clinton.voters/index.html.
(10) Martha Burk and Eleanor Smeal, "U.S. Needs a Women's
Equality Amendment," Star Tribune, May 1, 2007. Available on
http://www.commondreams.org/archive/2007/05/01/893. In addition to two
female justices currently serving on the U.S. Supreme Court, "women
constitute only 23% of the federal district court and circuit court
judges." One woman has served as U.S. Attorney General. Alison I.
Stein, "Women Lawyers Blog for Workplace Equality: Blogging as a
Feminist Legal Method," Yale Journal of Law and Feminism 20 (2009):
364. http://0-www.lexisnexis.corn.library.law.suffolk.edu.
(11) 100 U.S. 303,309-310 (1879). In Strauder, the Supreme Court
specifically held that the Equal Protection Clause of the 14th Amendment
forbids states from barring men from juries based on race/color. It did
not extend that right to women to serve on juries. "The very idea
of a jury is a body of men composed of the peers or equals...having the
same legal status as that which he holds."
(12) 329 U.S. 187,192 (1946). la Ballard, the Court held that
"juries in the federal courts sitting in such states ... [where]
women are eligible for jury service under local law ... would be
representative of both sexes." It left undisturbed state processes
to qualify jury pools, in effect reaffirming states' rights to deny
women participation in their jury pools.
(13) 368 U.S. 57, 61-62 and 65 (1961). In Hoyt, the Court
reaffirmed Ballard, holding that Florida state law, which gives
"women an absolute exemption from jury duty based solely on their
sex," was valid to accommodate women's special
responsibilities "as the center of home and family." The Court
dismissed women's equal protection claims when tried before
resulting all male jurors.
(14) 511 U.S. 127, 143-146 (1994). The Court stated, "when
persons ... [are] excluded from participation in our democratic process
solely because of race or gender ... this promise of equality [under the
law] dims ..." Essentially, the Court extended to gender cases the
scope of Batson v. Kentucky, 476 U.S. 70, 90 (1986), which outlawed
preemptive strikes solely on the basis of race.
(15) 404 U.S. 71, 77 (1971). In Reed, the Court held that Idaho
state statute giving mandatory preference to one gender over another,
providing "dissimilar treatment for men and women who are ...
similarly situated," violates the 14th Amendment's Equal
Protection Clause. Roberta W. Francis, "Reconstituting the Equal
Rights Amendment; Policy Implications for Sex Discrimination,"
Paper presented at the American Political Science Association Annual
Conference, San Francisco, CA, August 30September 2, 2001, 5, 11n10.
(16) 411 U.S. 677, 689 (1973); In Fronterio v. Richardson, the
Supreme Court struck down federal statutes 37 U.S.C.S.
[section][section] 401, 403, and 10 U.S.C.S. [section][section] 1072,
1076 as unconstitutional, requiring "differential treatment"
of men and women.
(17) 429 U.S. 190,197 and 210 (1976); In Craig v. Boren, the Court
held that gender classification "must serve important governmental
objectives and must be substantially related to achievement of those
objectives" in order to meet the constitutional requirement of the
14th Amendment Equal Protection Clause. Justice Powell, in a concurring
opinion, pointed out that "gender-based classifications make clear
that the Court subjects such classifications to a more critical
examination than is normally applied when 'fundamental'
constitutional rights and 'suspect classes' are not
present."
(18) Francis, "Reconstituting the Equal Rights
Amendment," 11n10. 429 U.S. 190,217-218 (1976); In Justice
Rehnquist's dissent, he rejected the new test of "intermediate
scrutiny" for gender based classifications in favor of the lower
"rational basis." Both levels of scrutiny fall below the
"strict scrutiny" test established for race.
(19) Heidi Hartmann, Barbara Gault, and Erica Williams, "Memo
to John Roberts: The Gender Wage Gap is Real," Institute for
Women's Policy Research, September 2005, 1-2.
http://wwww.iwpr.org/pdf/c362.pdf.
