Steadfast and shrewd heroines: the defence of chastity in the Latin post-Nicene passions and the Greek novels.
Bossu, Annelies
1. Introduction
Over the past decades, the disparaging opinion of the Greek
'ideal' novels which goes back to at least Rohde's
pioneer modern study of 1876 (1) has been abandoned: they are no longer
viewed as literary inferior texts. Together with this renewed and
favourable attention, research into the novels' interconnections
with other ancient narrative texts increased. Unsurprisingly, the
interplay with the Roman novel was explored. It has been argued that
Petronius parodied the Greek novels (2) and attention has been drawn to
thematic and structural correspondences between the Greek novels and
both Apuleius' Metamorphoses (3) and the Historia Apollonii Regis
Tyri. (4) Whereas the Christian overtone in the latter work is debated,
(5) the novels' interaction with clearly Christian narratives was
explored as well. (6) Similarities have been indicated between the Greek
novels and New Testament writings (both the Gospels and the canonical
book of Acts (7)), and, especially, the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles.
(8) The ancient Greek novel, then, is an important component of the
fascinating network of ancient narrative texts. Many questions regarding
the transfer of material and interconnections within this network
remain, but the authors of all texts involved have a vital thing in
common: they want to tell a good story. In this article, I will focus on
a group of Christian texts which deserve to be part of this network but
whose interconnections with the Greek novel received far less attention:
the late antique passions of the martyrs. From the fourth century
onwards, the so-called post-Nicene or post-Constantinian (9) Greek and
Latin passions of the martyrs were produced in large numbers. Although
these passions claim to be the expression of the historical fortunes of
the martyrs and were mainly studied by Church historians and specialists
in the cult of the saints, they are in fact fictional texts which
deserve literary attention. They share a number of topoi (noble descent
and extreme beauty of the protagonists, shipwreck, emphasis on chastity,
...) with the Greek novel and rhetorical exercises. (10) I will focus on
the Latin post-Nicene passions in this article. When studying the
interconnections with the Greek novel, this might seem an odd choice.
Further research into the interconnections between the Greek post-Nicene
passions and the Greek novel will certainly be rewarding, (11) but I
limit myself to the Latin ones due to chronological issues: whereas the
Greek post-Nicene passions are not dated, for the Latin ones a dating is
available, albeit sometimes tentative. (12) Besides, the Greek and Latin
post-Nicene passions are no worlds apart. Claudia Rapp identified three
channels through which Greek hagiographical material reached the Latin
West. (13) Firstly, stories about the saints were disseminated orally by
pilgrims, travellers and traders: the late antique Mediterranean world,
Rapp argues, shared a 'common hagiographical koine' that
transcended linguistic barriers. Secondly, so-called 'cultural
translators' wrote down their experiences as pilgrims and thus made
hagiographical stories accessible to Western Christians. Only the third
pathway in the travel of hagiographical material from East to West,
formal translation, required a thorough knowledge of Greek. Some Latin
post-Nicene passions are indeed translations from a Greek original. (14)
It is possible, then, that the Latin post-Nicene passions were
influenced by the Greek novel via their Greek counterparts. (15) The
Greek passions, in their turn, may have inherited the novelistic themes
and literary techniques either directly from the novels (16) or via the
Apocryphal Acts. (17) Another possibility is that the authors of the
Latin passions were directly inspired by the Greek novels and the
Apocryphal Acts. (18) Novelistic themes and literary techniques were
certainly known in Latin Christian circles by the end of the fourth
century, when Rufinus of Aquileia translated the Greek Recognitiones
into Latin. (19) The transfer of material within the intricate network
of pagan and Christian narrative remains a complex phenomenon, and lies
beyond the scope of this article. For our purposes, it suffices that
(in)direct interconnections between the Greek novels and the Latin
post-Nicene passions are at least possible. In this article, I will
consider one aspect of these interconnections: the topos of the defence
of chastity and the related themes of love, marriage, and fidelity. It
has often been pointed out that Leucippe's belligerent self-defence
against Thersander who lusts after her (Ach. Tat. 6,21-22) can be linked
to Christian martyr texts. (20) I will argue in this article that the
correspondences between the Greek novels and the Latin post-Nicene
passions within this thematic realm are not confined to this specific
scene but can be detected more widely.
2. The defence of chastity in the Latin post-Nicene passions and
the Greek novels
To enable an analysis of the topos of the defence of chastity in
the passions against the background of the Greek novels, (21) I selected
the Latin post-Nicene passions that contain this theme. I included
passions that have been dated to the time span of the 4th till 6th
centuries, but the dating of many texts is still under debate. The list
of 20 selected passions, with the corresponding Bibliotheca
Hagiographica Latina (BHL) numbers as well as text editions, suggested
datings, provenance, and an indication of the length of the texts can be
found in the appendix. (22) All texts feature women: the defence of
chastity is mainly an issue female martyrs have to deal with. Although
in Christian milieux chastity was important for men too, the male
martyrs in the passions generally only face physical and no sexual
testing. (23) According to Chew, the social worth and power which
Greco-Roman culture allotted to female (and not male) chastity accounts
for this gender difference. (24) The 20 texts feature 28 women--all but
two are virgins (25)--whose chastity is endangered. Three of them are
technically speaking not martyrs (26) but are included since they are
presented as heroines of the passion. Almost all women are of noble
descent (27) and the lion's share of them are very beautiful: (28)
these characteristics already hint at affinity with the heroines of the
Greek novel. (29) But the most striking resemblance between the novels
and the passions is the erotic atmosphere, although the love involved is
of an entirely different order. Whereas the novels celebrate worldly
love and feature a heroine who wants to remain chaste for the hero, the
passions are about spiritual love: the women want to keep their chastity
for Christ. (30) Half of them explicitly commend their chastity to Him
(31) and are called virgo Christi, virgo Dei or virgo Deo devota. (32)
By combining dying for Christ with sexual asceticism, the women mix
bloody and bloodless martyrdom (33) and will obtain a double crown after
death. (34) Yet the spiritual relationship in the passions is
nonetheless experienced just as erotic as the worldly love is in the
novels. Half of the women use marital and erotic language to describe
their relationship with Christ: (35) they call Him their betrothed
(sponsus), (36) husband (vir) (37) or lover (amator), (38) mention the
love they experience (amor (39) or the verb diligo (40)) and even refer
to the heavenly marriage bed (thalamus). (41) If one also includes the
use of a similar language by either the narrator or other characters in
the story, the presence of erotic language is even more striking: three
quarters of the passions contain such language. (42) The application of
the language of worldly love to a spiritual relationship aligns the
passions with the Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles: in the Apocryphal
Acts too, scholars have argued, the worldly love of the Greek novels is
converted into spiritual love. (43) But there is a difference as well.
Whereas in the Apocryphal Acts the apostle acts as a mediator between
the women and Christ and thus constitutes the object of the women's
love, such a mediator is absent in the passions. The martyrs aim their
love directly at Christ: the love in the passions is even more
spiritualized. It has been pointed out that the novelistic adulterous
love triangle is inverted in the Apocryphal Acts: whereas the legitimate
husband is the hero in the novels, he is turned into the antagonist in
the Acts. The worldly legitimate marriage which is the ultimate aim of
the novelistic heroines becomes a repugnant state of affairs for Thecla
and her companions; the love for one's legitimate husband or fiance
is no longer the true love. (44) The same applies to the heroines of the
passions. The lion's share of them receive a marriage proposal a
novelistic heroine would be very happy with: highly placed men offer
them a comfortable married life in accordance with their social
standing. This marriage proposal of a--in the view of the pagans at
least--honourable suitor occurs either before or after the martyr's
arrest. (45) Yet unlike their novelistic counterparts, the martyrs do
not consider a marriage which perpetuates the established social order a
'happy ending': they desire death and the subversion of that
order. (46) In a way, they also desire marriage, yet not a worldly
marriage but a mystical reunion with Christ after death. (47) Although
the novels and the passions share the erotic atmosphere and the emphasis
on the preservation of chastity, the narrative teleology of both genres
differs remarkably.
In the following sections, I will discuss the different ways in
which the martyrs safeguard their chastity for Christ. Firstly, I will
focus on the way in which the women avoid the unwanted marriage. (48)
They have recourse to two approaches which are equally common within the
corpus: willingness to suffer and the employment of ruse. Secondly, in
the fourth section, I will discuss what happens next: in half of the
cases, the women's chastity is endangered a second time and this
time more violently. Both in their defence against marriage and in their
defence against rape, I argue, the behaviour of the martyrs bears
remarkable resemblances to that of the novelistic heroines in similar
situations. While the worldly love of the novels may be turned into
spiritual love in the passions, the way in which both novelistic and
hagiographical heroines fight for their love is very similar.
3. Avoiding marriage in the Latin post-Nicene passions and the
Greek novel
3.1 Willingness to suffer for the beloved
Suffering for the heavenly beloved
When confronted with an undesired marriage proposal, many martyrs
reject it and are prepared to endure the consequential severe suffering
and death. Within the selected corpus, ten martyrs adopt this approach.
(49) In most cases, the women face physical torture. When the emperor
exhorts Aurea (IV) to accept a husband with whom she can enjoy the joys
of life, she answers that she already has a heavenly fiance and adds
that no man will be able to separate her from her love for him. (50) The
emperor thereupon threatens to torture and kill her ([section] 3 a
diversis poenis te faciam interire). He thus expects to submit the woman
to his will, in which he does not succeed. Aurea points out that she is
not afraid of his threats and repeats that his terrors will not separate
her from the love for her Lord Jesus Christ. (51) She is thereupon
hoisted upon a wooden rack and flogged and is eventually drowned. The
martyrs' determination makes time for reflection futile. Anastasia
(III) is given three days to make up her mind: either she agrees to
marry the pontifex Ulpianus or she will be tortured. She does not need
time to consider the matter. As far as she is concerned, the three days
are already over: she prefers torture over marriage, since torture
allows her to reach her lover. (52) A similar eagerness for torture can
be found in the passio Rufinae et Secundae. The sisters Rufina and
Secunda (XVII) refuse to sacrifice and to marry their pagan fiances.