(20) U.S. Department of Labor, U.S. Bureau of Labor Statistics,
Women in the Labor Force: A Databook, 2009 ed. Washington, DC: September
2009, 1. http://www.bls.gov/cps/wlf-databook2009.htm
(21) U.S Dept of Labor, Women in the Labor Force, 2, Table 16, 52.
"Congress Must Act to close the Wage Gap for Women," National
Women's Law Center, April (2008), 1n7. http://www.nwlc.org/.
(22) "Congress Must Act," National Women's Law
Center, 2n24-25.
(23) Regression analysis is an economic technique that measures all
possible variables contributing to a wage gap; the remaining portion
that is unexplained by these measurable variables is attributed to
gender discrimination. Diana Furchtgott-Roth, "Testimony on
Paycheck Fairness Act," Testimony before the House Committee on
Education and Labor, April 24, 2007, 5.
(24) Ibid., 7.
(25) Ibid., 8, 10.
(26) Ibid., 8, 10.
(27) "One of the main reasons for the persistent pay gap is
the fact that 'women are vastly overrepresented in traditionally
female jobs with low pay, low status, and high turnover.'"
Nancy Levit & Robert R.M. Verchick, Feminist Legal Theory 45 (2006):
73 as quoted in Stein, "Women Lawyers Blog," 374n95.
(28) Furchtgott-Roth, "Testimony on Paycheck," 7.
(29) Ibid., 7
(30) U. S. General Accounting Office, "Women's
Earnings--Work Patterns Partially Explain Difference between Men's
and Women's Earnings," U. S. Genera! Accounting Office: Report
to Congressional Requesters, October 2003, Washington, DC: GAO, 2003,
22.
"Congress Must Act to close the Wage Gap for Women,"
National Women is Law Center April (2008), 8n32. http: //www. n wl c.
org/.
Linda Levine, "The Gender Wage Gap and Pay Equity: Is
Comparable Worth the Next Step?," CRS Report for Congress, December
20, 2004, 9. Available on http://wikileaks.org/wiki/CRS-98-278.
(31) U. S. General Accounting Office, "Women's
Earnings", 22. "Congress Must Act," National Women's
Law Center, 8n33.
Fraincine D. Blau and Lawrence M. Kahn, "Gender Differences in
Pay," Journal of Economic Perspectives, 14 (Fall 2000): 75-99 as
cited in Michael Selmi, "Care, Work, and the Road to Equality: A
Commentary on Fineman and Williams," Chicago Kent Law Review 76
(2001): 1559nl 1. http://0-www.lexisnexis.coni.library.law.suffolk.edu
and in Joseph Price, "Gender Differences in the Response to
Competition," Industrial and Labor Relations Review 61, no. 3
(April 2008): 320nl. http://0-web.ebscohost.com.lihrary.law.suffolk.edu.
(32) U.S Dept of Labor, Women in the Labor Force, Table 7, 18.
(33) Ibid., Table 9,23.
(34) Ibid., Table 11, 28.
(35) Casey B. Mulligan, "A Milestone for Working Women?"
Economix Blog, NYTimes.com (January 14, 2009): 1.
http://economix.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/01/14/a-milestone-for-
women-workers/.
(36) Ibid.
(37) "Congress Must Act to close the Wage Gap for Women,"
National Women's Law Center April (2008), ln2.
http://www.nwlc.org/.
U.S Dept of Labor, Women in the Labor Force, 1.
(38) 29 U.S.C. [section] 201 and [section] 206(2010).
(39) 29 U.S.C. [section] 206(d)(l)(2010).
(40) Sandra J. Perry, "Equal Pay Act Cases in Higher
Education," Journal of Individual Employment Rights 12, no. 1
(2005-2006): 38n6. http://0-web.ebscohost.com.library.law.suffolk.edu.
452 U.S. 161, 165 n3 (1981); In County of Washington v. Gunther (1981),
the Court pointed out that "the Equal Pay Act did not apply to
municipal employees until passage of the Fair Labor Standards Amendments
of 1974."
(41) 29 U.S.C [section] 255(a) (2010). Perry, "Equal Pay Act
Cases," 33, 38n9, 40n49.
(42) 29 U.S.C [section] 216 (b) (2010).
(43) 29 U.S.C [section] 206 (d)(l)(2010).
(44) Perry, "Equal Pay Act Cases," 38n8
(45) Black's Law Dictionary defines a prima facie as (adv.)
Latin for "At first sight; on first appearance but subject to
further evidence or information" and (adj.) "sufficient to
establish a fact or raise a presumption unless disproved or
rebutted." A prima facie case requires the establishment of
"... enough evidence to allow the fact-trier to infer the fact at
issue and rule in the party's favor." Bryan A. Garner, Ed. in
Chief, "Prima Facie (adv. & adj.)" and "Prima Facie
Case," Black's Law Dictionary, 9th ed., 2009: St. Paul, MN,
1310.
(46) 29 U.S.C [section] 206 (d)(1) as cited in Perry, "Equal
Pay Act Cases," 23.
(47) Ibid., 22.
(48) Ibid.
(49) Perry, "Equal Pay Act Cases," 22.
(50) Ibid, 22, 38n9.
(51) 29 U.S.C. [section] 206 (d)(1) as cited in Perry, "Equal
Pay Act Cases," 23.
(52) Ibid.
(53) Perry, "Equal Pay Act Cases," 23n2.
(54) A gender gap prevails in the profession. Female faculty earn
about 80% of what male faculty earn for two reasons: (1) "female
faculty are more likely to be employed in lower paid non tenure
positions"; (2) "they are more likely to teach at associate
and baccalaureate colleges where salaries are lower than at institutions
conferring graduate degrees." Additionally, a female faculty member
earns less pay than a comparable male faculty member of same rank who
works in the same department in same institution. Perry, "Equal Pay
Act Cases," 21 n3.
(55) Ibid., 23-24.
740 F.2d 686, 698 and 703-704 (9th Cir. 1985); For example, in
Spaulding v. University of Washington, the court found that the
statistical evidence submitted by the plaintiffs was deficient and the
plaintiffs failed to establish that they performed work substantially
equal to work performed by male faculty members in other disciplines.
(56) Perry, "Equal Pay Act Cases," 39n17.
765 F.2d 1026, 1033, 1036 and 1039 (11th Cir. 1985); In Brock v.
Georgia Southwestern College, the court found the state college
willfully violated the EPA with regard to four of the six female
plaintiffs, and remanded to the District Court to determine the
appropriateness of male comparators to the two female claimants who were
no longer teachers. The jobs of the four plaintiffs and their male
comparators were substantially equal even though they taught different
courses.
(57) Perry, "Equal Pay Act Cases," 24.
(58) Ibid., 25.
(59) 740 F.2d 686, 698 (9th Cir. 1985); The court stated that
"the difference in pay between jobs which women primarily hold and
jobs which men primarily hold does not state a prima facie Equal Pay Act
case if the jobs are not substantially equal."
(60) Perry, "Equal Pay Act Cases," 25.
740 F.2d686, 693 and 700 (9th Cir. 1985); la Spaulding v.
University of Washington, the court held that the standard of evidence
for the EPA is different from the standard of Title VII. While the EPA
only requires a demonstration of unequal pay for the same work. Title
VII requires a showing of intentional discrimination as well.
(61) 42 U.S.C 21 [section] 2000e-2(a) (1) (2010).
(62) 42 U.S.C 21 [section] 2000e-(b) (f) (2010).
County of Washington v. Gunther, 452 U.S. 161, 165 n3 (1981);
Municipal employees were added with the passage of the Equal Employment
Opportunity Act of 1972.