Hoping to deter Secunda, the prefect has Rufina flogged in her presence.
Yet the action does not have the desired effect. Secunda is angry that
the prefect honours her sister and dishonours her, and points out that
every wound of the whip earns her an eternal crown. (53) In the passio
Nerei et Achillei, Felicula (XVI) presents the torture she has to endure
as her debt to Christ who suffered for her: 'I do not desert my
lover, who because of me was fed with gall and quenched with vinegar,
crowned with thorns and crucified'. (54) In Felicula's case,
torture is not the only method to which the pagans have recourse in
order to persuade her. Before she is tortured, the wives of the guards
try to convince her to accept the comes Flaccus' marriage proposal
by enumerating his credentials: he is noble, rich, young, elegant and
powerful. Unsurprisingly, Felicula is not impressed and replies: 'I
am a virgin of Christ and accept absolutely nobody else'. (55) A
variation on the motif of female mediators occurs in the passio Agathae.
The beautiful virgin Agatha (I) is the target of consul Quintinianus: he
lusts after her and her possessions, and wants to affirm his power and
hate for the Christians. He hands Agatha over to Aphrodisia, a wicked
women with a telling name, and her nine wicked daughters. The women have
to dissuade Agatha from her Christian beliefs. Although it is not
explicitly mentioned, one can suppose that they also exhort her to give
in to Quintinianus' sexual desires. Unsurprisingly, Agatha stands
firm in her faith, whether the women enumerate rewards or utter threats:
she desires to suffer various torments for Christ ([section] 3
concupiscit ... diversa pro Christi nomine supplicia sustinere).
Not all women are confronted with physical torture: some endure
other tribulations. Domitilla's (XVI) rejected fiance deports her
to an island ([section] 10) and has her eunuchs and friends executed
([section][section] 18-19). As these ordeals do not persuade her to
marry him, in this passion too female mediators are called in. But this
is of no use either: Domitilla converts the women. A similar course of
events occurs in the passio Eugeniae: when her rejected fiance sends a
group of matronae to Basilla to talk her into marrying him, she manages
to convert them. When the emperor thereupon decrees that she has to
choose between marriage and beheading, Basilla is not put out of her
countenance and bravely heads for decapitation.
Further variation within the corpus can be detected. Two martyrs
have recourse to a specific approach when confronted with an unwanted
marriage proposal: they try to commit suicide. This is remarkable, since
at the time the post-Nicene passions were written, suicide was
problematized within catholic circles. (56) In De Civitate Dei,
Augustine condemns suicide in general (I, 26) and specifically points
out that one should not resort to suicide in order to save one's
chastity (I, 28). In Donatist circles, however, suicide was accepted.
(57) It comes as no surprise, then, that the two suicidal martyrs can be
found in Donatist passions. Victoria (XVIII) jumps out of a window so as
to avoid the marriage her parents urge on her but is miraculously saved
by the winds in order to suffer for Christ afterwards ([section] 17). In
the passio Maximae,
Secundae et Donatillae, the twelve year old Secunda behaves
remarkably similar: she jumps from a balcony because she wants to avoid
marriage and wishes to join the martyrs Maxima and Donatilla ([section]
4). (58) We are not told, however, that she is saved by the winds; she
simply joins the other women. It is possible, then, that the balcony is
not that high and that we should not consider Secunda's jump a
suicide attempt. It is remarkable that Maxima and Donatilla try to
dissuade Secunda from joining them. They urge her to have pity on her
old father and not to desert him and remind her of her young age and the
weakness this age entails. As we have seen in other passions, this is
the kind of behaviour one expects from pagans who are tied to earthly
things, not from Christian women who are on the verge of changing the
earthly for the heavenly realm.
Suffering for the worldly beloved
Although their specific tribulations differ, the martyrs I have
discussed all give evidence of remarkable steadfastness in their loyalty
to their lover, Christ. In the Greek novels, one comes across a similar
tenacity. The novelistic heroines are also prepared to suffer in order
to remain loyal to their beloved, whether they receive a marriage
proposal or a less honourable offer from another man. Achilles
Tatius' Leucippe proves how she has been maltreated by Sosthenes
because she refused to submit to his sexual advances (5,17,4-6), and in
a letter to her lover Cleitophon she explicitly enumerates the tortures
she has endured in order to remain chaste (5,18,4). Like the martyrs,
Leucippe is indifferent to more peaceful attempts at changing her mind
too: when Sosthenes tries to convince her to accept Thersander as a
lover by enumerating his qualities (he is noble, powerful, rich,
virtuous and young) (59), she points out that these are irrelevant to
her. (60) In Chariton's novel, a messenger tells Callirhoe that the
leader of the army (who actually is her husband Chaereas, but she is
unaware of this) wants to marry her. Callirhoe is clear in her answer
(7,6,8): 'Slay me, but do not make me such a promise! Marriage I
cannot endure--I pray rather for death! They can torture me goads and
fire will not make me rise from here; this spot is my tomb!'. (61)
Anthia behaves similarly in Xenophon of Ephesus' novel. When
she has been taken prisoner by brigands and one of them tries to seduce
her (4,5,13), she refuses everything. Nothing puts her out of
countenance: not the cave where she is held, not her handcuffs nor the
bandit's threats. She saves herself for Habrocomes and wants to
remain only Habrocomes' wife, even if this means that she has to
die or undergo terrible suffering (4,5,3). It comes as no surprise that
also Heliodorus' Chariclea gives evidence of tenacity in her
loyalty to her beloved, as she is the protagonist of the Greek novel in
which chastity (and more specifically virginity) is elevated to a more
spiritual level. (62) When she has received a marriage proposal from
another man, Chariclea ensures her lover Theagenes that not a single
force will induce her to compromise her virginity (1,25,4).
The novelistic heroines are not only willing to suffer physical
torture in order to safeguard their chastity. If necessary, they also
adopt the discourse of suicide. In pagan milieux too suicide was most
often regarded as honourable (63) and the view on suicide thus aligns
the novels with the Donatist passions. When Chariclea realizes that the
brigand Trachinus is in love with her and wants to marry her, she
decides that she shall cheat him of his desires by taking her own life
(Heliod. 5,29,4). Anthia too prefers taking her own life to marrying
another man and decides to drink a death potion (X. Eph. 3,6). But her
situation differs from Chariclea's. Anthia thinks that Habrocomes
is dead and believes that she will be reunited with him after death, a
belief which aligns her with the martyrs. Moreover, Anthia points out
that she refuses to wrong Habrocomes, the one she loves and the one who
died for her (X. Eph. 3,6,3 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]). This
statement strikingly reminds of the utterances of the martyrs Felicula
and Margarita who also point out that they do not want to desert Christ
who sacrificed himself for them. (64)
Suffering for the beloved
In the post-Nicene passions and the Greek novels: concluding
remarks As the discussed scenes reveal, the hagiographical and
novelistic heroines defend their chastity in a remarkably similar way.
Their approach characterizes them as steadfast women who are prepared to
suffer in order to remain chaste for their beloved. Unflinching fidelity
grants them power and prevents their adversaries from subjecting them to
their will. Yet although the similar tenacity is remarkable,
dissimilarities can also be detected. Firstly, the objective of both
groups of heroines differs. The novelistic heroines do not really want
to suffer or die: they merely choose the lesser of two evils. Moreover,
the reader knows in advance that they will see their lover again in this
life. The martyrs, on the contrary, very much want to suffer and die.
They consider their suffering a blessing as it earns them glory and
reunion with their lover, Christ. In the passions, it is a generic
necessity that the martyrs die in the end. Secondly, the novels'
and the passions' approach to chastity does not run entirely
parallel. Whereas chastity is presented as a straightforward ideal in
the passions, it has been pointed out that the novels' treatment of
chastity contains a non negligible amount of irony, humour and
ambiguity. (65)
The perseverant behaviour of the heroines in both groups of texts
does not necessarily suggest a direct link between the novels and the
passions for such behaviour fits in with the general upgrading of the
virtue of endurance in the first centuries AD and the power which this
passive resistance yields. (66) A similar approach can be found in the
Apocryphal Acts. Thecla is sentenced to the stake because she is an
encratite Christian and therefore refuses to marry her fiance
(Apocryphal Acts of Paul and Thecla, [section][section] 20-21), and
Agrippa's concubines who refrain from sharing Agrippa's bed
accept to endure all the torture he threatens to submit them to
(Apocryphal Acts of Peter, [section] 33). (67) Furthermore, a steadfast
and enduring approach is hardly surprising in a martyr narrative. Since
the word 'martyr' itself hints at suffering and death for the
sake of one's faith, (68) one does not need to resort to a possible
influence from the novels to account for the presence of such behaviour
in the passions.
3.2 The employment of ruse
Inventive heroines
Endurance is not the only approach which the women in the
post-Nicene passions adopt when confronted with an unwanted marriage
proposal. Another way of avoiding an undesired marriage is equally
common in the selected corpus: the employment of ruse.
In the passio Caeciliae and passio Anastasiae, one comes across a
variation on the theme: Caecilia (VI) and Anastasia (III) do not use a
ruse to avoid marriage, but to prevent its (further) consummation.