(63) 42 U.S.C 21 [section] 2000e-2(h)(2010).
452 U.S. 161, 181 (1981); In County of Washington v. Gunther, the
Court reaffirmed consistent interpretation of affirmative defenses in
both EPA and Title VII statutes. 29 U.S.C [section] 206 (d)(1) (2010).
(64) 42 U.S.C 21 [section] 2000e-2(e) (2010).
(65) 42 U.S.C [section] 2000e-4(g)(6) (2010).
(66) 42 U.S.C [section] 2000e-5(e)(l)(2010).
The EEOC interpreted Title VII broadly to allow plaintiffs to file
claims of pay discrimination "as long as the unequal pay
continued." Stein, "Women Lawyers Blog," 374.
(67) 42 U.S.C [section] 2000e-16 (2010)
(68) 42 U.S.C [section] 1981 a (a)(1) (2010).
Black's Law Dictionary defines "Compensatory
Damages" as "Damages sufficient in amount to indemnify the
injured person for the loss suffered."
Bryan A. Garner, Ed. in Chief, "Compensatory Damages,"
Black's Law Dictionary, 9th ed., 2009: St. Paul, MN, 445.
(69) 527 U.S 212, 214 (1999).
(70) Id., 214, 217 and 223; Supreme Court remanded to the Seventh
Circuit Court of Appeals to determine whether or not Gibson had
exhausted EEOC administrative remedies before bringing the case to
court. 42 U.S.C. [section] 2000e et seq. (2010).
(71) S.D.N.Y. No. 01-CIV-8421
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, "EEOC and Morgan
Stanley Announce Settlement of Sex Discrimination Lawsuit," U.S.
Equal Employment Opportunity Commission: Press Release, July 12, 2004,
1. http://www.eeoc.gov/eeoc/newsroom/release/archive/7-12-04.html.
(72) Ibid.
(73) Ibid.
(74) N.D. Ill. No. 0350190.
(75) N.D. Ill. No. 06C50178.
(76) The two suits were consolidated: The first one was brought by
employees as a racial employment discrimination case; the second one,
brought by EEOC, affirmed the racial discrimination allegations and
added the gender discrimination charge.
U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, "Judge Approves
$5 Million Settlement of Job Bias Lawsuits Against Woodward
Governor," U.S. Equal Employment Opportunity Commission: Press
Release, February 20, 2007, 1.
http://www.eeoc.gov/eeoc/newsroom/release/archive/2-20-07.html.
(77) "Congress Must Act," National Women's Law
Center, 4n36.
(78) 550 U.S. 618, 621-622 (2007).
(79) Id. at 643.
(80) Stein, "Women Lawyers Blog," 375; "Ledbetter
had in fact been a victim of pay discrimination based on gender."
550 U.S. 618, 623-629 (2007).
(81) 550 U.S. 618,637 (2007).
Perhaps an EPA claim, which Ledbetter initially filed but later
abandoned, would have had a different outcome. For example, EPA, an
amendment to the FLSA, is subject to different time prescriptions.
However, under EPA, she would not be entitled to compensatory damages.
29 U.S.C. [section] 216, 255 (a), 256 (2010).
(82) 550 U.S. 618,649 (2007).
Goodyear had a policy prohibiting employees from sharing their pay
information, thus Ledbetter had no proof of gender pay discrimination
"until one day she received an anonymous note revealing the
salaries of three male supervisors."
Stein, "Women Lawyers Blog," 375.
(83) 550 U.S. 618,659 (2007).
Protected classes are covered by federal laws on Equal Employment
Opportunities, including EPA and Title VTT. Included among protected
classes are racial minorities, women and older Americans.
(84) Id. at 660.