Caecilia cleverly lures her fiance into a spiritual marriage on their
wedding night: like Callirhoe in Chariton's novel (Chariton 3,2,4),
she has a hidden agenda and makes him swear an oath in a
marriage-context. (69) Anastasia feigns an illness to avoid sexual
intercourse with her legitimate husband and thus uses the same ruse as
Anthia when she ends up in a brothel (X. Eph. 5,7,4). Most often,
however, the women in the passions use a ruse to prevent worldly
marriage. These ruses can take different forms. Agnes (II) lets her
suitor believe that she already has a worldly fiance, but is actually
referring to Christ. Susanna (XX) subtly eroticizes the familial kiss
her uncle wants to give her and makes his access to such kiss
conditional upon baptism. Since Claudius is sent to convince her to
marry, his conversion entails postponement of the marriage. (70) Lucia
(XIII) is betrothed to a pagan fiance, but persuades her mother to spend
her dowry supporting those in need. She thus pleases her real fiance,
Christ. When her worldly fiance finds out that she is selling her
possessions, Lucia's nurse first manages to keep him happy with an
excuse (she tells him that Lucia plans to buy an interesting property
for him). But when almost all Lucia's possessions are sold, he
finds out how the matter stands and impeaches her for being a Christian.
Unlike the other women in the corpus, then, Lucia does not have to
reject her fiance: as she is no longer a wealthy bride, he is no longer
interested in marrying her. By selling her possessions, she kills two
birds with one stone: she pleases her heavenly fiance and gets rid of
her worldly one. For she can suppose that the man's greed--greed is
a stereotypical characteristic of the pagans in the post-Nicene passions
(71)--will make him abandon his marriage plans.
The most common ruse to avoid marriage in the passions once again
aligns the hagiographical heroines with the heroines of the Greek novel:
like the novelistic heroines, the women in the passions resort to
feigned consent and requested postponement. This is a ruse the
novelistic heroines are famous for: Anthia agrees to marry Perilaus, but
comes up with an excuse to postpone the marriage (X. Eph. 2,13,8), and
she fools Psammis into believing that she is dedicated to Isis until she
is of marriageable age and that there is still a year before that time
comes (X. Eph. 3,11,4). Chariclea feigns to be happy to marry Thyamis
but claims that she has to resign from her priestly office first,
preferably in Memphis (Heliod. 1,22,5-7). The novelistic heroines not
only postpone marriage with clever schemes, they also admit doing so:
Anthia points out that she has practised every device of chastity (X.
Eph. 5,14,2 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) and Chariclea admits that
she managed to fend off a marriage by various artifices (Heliod. 6,9,6
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]). Five women in the selected corpus use
the same ruse: they also feign acceptance and use schemes to gain time
when confronted with an undesired marriage proposal. (72)
The comes Leucadius wants to marry the Christian Theodota (III),
(73) who ran away from her hometown in Bithynia and is brought before
the emperor in Pannonia. Leucadius promises the emperor that he will
convince Theodota to sacrifice to the pagan gods; if not, he will kill
her. Theodota tells Leucadius that if he aspires marriage in order to
gain possession over her goods, she invites him to go to her hometown
and seize all she possesses. Theodota thus appeals to Leucadius'
greed; once again, greed is foregrounded as a stereotypical
characteristic of the pagans. (74) Upon his return, Theodota continues,
she will marry him. This ruse buys her time: Leucadius has to go from
Pannonia to Bithynia and back.
Petronilla (XVI) employs the same ruse. Her story in the passio
Nerei, Achillei & soc. is a rewriting of a passage from the
Apocryphal Acts of Peter. (75) Accompanied by his soldiers (cum
militibus), the comes Flaccus visits Petronilla and wants to marry her.
She gives him to understand that sending soldiers to an unarmed girl is
improper; if he wants to marry her, he has to send matronae and virgines
honestae in three days time. These women will then escort her to his
house. During the three days of postponement, Petronilla fasts and prays
and on the third day, she dies after having received the sacrament of
Christ. Although the content of Petronilla's prayers is not
recorded, it is likely that she prays Christ for death. Such a request
would align the scene with the Apocryphal Acts of John (76) and the
passions of Agatha and of Chrysanthus and Daria (77), and would tune in
with the extensive glorification of virginity in the passion: virginity
is presented as the queen of all virtues ([section] 6 sicut Reginae
persona). The repudiation of sex is so extreme that the Christian God is
presented as a godhead who lets a woman die in order to prevent her from
having sexual intercourse. (78) If Petronilla indeed asks the Lord for
death, her promise to Flaccus qualifies as a ruse to buy her time. The
combination of a ruse to gain time with the choice of death when that
extra time has passed, reminds of Anthia's approach when she is
forced to marry Perilaus: when the delay which she has obtained with an
excuse has passed, Anthia asks a physician for a death potion (X. Eph.
3,5,7). For both Petronilla and Anthia, then, losing their chastity is
not an option. But the contexts of both scenes differ substantially:
whereas Anthia's behaviour fits in with a story which glorifies
love and sexual intercourse within legitimate marriage,
Petronilla's approach gives evidence of an extreme repudiation of
sex.
Juliana (XII) also has recourse to the ruse of feigned acceptance
and request for postponement. When her fiance wants to marry her,
Juliana answers that she cannot marry him as long as he does not hold
the office of prefect ([section] 1). This undoubtedly qualifies as a
ruse: as a Christian, Juliana attaches no importance to worldly offices.
As a friend of the emperor, her fiance has little trouble to become a
prefect and again exhorts Juliana to marry him. Juliana now answers that
she is willing to marry on the condition that he is converted to
Christianity. Juliana's second condition makes it likely that her
first request was not randomly chosen. For as a Christian prefect, her
fiance will not survive for a long time. Unsurprisingly, he refuses to
give in to Juliana's request out of fear of death: if he is
converted, he rightly points out, the emperor will hear about it and
will chop off his head ([section] 3 caput meum gladio amputabit). In the
passio Iulianae Nicomedenis, then, we once again come across an extreme
repudiation of sex: Juliana asks for her fiance's death in order to
safeguard her virginity.
Another example of the same ruse can be found in the passio
Gallicani, Johannis et Pauli. The story goes as follows. Gallicanus is a
commander in the Roman army and has subjugated the Persians. As a
reward, he asks for the emperor Constantine's daughter
Constantia's hand in marriage. This poses a problem:
Gallicanus' request cannot very well be refused (the emperor needs
him to fight the Scythians) but Constantia has commended her chastity to
Christ. Constantia herself comes up with the solution: she tells her
father to grant Gallicanus' request but to ask him two favours for
the sake of the engagement. Firstly, Gallicanus has to allow his two
daughters from an earlier marriage to stay with Constantia until the day
of the marriage. Secondly, Constantia's two servants Johannes and
Paulus are to accompany Gallicanus on his expedition. That way,
Gallicanus and Constantia will learn to know each other indirectly.
Unsurprisingly, this is a ruse: Constantia converts Gallicanus'
daughters and Johannes and Paulus convert Gallicanus. Gallicanus'
conversion entails the solution to the problem as he abandons his
marriage plans. That it is a woman (Constantia) who tells a man (her
father) how to solve the problem with a ruse, is not insignificant: it
once again reminds of the Greek novels. In the novels, the heroes also
employ rhetorical ruse, yet it is telling that in most cases the
heroines are the instigators of their husbands' rhetorical
manipulation. An example can be found in Heliodorus' novel
(7,21-26): when Theagenes has to deal with Arsace, a powerful woman who
is in love with him, Chariclea advises him to feign acceptance (7,21,4
[TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]) of her advances and to keep her happy
(and therefore harmless) with promises and postponements. (79) The
advice which Chariclea gives Theagenes strikingly fits Constantia's
approach in the passion.
The fifth and final example of the ruse of feigned acceptance
occurs in the passio Eugeniae, Prothi et Hyacinthi. When her father asks
Eugenia to accept consul Aquilinus' son as her husband, she answers
that one should select a husband not on the basis of noble birth (p.
391, l. 40 natalibus) but on the basis of nobility of character
(honestate). She thus implies that Aquilinus' son does not have a
noble character but that she is willing to marry a man who has. Yet in
the following sentence, we are told that she rejects a large number of
other suitors as her mind is set on chastity (animo castitatis). It
seems, then, that Eugenia uses the focus on nobility of character as an
excuse to postpone marriage.
Employing ruse in the post-Nicene passions and the Greek novels:
concluding remarks.
Like the novelistic heroines, the women in the passions not only
resort to steadfast endurance but have recourse to ruse too in order to
defend their chastity. It is remarkable that the ruse which is most
commonly used in the passions is the famous novelistic ruse of feigned
consent and requested postponement. This similarity between the novels
and the passions suggests more forcibly than in the case of the common
steadfast approach--a direct link between both groups of texts. Firstly,
this specific ruse does not occur in the Apocryphal Acts, (80) nor in
the Latin novels. Secondly, whereas one does not need to posit a
possible influence from the novels to account for the presence of
steadfastness and endurance in a martyr narrative--these are
straightforward traits which one is likely to encounter in such a
narrative this is different in the case of the women's recourse to
the ruse of feigned consent. Feigning consent qualifies as an ambiguous
approach. This is explicitly thematized in Heliodorus' novel. Both
Chariclea and Theagenes raise moral objections when they are urged to
pretend to accept the advances of another lover (Heliod. 4,13,4 and
7,21,5). (81) It has been pointed out that these objections echo
Aristotelian guidelines, which hint at the inextricable connection
between speech and intention and between saying and doing. (82) In
Christian circles too, the ruse of feigned consent may have raised
questions. In De Mendacio, Augustine points out that bodily purity does
not exist without mental integrity and that one inevitably loses the
former if one loses the latter. One should therefore not corrupt
one's mental integrity with a lie on behalf of the body. (83) If
feigning consent to a marriage proposal is not unproblematic, why, then,
do the women resort to this ruse? In the case of the novelistic
heroines, the answer is clear: the ruse increases the chance that they
achieve their aim, namely reunion with their worldly lover as chaste
women. Yet this explanation does not hold true for the hagiographical
heroines who are not interested in keeping themselves chaste for a
worldly lover. Why, then, do they not adopt the steadfast approach,
which earns them glory and, in the case of the martyrs, precipitates
their reunion with their heavenly lover? In a few cases, one can think
of an explanation. Theodota (III) takes advantage of the time she gains
to take care of the imprisoned Christian saints; Constantia's ruse
(XI) brings about Gallicanus' conversion and access to the eternal
life. (84) Furthermore, many of Gallicanus' soldiers follow his
example. Yet benefit for the good Christian cause (85) does not explain
all instances of feigned consent. This is self-evident in Eugenia's
case, as she is not yet a Christian when she uses the ruse, but also
Juliana's and Felicula's ruses entail no advantage for the
Christian faith. Unlike in the novels, then, the ruse of feigned consent
and requested postponement does not always seem to have a reason in the
passions--except, of course, enhancing the suspense and entertainment
value of the texts. The absence of a plot-related reason for the
insertion of this ruse into the passions as well as the observation that
this specific ruse does not occur in the Apocryphal Acts nor the Latin
novels, suggest that the Latin post-Nicene passions might have adopted
this element from the Greek novel. (86) One could however also
hypothesize that the presence of the ruse of feigned consent in the
passions stems from social reality: their vulnerable position in society
might have required women to adopt a similar approach.
4. Defending chastity in the event of rape in the Latin post-Nicene
passions and the Greek novel
Once the hagiographical heroines have avoided the undesired
marriage, for many of them the danger has not been averted yet. Half of
the women subsequently face a more violent threat: rape. Two scenarios
can be distinguished. In a few cases the rejected fiance can no longer
control his desire, (87) but more frequently the woman is submitted to
violation as a legal punishment for not sacrificing to the pagan gods.
(88) Most often she is put in a brothel. To this last group, we can add
5 extra cases (89) of women who were not confronted with an unwanted
marriage proposal but are also submitted to rape for not sacrificing, or
in the case of Marciana (XIV), for demolishing a statue of a pagan god.
In the passio Anastasiae, the sisters Agape, Chionia and Irene are in
danger of being raped: the praeses Dulcitius is overcome with a filthy
desire ([section] 12 turpissimus spiritus) and visits them in prison.
The vicissitudes of the sisters are also handed down in a pre-Nicene
Greek passion (BHG 34). (90) Unlike the post-Nicene text, this earlier
version of the martyrdom does not contain the scene in which Dulcitius
wants to rape the women. The inclusion of this passage in the later
passion indicates both the heightened anti-sexual atmosphere of the
post-Nicene passions as well as their greater emphasis on excitement.
The threat of rape which many martyrs face indeed adds to the suspense
and erotic flavour of the texts and underpins the observation that the
post-Nicene passions go to the trouble of meeting their public's
need of entertainment. (91)
While it goes without saying that the sexual threat never persuades
the women to renounce Christ or their faith, different reactions can be
identified. In an article which treats the theme of virgins in a
brothel, Rizzo Nervo distinguishes between two: either the martyr
implores Christ for help or she points out that chastity is a matter of
intention. (92) To be sure, both reactions are present in the selected
corpus, but the larger amount of studied passions reveals more
variations on the theme. (93) As Rizzo Nervo points out, some martyrs
implore Christ for support. Serapia (XIX) faces violation by two
lecherous young men because she refuses to renounce her faith and claims
to be the temple of God ([section] 4 templum Dei) (94) If she is raped,
the praeses reasons, she will no longer qualify as God's temple.
When faced with the sexual threat, Serapia implores Christ for help:
'Help me now, I beg you, and have mercy upon me, your wandering
servant Serapia, and free me of the filthy intentions of these young
men'. (95) In other passions, one can suppose that the woman asks
Christ for help, as the exact words of her prayer are not recorded. (96)
Imploring the godhead for support when faced with the threat of rape is
an approach which can be found in Xenophon of Ephesus' novel as
well. When Anthia is in danger of being raped by Polyidus, she becomes a
suppliant (iKsxrg) of the goddess Isis, who has saved her before (4,3,3)
and implores the goddess to be her saviour once more: 'Let Polyidus
spare me as well, since I am keeping myself chaste for Habrocomes,
thanks to you'. (97) The same approach occurs in the Apocryphal
Acts of Thomas too: when Charisius is about to rape his wife Mygdonia
([section] 98), she implores Christ for help and deliverance before she
flees from the room, wrapped in the bedroom curtain. A variation on the
approach of imploring the godhead for support is the expression of the
certainty that Christ will indeed provide protection. When the prefect
threatens to put Agnes (II) in a brothel if she refuses to sacrifice to
the pagan gods, she replies as follows: 'Since I know the power of
my Lord Jesus Christ, I absolutely scorn your threats in the belief that
I will neither sacrifice to your idols, nor be defiled by filthy
practices. For an angel of the Lord accompanies me and guards my body.
The only-begotten son of God, whom you do not know, is an impenetrable
wall for me, a guardian who never sleeps and a defender who never lets
me down'. (98) A similar confidence in the support of the godhead
can be found in Achilles Tatius' novel. When Thersander threatens
to rape her, Leucippe points out that Artemis will protect her (6,21,2):
'Tell me, have you no fear of your own patroness Artemis, that you
would ravish a virgin in the city of a virgin? Lady goddess, where are
your arrows?'. (99)
The second reaction Rizzo Nervo identifies is the most remarkable:
the woman points out that even if she would be sexually assaulted, this
would not compromise her fidelity to Christ. Quite on the contrary:
since Christ judges from intention, rape only adds to her glory. Irene
(III), Theodora (IX), (100) Lucia (XII), and the sisters Rufina and
Secunda (XVII) adopt this approach. When the judge threatens to put her
in a brothel, Lucia replies: 'A body cannot be defiled, unless the
mind agrees ... For He judges from thoughts and free will.... If you
have me violated against my will, my chastity will be doubled when I
receive the crown'. (101) Rizzo Nervo links this distinction
between corporeal and spiritual virginity to the contemporary
problematization of suicide for the sake of chastity in catholic
circles. (102) Augustine's condemnation of suicide in order to
safeguard one's chastity in De Doctrina Christiana indeed reminds
of Lucia's words: '... to some of the sufferers it may have
appeared that continence is to be counted as a good among bodily goods
and that it is present just so long as the body has not been subject to
anyone's lustful tampering. They may not have understood that the
sanctity of both body and spirit depend on strength of will alone
divinely assisted and that it is one of those goods that cannot be taken
away, as long as the mind refuses consent'. (103) The distinction
between corporeal and spiritual virginity and the idea that violation
only adds to their glory incite the martyrs to some of the most defiant
replies in the corpus of the Latin post-Nicene passions. Both Lucia
(XIII) and Rufina (XVII) reply exceedingly provocative: 'Behold, my
body is ready for every torment. What are you waiting for? Start and
submit me to the punishments you long for, son of the devil'
(Lucia) (104) and 'Bring fire, swords, whips, stones, sticks and
rods: every punishment you submit me to, I will add to the glory of our
martyrdom' (Rufina). (105) These defiant utterances strikingly
remind of Leucippe's reply when she is threatened to be raped by
Thersander: 'Bring on the instruments of torture: the wheel--here,
take my arms and stretch them; the whips--here is my back, lash away;
the hot irons--here is my body for burning; bring the axe as well--here
is my neck, slice through! Watch a new contest: a single woman competes
with all the engines of torture and wins every round (Ach. Tat.
6,21,1-2) ... Arm yourself, then; take up the whips against me, the
rack, the fire, the sword (Ach. Tat. 6,22,4)'. (106)
Not all martyrs actually react to the threat of rape: some women
are miraculously rescued without saying or doing anything that is
directly related to the sexual threat. Domitilla's fiance who
locked her up in order to rape her cannot stop dancing and eventually
drops dead (XVI [section] 23) and the man who has to escort Theodota to
a brothel gets punched in the face by a figure who stands next to her
(III [section] 31). A similar miracle saves the women in three quarters
of the cases: the pagans cannot move them, walls miraculously pop up to
screen them off, angels or wild animals appear out of nowhere, the
assaulter is blinded or gets possessed by the devil, ... In two cases,
the pagans' plan to rape the martyr is forestalled in a more
cunning way. Theodora (IX) is visited in the brothel by a Christian man
who changes clothes with her. In the man's clothes, she can leave
the brothel and escapes rape. It is striking that the instigator of the
ruse is identified as none other than God himself (BHL 8072, [section]
11: Deus me misit ut hoc facerem). Irene (III), in her turn, is rescued
by two fake soldiers; it is unclear if these are angels or other
Christians ([section] 18). In only one case the pagan abandons his plan
to have the martyr raped: once Rufina (XVI) has explained that chastity
is a matter of intention and will not compromise their fidelity to
Christ, he submits her and her sister to physical and no sexual torture.
5. Conclusion
As texts which not only aim to edify their audience but want to
tell a good story too, the Latin post-Nicene passions qualify as an
interesting component of the network of ancient narrative texts. In this
article, I analyzed the passions' handling of the literary topos of
the defence of chastity and highlighted the variation which can be
detected within the topical elaboration. I focused on the passions'
interconnections with the Greek novel within this thematic realm. Like
the Apocryphal Acts, the passions tailor the novelistic erotic
atmosphere to their Christian environment: whereas the novelistic
heroines safeguard their chastity for their worldly lover, the heroines
of the passions want to remain chaste for Christ. In their defence of
this chastity, the women behave strikingly alike, whether they face an
undesired marriage proposal or the threat of rape. They share some
approaches with other heroines within the network of ancient narrative
texts. Steadfast endurance or imploring the godhead for support qualify
as examples. Similar correspondences indicate that the Greek novelists
and the hagiographers of the Latin passions shared a common literary
culture. Other approaches, like the ruse of feigned consent and
requested postponement, set the novelistic and hagiographical heroines
apart from other heroines within the network and might hint at direct
influence of the novels on the passions. Novelistic heroines, it seems,
do not disappear as soon as the novels themselves do after Heliodorus;
instead, they live on in the heroines of the post-Nicene passions. (107)
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Appendix: List of Latin passions featuring a woman who has to
defend her chastity and dated to the time span 4th until 6th centuries
Abbreviations
ASS = Acta Sanctorum, Antwerp.