(85) President Obama, a co-sponsor of the Senate version of the
act, signed the Lilly Ledbetter Bill into law on January 27, 2009, the
first law he signed as President. Washington Post. "Obama Signs
Lilly Ledbetter Act." WashingtonPost.com (January 29, 2009).
http://voices.washingtonpost.com/44/2009/01/29/
obama_signs_lilly_ledbetter_ac.html.
(86) 42 U.S.C. [section] 2000e-5e (3) (A) & (B) (2010).
(87) 42 U.S.C. [section] 2000e-5e (3) (B) (2010).
(88) 542 U.S.C. [section] 2000e-5e (2010). P.L. 111-2, [section]
6(2010).
(89) P.L. 111-2, [section] 2 (2010).
(90) H.R. 12 [section] 3(c), 111'11 Cong., 2010, amending 29
U.S.C. 216 (b)(1).
(91) "Congress Must Act," National Women '$ Law
Center, 5.
(92) In general, the court "authorizes a single person or a
small group of people to represent the interest of the larger
group." Federal procedure maintains a class action under several
prerequisites in which "the class must be so large that individual
suits would be impractical."
Bryan A. Garner, Ed. in Chief, "Class Action,"
Black's Law Dictionary, 9th ed., 2009: St. Paul, MN, 284.
(93) 474 F.3d 1214,1222 (9fh Cir. 2007).
(94) Id. at 1244.
(95) 556 F.3d 919 (9th Cir. 2009) per En Banc Report dated April
20,2010 of U.S. Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit,
http://www.ca9.uscourts.gov/enbanc/; The full panel heard the oral
arguments of the appeal on March 24, 2009) and reaffirmed the
certification as a class action. Wal-Mart can appeal this decision to
the Supreme Court.
(96) H.R. 12 [section] 8, 111th Cong. (2010), amending 42 U.S.C.
[section] 2000e-8 (2010).
(97) "Congress Must Act," National Women's Law
Center, 5.
(98) H.R. 12 [section] 3 (b)(1)(B), 111th Cong. (2010), amending 29
U.S.C. 215 (a)(3).
(99) See footnote 82, supra.
(100) H.R. 12 [section] 3 (a)(2), 111th Cong. (2010), amending 29
U.S.C. 206(d)(1).
(101) Id.
(102) H.R. 12 [section] 3(a)(B), 111th Cong. (2010).
(103) Id.
(104) 42 U.S.C. [section] 2000e-k (2010). 29 U.S.C. [section]
2601-2654 (2010).
(105) 29 U.S.C. [section] 2601 (2010).
(106) Id.
(107) Id.
(108) 29 U.S.C. [section] 2612(2010).
(109) 29 U.S.C. [section] 2611(2010).
According to the U.S. Small Business Administration in 2006,96% of
small businesses (measured by employment) have less than fifty
employees, which make these employees ineligible for FMLA coverage.
U.S. Executive Office of the President, Council of Economic
Advisers, "The Economic Effects of Health Care Reform on Small
Businesses and Their Employees," Washington, DC (July 25, 2009); 1
-2. http://www.whitehouse.gov/assets/documents/CEA-smallbusiness-july24.pdf.
(110) 29 U.S.C. [section] 2611, 2612 (2010).
(111) 29 U.S.C. [section] 2612 (2010).
(112) 29 U.S.C. [section] 2617 (2010).
(113) Id.
(114) 29 U.S.C. [section] 2614 (2010).
(115) Id.
(116) Id.
(117) Belinda M. Smith, "Time Norms in the Workplace: Their
Exclusionary Effect and Potential for Change," Columbia Journal for
Gender and Law 11 (2002): 280-28 ln44-48. https://www.lexisnexis.com.
(118) Ibid.
(119) Ibid., 281.
(120) The wage gap attributable to pay differences between men and
women in the same jobs may violate the Equal Pay Act.
Kimberly Bayard Et Al., "New Evidence on Sex Segregation and
Sex Differences in Wages from Matched Employee-Employer Data,"
40-41 as cited in Vicki Schultz, "Life's Work," Columbia
Law Review 100 (2000): 1894-5n41.
http://0-www.lexisnexis.com.library.law.suffolk.edu.