Delehaye = Delehaye, H. 1936. Etude sur le legendier romain. Les
saints de novembre et de decembre, Bruxelles: societe des Bollandistes.
CPL = Dekkers, E., Gaar, A. (eds.) 19953. Clavis Patrum Latinorum,
Turnhout: Brepols.
Fabrega Grau = Fabrega Grau, A. (ed.) 1955. Pasionario hispanico,
siglos VII-XI, vol. II (Monumenta Hispaniae sacra, series liturgica 6),
Madrid: CSIC.
GF = Gryson, R., Frede, H., 2007. Repertoire general des auteurs
ecclesiastiques latins de l'Antiquite et du HautMoyen Age,
Freiburg: Herder.
Lanery = Lanery, C. 2010. 'Hagiographie d'Italie
(300-550): les passions', in : G. Philippart (ed.), Corpus
Christianorum: Hagiographies V, Turnhout: Brepols, 1-369.
Mombritius= Mombritius, B. Sanctuarium seu vitae sanctorum (1480),
monachi Solesmenses (eds.), 19102, Paris: Fontemoing (reprinted
Hildesheim, Olms, 1978).
Saxer = Saxer, V. 1994. 'Afrique Latine', in: G.
Philippart (ed.), Corpus Christianorum: Hagiographies III, Turnhout:
Brepols, 25-95.
Upchurch = Upchurch, R. (ed.) 2007. Aelfric's Lives of the
virgin spouses, with modern English parallel-text translations, Exeter:
University of Exeter Press.
List of passions
The edition used in the article is marked in bold; the women whose
chastity is endangered are underlined.
Passio and BHL Edition Dating
number
Passio Agathae (BHL --Bollandus, J. --CPL: probably 6th
133) (I) (ed.) 1658. ASS century
Feb. I, 615-618 (contemporaneous
with passio Luciae)
--GF: 6th century?
(contemporaneous
with passio Luciae)
--Lanery, 284:
before mid-fifth
century
Passio Agnetis et Numerous --CPL: reference to
Emerentianae (BHL editions, due to Saliou (1990), 286,
156) (II) attribution to note 8, who does
Ambrose in the not deem Ambrosian
past. I consulted authorship
the following impossible.
editions: --GF: 5th century?
--Mombritius, --Lanery, 200-201:
vol I, 40-44; during the
--Bollandus, J., pontificate
Henschenius, of pope Symmachus
G. (eds.) 1643. (498-514)
ASS Ian. II, --Tomea (2010),
350-354; 27-29: before the
--Bartolini rewriting of the
(1858), 1-22 passio Eugeniae
(with Italian (BHL 2666), which
translation); can be dated to the
--Jubaru (1907), 2nd half of the 6th
358-363; or to the 7th
--Fabrega Grau, century.
176-182.
Passio Anastasiae --Delehaye, 221-249 --CPL: no dating
(BHL 1795 + 118 + --Moretti (2006) mentioned
8093 + 401) + Theodota --GF: 5th-6th century
+ Agape, Chionia, --Lanery, 51-60:
Irene QUI first half of the
5th century
Passio Aureae seu --Pinius, J. (ed.) --CPL: 6th century
Chryses (BHL 809) 1739. ASS Aug. --GF: 6th century
(IV) IV, 757-761 --Lanery. 317-318:
presumably 9th
century
Passio Bonosae (BHL --Sollerius, J. --CPL: 6th century?
1425)(V) (ed.) 1725. ASS --GF: possibly 6th
Iul. IV, 21-23 century
--Lanery, 298: 12th
century
Passio Caeciliae --Mombritius, --CPL: after Victor
(BHL 1495) (VI) vol. I, 332-341; Vitensis (([dagger])
--Delehaye, after 489)
194-220; --GF: 6th century:
--Fabrega Grau, after Victor
25-40; Vitensis
--Upchurch, --Lanery (2009),
172-217. 536-550: 5th century
Passio Chrysanthi et --Mombritius, --CPL: before
Dariae (BHL 1787) vol. I, 271-278; Gregory of Tours
(VII) --Bossue, B. (([dagger]) 593)
(ed.) 1864. ASS --GF : before the
Oct. XI, 437-487; passio Anastasiae
--Floss (1869), and Gregory of
156-170; Tours
--Upchurch, --Lanery, 141-6: 2nd
218-249 half of the 5th
century
Passio Columbae --Fabrega --CPL: 6th century?
(BHL 1893) (VIII) Grau, 116-118 --GF: before the 9th
century
--Beaujard (2000),
226-7: end of the
6th century,
possibly 7th century
Passio Didymi et --Papebrochius, Lanery (2004),
Theodorae (BHL D. (ed.). 1675. 20-23: 5th, possibly
8072/8073) (IX) ASS April. III, even end of the 4th
572-574; century
--Lanery
(2004), 34-49
Passio Eugeniae, --Mombritius, --CPL: before Avitus
Prothi et Hyacinthi vol. II, 391-397 of Vienne
(BHL 2667) + Basilla (([dagger]) 518)
(X) --GF: 5th century
--Lanery, 130-137:
2nd half of the 5th
century
Passio Gallicani, --Mombritius, --CPL: no dating
Iohannis et Pauli vol. I, 569-572 mentioned
(BHL 3236 + 3238) + (the only edition --GF: possibly
Constantia (XI) which combines 5th-6th century
BHL 3236 and --Lanery, 212-214:
BHL 3238) after 514, but
before 550
Passio Julianae --Mombritius, --CPL: before Beda
Nicomedensis (BHL vol. II, 77-80; (([dagger]) 735)
4524) (XII) Bollandus, J. --GF: before Beda
(ed.) 1658. ASS --Lanery, 19, note 8:
Feb. II, 873-877 translated from the
Greek before the
end of the 6th
century.
Passio Luciae (BHL --Mombritius, --CPL: 6th century?
4992) (XIII) vol. II, 107-109 --GF: possibly 6th
century
--Lanery, 286, note
615: between the 5th
and the 7th century
Passio Marciarne --Mombritius, --Saxer, 69:
(BHL 5257--5259) vol. II, 256-257 presumably 5th
(XIV) (= BHL 5259) century, possibly
--Bollandus, J, end of the 4th
Henschenius, century
G. (eds.) 1643.
ASS Ian. I, 569
(= BHL 5257).
BHL 5257 and
BHL 5259
betray only
minor differences;
the plotlines are
very similar
Passio Maximae, --De Smedt --CPL: 4th century,
Donatillae et (1890), 110-116 with Donatist
Secundae (BHL 5809) additions.
(XV) --GF: 4th century
with Donatist
additions or even
originally Donatist
--Saxer, 60-62: end
of the
4th--beginning of
the 5th century in
a Donatist
environment
Passio Nerei, Achillei --Henschenius, --CPL: apparently
& soc. (BHL 6058-6066) G. (ed.) 1680. 6th century
Domitilla, ASS Mai III, --GF: possibly 6th
Petronilla, Felicula 6-13 (the only century
(XVI) edition which --Lanery, 123-124:
combines all 2nd half of the 5th
BHL numbers) century
Passio Rufinae & --Mombritius, --CPL: mid-fifth
Secundae (BHL vol. II, 444-445 century
7359) (XVII) --Pinius, J. (ed.) --GF: 2nd half of the
1723. ASS Iul. 5th century
III, 30-31 --Lanerv, 300:
between 550 and
650
Passio Saturnini, --Franchi de' --CPL: under
Dativi & soc. (BHL Cavalieri Diocletian
7492) Victoria (1935), 49-71; --GF: possibly
(XVIII) --Maier (1987), beginning of the 5th
57-92 century--Donatist
additions
--Saxer, 61-62:
Donatist redaction
of the end of the
4th
--beginning of the
5th century
Passio Serapiae & --Stiltingus, J. --CPL: 5th--6th
Sabinae (BHL 7586 + (ed.). 1743. ASS century
7407) (XIX) Aug. VI, 500-504 --GF: 5th--6th century
(only edition --Lanery, 305-6:
which combines the presumably between
BHL numbers) the end of the
6th and the end of
the 8th century
Passio Susannae --Mombritius, --CPL: 6th century?
(BHL 7937) (XX) vol. II, 553-559; --GF: possibly 6th
--Bollandus, J. century
(ed.) 1658. ASS --Lanery, 153:
Febr. III, 61-64 between 450 and
(first part of the 550
passion) and
Cuperus, G.
(ed.) 1735. ASS
Aug. II, 631-632
(second part of
the passion)
Susanna's passion
is divided
into two parts in
the ASS edition
because, according
to the passion,
her fellow
martyrs died
earlier.
Passio and BHL Provenance Length
number
Passio Agathae (BHL --CPL: Italy Approx.
133) (I) --GF: Italy 2130 words
--Lanery, 285:
Catania
Passio Agnetis et --CPL: Italy Approx.
Emerentianae (BHL --GF: Italy 2240 words
156) (II) --Lanery, 198:
Rome
Passio Anastasiae --CPL: Italy Approx.
(BHL 1795 + 118 + --GF: Rome 6330 words
8093 + 401) + Theodota --Lanery,
+ Agape, Chionia, 54-56: Rome
Irene QUI
Passio Aureae seu --CPL: Italy Approx.