(121) 42 U.S.C 21 [section] 2000e-2(a) (2) (2010).
(122) Bell, "Discrimination, Harassment," 66.
(123) Ibid.
(124) J.B. Miller, Toward a New Psychology of Women, Boston, MA
Beacon Press: 1986 as cited in Lindsay J. Thompson, "Gender equity
and corporate social responsibility in a post-feminist era,"
Business Ethics: A European Review 17, no. 1 (January 2008): 91.
http://0-web.ebscohost.corn.library.law.suffolk.edu.
(125) Ibid., 92.
(126) Ibid.
(127) S. Nierenberg and C. Marvin, Women 'Take care, 'Men
'Take Charge': Stereotyping of US Business Leaders Exposed,
NY: Catalyst, 2006 as cited in Thompson, "Gender equity and
corporate," 98.
(128) Ibid., 97-98.
(129) "The term 'the glass ceiling' refers to
invisible or artificial barriers that prevent women (and people of
color) from advancing past a certain level."
Federal Glass Ceiling Commission, "The Glass Ceiling,"
1997, in D. Dunn (ed.), Workplace/Women's Place: an
Anthology', Roxbury Publishing, Los Angeles, CA, 226-233 as cited
in Bell, "Discrimination, Harrassment," 68.
(130) # 9 in Forbes comparative rankings.
"There's no question there are more women than men in the
HR profession, but this only holds true with entry- and mid-level HR
professionals,' says former HR executive Johnny C. Taylor, Jr.,
author of The Trouble with HR: An Insider's Guide to Finding and
Keeping the Best People. 'A closer look at senior HR professional
level positions, however, reveals a far different picture.'"
Both as cited in Tom Starner, "HR's Pay Disparity,"
Human Resources Executive Online, (July 27, 2009): 1.
http://www.hreonline.com/HRE/story.jsp?storyId=233590394
(131) Starner, "HR's Pay Disparity," 3.
(132) Barbara f. Reskin, Paula M. Rayman, and Debra Branch McBrier,
"Why Not Asciption? Organizations' Employment of Male and
Female Managers," American Sociological Review 65 (2000): 707-709
as cited in Laurel Smith-Doerr, "Flexibility and Fairness: Effects
of the Network Form of Organization on Gender Equity in Life Science
Careers." Sociological Perspectives 47, no. 1 (Spring 2004): 28.
http://0 www.lexisnexis.com.library.law.suffolk.edu.
(133) Smith-Doerr, "Flexibility and Fairness," 39.
(134) Ibid., 41.
(135) Ibid., 43.
(136) Smith, "Time Norms," 275.
Professor Joan Williams, noted scholar on gender, family and work,
believes that the U.S. economy centers around the concept of ideal
worker. Professor Jamie Boyle explains that in her book, Unbending
Gender: Why Family and Work Conflict and What to Do About It (2000),
Professor Williams argues that "we need to eliminate the ideal
worker norm in the market, in family entitlements, and that we need to
change the way we talk about gender." "Symposium Unbending
Gender: Why Family and Work conflict and What to Do About It,
Washington, D.C. (November 19,1999), Panel Three: New Directions in
Feminist Legal Theory," American University Law Review 49, (2000):
945 and 945nl. http://0-www.lexisnexis.corn.library.law.suffolk.edu.
(137) Kathleen Kunkle Gilbert, "Northwestern University School
of Law's Two Year Work Requirement and Its Possible Effects on
Women: Another Tile in the Glass Ceiling?," American University
Journal of Gender, Social Policy & the Law 12, no. 1 (2004): 87.
http://0-www.lexisnexis.com.library.law.suffolk.edu.
(138) Thompson, "Gender equity and corporate," 97.