Chryses (BHL 809) --GF: Italy 3280 words
(IV) --Lanery,
317-318: Ostia
Passio Bonosae (BHL --CPL: Italy Approx.
1425)(V) --GF: Italy 1750 words
--Lanery, 298:
Rome
Passio Caeciliae --CPL: Italy Approx.
(BHL 1495) (VI) --GF: Rome 6320 words
--Lanery
(2009), 536:
Rome
Passio Chrysanthi et --CPL: Italy Approx.
Dariae (BHL 1787) --GF: no 4645 words
(VII) location mentioned
--Lanery, 142:
Rome
Passio Columbae --CPL: Gaul or Approx.
(BHL 1893) (VIII) Germania 840 words
--GF: no location
mentioned
--Beaujard
(2000), 226-227:
Gaul
Passio Didymi et Lanery (2004), Approx.
Theodorae (BHL 22-23: BHL 1530 words
8072/8073) (IX) 8073: Italy,
probably northern
Italy; BHL
8072: Italy?
Passio Eugeniae, --CPL: Italy Approx.
Prothi et Hyacinthi --GF: Italy 4475 words
(BHL 2667) + Basilla --Lanery, 135:
(X) Rome
Passio Gallicani, --CPL: Italy Approx.
Iohannis et Pauli --GF: Rome 2170 words
(BHL 3236 + 3238) + --Lanery,
Constantia (XI) 211-212: Rome
Passio Julianae --CPL: Italy Approx.
Nicomedensis (BHL --GF: Italy 2865 words
4524) (XII) --Lanery, 19,
note 8: Campania
Passio Luciae (BHL --CPL: Italy Approx.
4992) (XIII) --GF: Italy 1500 words
--Lanery,
285-286: Syracuse
Passio Marciarne --Saxer, 69: Approx.
(BHL 5257--5259) Caesarea in 770 words
(XIV) Mauretania
Passio Maximae, --CPL: Africa Approx.
Donatillae et --GF: no location 1255 words
Secundae (BHL 5809) mentioned
(XV) --Saxer, 61-64:
Africa
Passio Nerei, Achillei --CPL: Italy Approx.
& soc. (BHL 6058-6066) --GF: Rome 4340 words
Domitilla, --Lanery, 119:
Petronilla, Felicula Rome
(XVI)
Passio Rufinae & --CPL: Italy Approx.
Secundae (BHL --GF: Italy 1000 words
7359) (XVII) --Lanery, 300:
Silva Candida
Passio Saturnini, --CPL: Africa Approx.
Dativi & soc. (BHL --GF: Abitinae,
7492) Victoria Africa 4700 words
(XVIII) --Saxer, 61-62:
Abitinae, Africa
Passio Serapiae & --CPL: Italy Approx.
Sabinae (BHL 7586 + --GF: Italy 2245 words
7407) (XIX) --Lanery,
305-306: close to
Terni
Passio Susannae --CPL: Italy Approx.
(BHL 7937) (XX) --GF: Italy 3630 words
--Lanery, 152:
Rome
Passio Agathae (BHL 133) (I)
Edition: Bollandus, J. (ed.) 1658. ASS Feb. I, 615-618
Dating:
--CPL: probably 6th century (contemporaneous withpassio Luciae)
--GF: 6th century? (contemporaneous with passio Luciae)
--Lanery, 284: before mid-fifth century Provenance:
--CPL: Italy
--GF: Italy
--Lanery, 285: Catania
Length: Approx. 2130 words
Passio Agnetis et Emerentianae (BHL 156) (II)
Numerous editions, due to attribution to Ambrose in the past. I
consulted the following editions:
--Mombritius, vol I, 40-44;
--Bollandus, J., Henschenius, G. (eds.) 1643. ASS Ian. II, 350-354;
--Bartolini (1858), 1-22 (with Italian translation);
--Jubaru (1907), 358-363;
--Fabrega Grau, 176-182.
Dating:
--CPL: reference to Saliou (1990), 286, note 8, who does not deem
Ambrosian authorship impossible.
--GF: 5th century?
--Lanery, 200-201: during the pontificate of pope Symmachus
(498514)
--Tomea (2010), 27-29: before the rewriting of the passio Eugeniae
(BHL 2666), which can be dated to the 2nd half of the 6th or to the 7th
century.
Provenance:
--CPL: Italy
--GF: Italy
--Lanery, 198: Rome
Length: Approx. 2240 words
Annelies Bossu
Ghent University
(1) Rohde 1876.
(2) This thesis was first raised by Heinze in 1899 and has received
wide acceptance since, see e.g. Conte 1996, esp. 31-34 on his adaptation
of Heinze's thesis. For objections against the thesis, see Morgan
2009, 40-47.
(3) See e.g. the contributions of Brethes, Frangoulidis, Harrison,
and Smith to Paschalis, Frangoulidis, Harrison, Zimmerman 2007.
(4) See Schmeling 20032, 540-544 on both similarities and
dissimilarities between the Historia Apollonii (HA) and the Greek
novels, especially Xenophon of Ephesus' Ephesiaca.
(5) On the HA as a Christian product, see Kortekaas 1984, 101-106,
116-118, and 2004, 1724, and Hexter 1988, 188. For objections against
the Christian overtone, see Schmeling 20032, 531-537. On the Christian
elements in the HA, see also Panayotakis' recent commentary, in
which he argues that the Biblical and Christian Latin in the HA are not
meant to be religious propaganda but rather underpin the wit and
learning of the text (Panayotakis 2012, 7-8). For a discussion of the
'divided cloak' motif in the HA in a pagan and Christian
intertextual context, see Panayotakis 2011.
(6) For a recent overview of the interconnections between the Greek
and Roman novels and different kinds of early Christian narratives, see
Konstan, Ramelli 2014.
(7) On the Gospels and the canonical Acts in the context of the
ancient Greek novels, see e.g. Pervo 1987; Alexander 1995 (both on the
canonical book of Acts); Brant 1998 (Gospel of John); Fullmer 2007
(Gospel of Mark); for the opposite view, namely the Greek novels as
influenced by the Gospels and the canonical book of Acts, see e.g.
Bowersock 1994, 99-143; Ramelli 2001, 23-142 (both on the Gospels and
the book of Acts); Reimer 2005 (Gospels).
(8) The bibliography is extensive. The seminal study is Soder 1932.
For an overview of the Apocryphal Acts in the context of the novels, see
Bremmer 1998 and Pervo 20032, 691706. See also numerous contributions to
the recent volume by Futre Pinheiro, Perkins, Pervo 2012, i.e. the
papers by Eyl, Greene, Spittler, AndUjar, and Hirschberger. Unlike the
others, AndUjar posits influence from the Apocryphal Acts on the novels,
namely of the Acts of Paul and Thecla on Heliodorus' novel; for a
similar thesis, see Maguire 2005. On the pseudo-Clementines, the
atypical Apocrypyhal Acts about the missionary activities of Petrus in
the form of a Christian family-novel, see Edwards 1992 and Bremmer 2010.
(9) On the use of both terms, see Scorza Barcellona 2001, 39-40.
(10) For the topoi of the novel, see Letoublon 1993. On the
similarities in subject matter and topoi between the Greek novels and
school exercises, as known from Seneca the Elder's Controversiae
and Pseudo-Quintilian's Declamationes Minores, see Webb 2007, 527,
with further references. On novelistic topoi in the passions, see
Delehaye 19662, 227-230 (late antique passions in general); Delehaye
19662b and Hagg 2004 (both Greek passio Eustathii); Cataudella 1981
(Greek and Latin texts, without distinction between vitae and passions);
Goddard Elliott 1987 (mainly vitae but occasional reference to a small
number of Greek and Latin passions); Rizzo Nervo 1995 (topos of the
virgin in the brothel in the Greek passio Agnetis and passio Luciae and
Latin passio Anastasiae); Huber-Rebenich 1999, 195-198 (Latin passions),
Aigrain 2000 (2), 148-151 (late antique passions in general); Moretti
2006, 15-22 and Konstan, Ramelli, 2014 (both Latin passio Anastasiae);
Lanery 2008, 365-368 (Latinpassio Agnetis).
(11) Kathryn Chew has researched these interconnections: Chew 2003a
discusses the representation of violence in the novels and five Greek
passions (Agatha, Juliana, Euphemia, Anastasia, Menodora) and Chew 2003b
discusses the concept and valuation of chastity in the novels and late
antique passions. In this article, Chew refers to a larger study
including 53 martyrs, but the exact passions are not mentioned; those
mentioned are the Greek passio Eugeniae and passio Menodorae, Metrodorae
and Nymphodorae and the Latin passio Agnetis and passio Didymi et
Theodorae.
(12) Datings of the Latin post-Nicene passions can be found in the
clavis patrum latinorum (Dekkers, Gaar 1995); Gryson, Frede 2007; Lanery
2010.
(13) Rapp 2004, 1250-1279.
(14) E.g. passio Julianae Nicomedensis (cf. Lanery 2010, 19, note
8), passio Didymi et Theodorae (cf. Lanery 2004, 24-32), passio Luciae
(cf. Lanery 2010, 278).
(15) The Catholic Roman Church, however, did not encourage the
dissemination of all postNicene passions: the passions of Cyricus and
Julitta and of George (all three Eastern martyrs) were explicitly
condemned by the Decretum Gelasianum (6th century).