(139) Anne Crittenden, The Price of Motherhood: Why the Most
Important Job in the World is Still the Least Valued, 4 (2001) as cited
in Williams, "Women, Equality," 21n55.
(140) Selmi, "Care, Work," 1560-1561.
(141) Ibid.
Angela Priestley, "Gender pay gap: is it really a matter of
time?," Lawyers Weekly (May 23,2008): 20.
http://0-www.lexisnexis.com.library.law.suffolk.edu.
Professor Joan Williams, further points out women do not choose to
leave work to raise children; rather they are being pushed out by other
factors such as job inflexibility, lack of good affordable daycare, and
lack of paid leave. See footnote 136, supra.
Joan C. Williams, Jessica! Manvell and Stephanie Bornstein, Center
for Worklife Law, University of California Hastings College of Law,
"Opt Out" or Pushed out?: How the Press Covers Work/Family
Conflict 2-3, 5, 23 (2006) as cited in Stein, "Women Lawyers
Blog," 366n48 and 367n51-53.
(142) David E. Kalist, "The Gender Earnings Gap in the RN
Labor Market," 20 Nursing Economics 155, 162 (2002) as cited in
Williams, "Women, Equality," 24n79.
(143) Linda L. Carli and Alice H. Eagly, Gender, Hierarchy, and
Leadership: an Introduction, Journal of Social Issues 57, 629 (2001):
630-631 as cited in Camille S. Williams, "Women, Equality, and the
Federal Marriage Amendment," Brigham Young University Journal of
Public Law 20 (2006): 23n64. https://www.lexisnexis.com.
(144) "Congress Must Act," National Women's Law
Center, 2n13.
(145) Jerry A. Jacobs and Janice Fanning Madden, ed., "Mommies
and Daddies on the Fast Track: Success of Parents in Demanding
Professions," Annals of the American Academy of Political and
Social Science 596 (November 2004): 261.
http://0-www.lexisnexis.com.library.law.suffolk.edu.
(146) Ibid., 261.
(147) Alicia Sasser, "Gender Difference in Physician pay:
Tradeoffs between Career and Family", Journal of Human Resources
40: 477 as cited in Williams, "Women, Equality," 24n78.
(148) Jacobs, "Mommies and Daddies," 261.
(149) Francis, "Reconstituting the Equal," 1.
(150) Burk, "U.S. Needs."
In 1972 Congress passed the ERA, sent it to states for ratification
with a 7 year deadline, and extended it until 1982. Ratification fell
short by three states. It has been filed in every subsequent Congress,
yet never reported from committee.
Roberta W. Francis, "Reconstituting the Equal Rights
Amendment: Policy Implications for Sex Discrimination,." Paper
presented at the American Political Science Association Annual
Conference, San Francisco, CA, August 30-September 2, 2001, 4.
(151) Craig v. Boren, 429 U.S. 190, 210 and 212 (1976).
(152) 518 U.S. 515, 531 and 533 (1996).
(153) Claire Cushman, ed., Supreme Court Decision and Women's
Rights: Milestones to Equality, Washington, DC: CQ Press (2001): 259 as
cited in Francis, "Reconstituting the Equal Rights Amendment,"
10n8.
(154) Too many obstacles remain for adaption of ERA in the near
future. First, Congress must determine the appropriate amendment
procedure required under the Constitution: it must pass with new drive
for ratification by 38 states; or it must require simply three more
states to ratify the amendment in addition to the 35 states which
previously voted for ratification before 1982.
Francis, "Reconstituting the Equal Rights Amendment," 18.
(155) Levine, "The Gender Wage Gap," 11-12n31.
(156) Perry, "Equal Pay Act," 36n20, 22.
(157) Ibid., 36n70, 72.
(158) Stein, "Women Lawyers Blog," 360n7 and 407.
(159) "State of the Union: President Obama's
Speech," abc News (January 27, 2010): 11.
http://acbnews.go.com/print?id=9678572.