(16) It has been argued that Byzantine Christians read the novels
of Achilles Tatius and Heliodorus and that the novels thus influenced
Greek passions: see Robiano 2009, 148, with further references. Robiano
argues that the passion of Galaction and Episteme (Bibliotheca
Hagiographica Graeca (BHG) 665-666) is specifically linked to both
novels in order to provide a Christian legitimacy for the two popular
pagan works. He argues that the reputation as Christians which Achilles
Tatius and Heliodorus enjoyed (on this, see also Ramelli 2009) has the
same aim. For allegorical interpretations of Heliodorus' novel in
Byzantine circles in order to make it acceptable for a Christian
readership, see Macalister 1996, 108-109 and for direct quotations from
both Achilles Tatius' and Heliodorus' novel in Byzantine works
see Macalister 1996, 110. In his lecture at the Classical Association
Conference 2014, Stephen Trzaskoma (University of New Hampshire) drew
attention to verbal imitations of Achilles Tatius' novel in
Christian works until the 10th century, among which the 10th century
passio S. Romani (BHG 1600z).
(17) In an article on novelistic literary techniques in the 5th
century Life and Miracles of Thecla, Johnson claims that late antique
Greek saints' lives inherited the literary techniques of the Greek
novel via the Apocryphal Acts (Johnson 2006, 190).
(18) As suggested by Cooper 1996, 117: 'In creating these
heroes and heroines, the Gesta [i.e. the Roman post-Nicene passions]
wove together narrative strands from the ancient romances and the
Apocryphal Acts of the Apostles around historical personages who were
partly or entirely imaginary '.
(19) On the pseudo-Clementines, see note 8.
(20) First noted by Shaw 1993, 9. See also Goldhill 1995, 117; Shaw
1996, 269-270; Ramelli 2001, 86-90 and 2009, 153; Chew 2003a, 138 and
2003b, 205-206; Lalanne 2006, 273; Brethes 2007, 256. The novelistic
scene was linked to specific martyrological scenes by Cataudella 1981,
952 (Greek passions of Eugenia, of Anastasia and of Domna); Shaw 1993, 9
(passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis); Morales 2004, 199-206
(Prudentius' version of the passions of Eulalia and of Agnes and
the passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis); King 2012 (4 Maccabees and the
passio Perpetuae et Felicitatis). Konstan 2009, 118-119 and Konstan,
Ramelli 2014 linked the novelistic scene to the Latin post-Nicene passio
Anastasi ae.
(21) I use the following text editions of the novels. For Chariton,
Goold 1995; for Xenophon of Ephesus, Henderson 2009; for Achilles
Tatius, Garnaud 1995 (2); for Heliodorus, Rattenbury, Lumb and Maillon
1994 (3), 1960 (2), and 1991 (3); all translations are from Reardon
2008. Longus' novel is not represented in this article. This tunes
in with the fact that Chloe nowhere in the novel intentionally defends
her chastity.
(22) The edition used is marked in bold in the appendix; all
translations are my own. I have numbered the passions using Roman
numerals. When referring to a character, I will mention the number of
the corresponding passion between brackets.
(23) This observation is in agreement with Chew's findings in
her corpus of 53 Latin and Greek passions (Chew 2003b, 218). See also
Constantinou 1995, 21-23 for similar observations with regard to Greek
late antique passions. Occasionally, a male martyr does face sexual
testing: in the passio Chrysanthi et Dariae, Chrysanthus' chastity
is endangered when the beautiful Daria is set on him to seduce him. Yet
Chrysanthus' testing differs from the testing of the female
martyrs, since the enemy is situated within himself. On this difference,
see Paoli 2006, 715-716. A famous martyr narrative (albeit not a
passion) which thematizes the sexual testing of a male martyr can be
found in Jerome's Vita Pauli, 3,2-4. On this scene, see Coppieters,
Praet, Bossu, Taveirne 2014, 395.
(24) Chew 2003a.
(25) Anastasia and Theodota (III) had sexual intercourse in the
past. On Anastasia as a model for married women in order to raise their
self-esteem, see Cooper 1994.
(26) Theodora (IX), Constantia (XI) and Petronilla (XVI):
Theodora's and Constantia's deaths are not recounted,
Petronilla dies peacefully after asking God for death.
(27) Of the 28 women, only four are not explicitly said to be of
noble descent: Columba (VIII), Petronilla (XVI), Felicula (XVI) and
Serapia (XIX). In Petronilla's case, this can be explained by the
fact that she is identified as the apostle Peter's daughter, who
was known as a fisherman (cf. Mt. 4:18); Felicula is presented as
Petronilla's collactanea. Serapia's social statute is unclear:
she is a citizen of Antiochia but also a servant of the widow Sabina.
The noble descent of the women tunes in with the finding that the
postNicene passions mark the beginning of the evolution towards the
medieval Adelsheilige; see Van Uytfanghe 2001, 210-211.
(28) It is unclear why the beauty-topos is absent in some of the
passions. In the case of Anastasia and Theodota (III), the women's
earlier marriage may account for its absence (they do not comply with
the beautiful virgin martyr stereotype), but a similar explanation does
not apply to other women.
(29) On noble descent and beauty of the novelistic heroines, see
Letoublon 1993, 119-124. On beauty as a characteristic of both
novelistic heroines and martyrs, see Cataudella 1981, 934. In the case
of Aurea (IV), her beauty incites everyone to love her. For similar
novelistic scenes, see e.g. Chariton 4,1,9 and 5,1,8.
(30) Eugenia (X) is an exception: she practices chastity and
refuses marriage before she is a Christian; when she comes across the
story of Thecla later on (p. 391, l. 42-43), she is converted to
Christianity and subsequently keeps her virginity for Christ (p. 395, l.
22). On Thecla as a model for Eugenia in this passion, see Cooper 2005,
18-23. Domitilla (XVI) can be seen as Eugenia's counterexample: she
is a Christian but aspires to marriage. Only when her eunuchs have
elaborated on the superiority of virginity, she decides to remain a
virgin for Christ.
(31) E.g. Susanna (XX) p. 553, l. 53-54: pudiciciam Domino Iesu
Christi exhiberem [For citations from the passions, I adopt the spelling
of the edition used]. See also Agnes (II) [section] 10; Irene (III)
[section] 17; Bonosa (V) [section] 3, [section] 10; Caecilia (VI)
[section] 3; Theodora (IX) [section] 6; Basilla (X) p. 397, l.1;
Constantia (XI) p. 570, l. 22-25; Felicula (XVI) [section] 16; Rufina
(XVII) [section] 4. In three cases, the women ritually dedicate their
virginity to Christ, either by receiving the veil of virginity (velamen
virginitatis: Daria (VII) [section] 14; Domitilla (XVI) [section] 9) or
by dedicating a lock of hair (Victoria (XVIII) [section] 17). On
consecrated virgins as brides of Christ, see Brown 1988, 259-284.
(32) The women who are called thus are often the same ones as those
who explicitly commend their chastity to Christ, but not always: Agatha
(I), Agnes (II), Bonosa (V), Daria (VII), Columba (VIII), Constantia
(XI), Juliana (XII), Lucia (XIII), Marciana (XIV), Secunda (XV),
Felicula (XVI), Rufina (XVII), Secunda (XVII), Serapia (XIX).
(33) See Consolino 1984; Paoli 2006, 111-122; Cooper 1996, 116-143.
(34) The symbolism of the double crown (one for virginity and one
for martyrdom) occurs in the passio Didymi et Theodorae [section] 10;
passio Eugeniae p. 396, l. 30-31; passio Luciae p. 108, l. 42; passio
Saturnini, Dativi et soc. [section] 11. The same symbolism can for
instance be found in Prudentius' account of Agnes' martyrdom
(Peristephanon XIV).
(35) This is in line with Chew's observations: three-fifths of
the martyrs in her corpus use such language (Chew 2003b, 211).
(36) Agnes (II) [section] 4; Aurea (IV) [section] 3; Bonosa (V)
[section] 4, [section] 11; Basilla (X) p. 396, l. 55- 56; Secunda (XV)
[section] 4; Domitilla (XVI) [section] 21.
(37) Aurea (IV) [section] 16.
(38) Agnes (II) [section] 3; Felicula (XVI) [section] 16; Caecilia
(VI) [section] 4 calls the angel who watches over her virginity her
amator.
(39) Agnes (II) [section] 3, [section] 6; Anastasia (III) [section]
1, [section] 21, [section] 26; Theodora (IX) [section] 1; Eugenia (X) p.
396, l. 39; Basilla (X) p. 396, l. 58; p. 391, l. 6; Constantia (XI) p.
510, l. 10, l. 25; Felicula (XVI) [section] 16; Domitilla (XVI)
[section] 21; Rufina (XVII) [section] 4; Secunda (XVII) [section] 6.
(40) Anastasia (III) [section] 21.
(41) Agnes (II) [section] 3; Constantia (XI) p. 510, l. 26;
Domitilla (XVI) [section] 21.
(42) Martyr called sponsa Christi by the narrator: passio Agnetis
([section] 12), passio Marcianae ([section] 3); reference to Christ as
sponsus or coniunx: passio Bonosae ([section] 11), passio Chrysanthi et
Dariae ([section] 8), passio Nerei, Achillei et soc. ([section] 1,
[section] 9; in [section] 8, Christ is presented as the sponsus of the
Church and not of an individual martyr, for a similar symbolism, see
Ephesians 5: 21-33), passio Susannae (p. 556, l. 41); reference to love
(amor, diligo) between martyr and Christ: passio Caeciliae ([section]
3), passio Eugeniae (p. 396, l. 8, 18; p. 391, l. 13, 24), passio
Maximae, Secundae, Donatillae ([section] 4), passio Nerei, Achillei et
soc. ([section] 9); reference to the heavenly marriage bed: passio
Aureae ([section] 5), passio Chrysanthi et Dariae ([section] 8), passio
Nerei, Achillei et soc. ([section] 8: marriage bed of Christ and the
Church), passio Rufinae et Secundae ([section] 10).
(43) See Soder 1932, 119-148; Van Uytfanghe 1992; on erotic
discourse in the ancient novels, Christian writings (Apocryphal Acts,
vitae, passions, Church Fathers) and Byzantine novels, see Nilsson 2009.
(44) See Soder 1932, 125-126; Hirschberger 2012.
(45) Constantia (XI) and Petronilla (XVI) are an exception: they
are not arrested. If the proposal occurs before the arrest, different
scenarios can be distinguished: a pagan falls in love with the woman and
proposes (Agnes (II), Constantia (XI), Petronilla (XVI), Felicula (XVI),
Susanna (XX); in Susanna's case, the father of the future groom
insists on the marriage), the woman's parents urge their daughter
to marry (Eugenia (X), Secunda (XV)), or, most frequently, the future
martyr already has a fiance who wants to celebrate the marriage
(Caecilia (VI), Basilla (X), Juliana (XII), Lucia (XIII), Domitilla
(XVI), Rufina (XVII), Secunda (XVII), Victoria (XVIII); in the case of
Caecilia and Victoria, their respective parents try to force them into
marrying their fiance). If the marriage proposal takes place after the
martyr's arrest (Anastasia (III), Theodota (III), Aurea (IV),
Bonosa (V)), the proposal is combined with an exhortation to sacrifice
to the pagan gods and to enjoy a luxurious life. The exhortation to
enjoy a luxurious life is of a different order as the first two: whereas
the martyr will never marry or sacrifice, they lead a comfortable life
before their arrest: cf. supra, note 27.
(46) On the consolidation of the social order in the novels versus
its subversion in early Christian narrative and on the different ideas
of a 'happy ending', see Perkins 1995, 25-75 and Cooper 1996,
20-67.
(47) Chew 2003b argues that since the martyrs aspire to a marriage
with Christ, their observance of chastity is--just as in the
novels--temporary; this might explain why the Greek passions favour the
most common novelistic chastity word, [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII],
over terms as ayvsla and [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].
(48) Caecilia (VI) and Daria (VII) actually do marry but turn the
marriage into a spiritual one. For the origin, evolution, and
consequences of the phenomenon of spiritual marriage, as well as its
heretical connotations, see Brown 1988, 83-102 and Elliott 1993, 16-93.
(49) Anastasia (III), Aurea (IV), Bonosa (V), Basilla (X), Secunda
(XV), Domitilla (XVI), Felicula (XVI), Rufina (XVII), Secunda (XVII),
and Victoria (XVIII).
(50) Passio Aureae et aliorum [section] 3: ego habeo jam caelestem
sponsum, a cujus amore nullus hominum me separare potest. A similar
utterance occurs in the passio Bonosae [section] 4. Like Aurea, Bonosa
is prepared to be physically tortured.
(51) Passio Aureae [section] 3: Semel dixi, caesar, quia nec minas
tuas timeo, nec terrores tui me separant a cavitate Domini mei Jesu
Christi.
(52) Passio Anastasiae [section] 27 iam puta quia fluxit tertius
dies: scias me supplicia magis eligere, per quae vadam ad eum quem
diligo. The element of time for reflection can be found in early,
so-called 'authentic' passions as well (e.g. passio Sanctorum
Scillitanorum 11, 13). In these early passions, however, marriage and
sexuality are not rejected as intrinsically bad: only in times of
crisis, the martyr chooses the heavenly over the earthly realm. In the
post-Nicene passions things are remarkably different: these texts
radically repudiate sex and marriage. On this difference between both
groups of texts, see Praet 2003.]
(53) Passio Rufinae et Secundae [section][section] 4-5: Quid est,
quod sororem meam glorificas et me exhonoras? ... tot computat coronas
perpetuas, quot temporalia susceperit vulnera flagellorum.
(54) Ego non nego amatorem meum, qui propter me felle cibatus,
aceto potatus, spinis coronatus, et cruci affixus est. For the
corresponding passages in the Gospels, see Mt. 27: 27, 34-35; Mc. 15:
17, 23-24; Lc. 23: 33, 36; Joh. 19: 2, 17, 29. In one edition of the
passio Margaritae (BHL 5303; edition Mombritius 19102, p. 191, l.
29-30), a similar utterance occurs: Margarita too refers to
Christ's death for our sake and states that she will not hesitate
to die for Him (Christus semet ipsum pro nobis tradidit in mortem et ego
pro ipso mori non dubitabo). The utterance is absent, however, in the
Acta Sanctorum-edition of the passion. Moreover, the passion's
dating is very doubtful: Amat 1985, 338 calls the passion
'entierement romanesques, mais relativement anciens'. The
martyrs' ordeals are linked to Christ's tribulations in the
passio Maximae, Secundae et Donatillae [section] 3, when the proconsul
orders to give Maxima and Donatilla gall (fel) and vinegar (acetum).
(55) Passio Nerei, Achillei & soc. [section] 16: Accipe virum
nobilem, divitem, juvenem, elegantem, Comitem et amicum Imperatoris.
Audiens hec Felicula, nullum sermonis objiciebat omnino responsum, nisi
hoc: Virgo Christi sum et praeter ipsum nullum omnino accipio.
(56) On suicide within Christianity and the link with the
condemnation of voluntary martyrdom, see Van Hooff 1990, 194-197 and
1991.
(57) On Augustine's vehement rejection of suicide as spurred
on by his controversies with the Donatists, see Van Hooff 1990, 196 and
1991, 368-369 and Droge, Tabor 1992, 167-183.
(58) On the similarities between both scenes and the Donatist
context, see Dalvit 2009, 26-31.
(59) These qualities largely match the qualities which the
guards' wives list when trying to convince Felicula, cf. supra note
55.
(60) Ach. Tat. 6,12,5: [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]; Why this
recital of irrelevant virtues?
(61) [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]. Another scene in which
Callirhoe prefers torture to the loss of her chastity is Chariton
6,7,7-9: an eunuch of the Persian king gives her the choice: either she
agrees to be the king's mistress or she will suffer terribly as his
enemy. Callirhoe is not impressed and points out that she already
suffered terribly in the past. She does not believe that the king can
come up with something worse.
(62) On the importance of virginity in Heliodorus, see Brethes
2007, 226. For a discussion of the unique nature of Chariclea's
commitment to virginity, see Maguire 2005, 47-50, and for a
contextualization within both pagan and Christian literary and cultural
traditions, 76-163.
(63) See Van Hooff 1990, 131. Suicide is understood as a deed to
preserve one's dignity; on suicide for the sake of chastity in
these terms, see Van Hooff 1990, 117-118. On the positive view on
suicide in the novels when one can no longer fulfil one's assigned
role in life, see Perkins 1995, 98-103; on the denotation of suicide as
'polluted' (evayeg) in Heliod. 8,8,4 and a possible Christian
background, see Ramelli 2009, 164.
(64) Cf. supra, note 54.
(65) See Goldhill 1995. For a recent discussion of ambiguous
elements in the depiction of the novelistic heroines' chastity,
which undermine their allegedly ideal nature, see De Temmerman 2014.
(66) See Shaw 1996; Perkins 1995, 104-123; Burrus 2004, 55.
(67) In his translation of the Apocryphal Acts of Peter, Poupon
remarks that the concubines' determination has been linked to a
similar behaviour in the Greek novels (Poupon 1997, 1107).
(68) For the connotation of suffering and death in conjunction with
the more general signification of 'witness' in the earliest
martyr texts, see Dehandschutter 1991.
(69) On Caecilia's astute rhetorical behaviour, see Bossu, De
Temmerman, Praet, Mnemosyne forthcoming.
(70) On Susanna's approach, see Bossu, Praet, De Temmerman,
Latomus forthcoming.
(71) For the stereotypical depiction of pagans as greedy people,
see also passio Agathae [section] 2, passio Anastasiae [section] 23,
[section] 26, [section] 32, passio Aureae seu Chryses [section] 17,
passio Caeciliae [section] 22.
(72) This observation nuances Goddard Elliott's statements
about the post-Nicene passions: 'The world of hagiography as
depicted in the passions is black and white. Words mean what they say;
what men say corresponds to what they do ' and 'only villains
attempt (unsuccessfully) to lie ' (Goddard Elliott 1987, 34-35).
(73) Moretti 2006, 17 briefly notes that Theodota's approach
resembles Anthia's when dealing with Psammis.
(74) Cf. supra, note 71.
(75) It concerns a passage which has been passed down in Coptic,
cf. Poupon's translation 1997, 1049-1052. Vouaux 1922, 157-158
lists the differences between the version of the story in the passion
and in the Apocryphal Acts.
(76) In the Apocryphal Acts of John ([section][section] 63-65)
Drusiana convinces her husband to agree upon a spiritual marriage.
Thereupon, another man falls in love with her and tries to seduce her.
Upset about the passion she arouses, she asks God for death.
(77) In both passions, a female martyr asks God for death, albeit
not in a marriage context. Agatha (I, [section] 12) implores God to
receive her spirit since she has suffered enough; in the passio
Chrysanthi et Dariae (VII, [section] 21), Hilaria prays Christ for death
when she is about to be arrested.
(78) In the story's original version, God paralyzes
Peter's daughter to the same end.
(79) On the scene, see De Temmerman 2014, 269-277. Similar ideas
about keeping a powerful opponent happy by feigning compliance to
advances can be found in Heliod. 1,26,3-4 and Ach. Tat. 4,8,5-6.
(80) Ruses to avoid sexual intercourse are used in the Apocryphal
Acts, but not the ruse of feigned consent and requested postponement. In
the Apocryphal Acts of Andrew ([section] 17), Maximilla lets a slave
girl take her place in the marital bed in order to avoid sexual contact
with her husband; in the pseudo-Clementines, Mattidia invents a dream to
get away from her brother-in-law who is in love with her.
(81) For detailed analyses of both scenes, see De Temmerman 2014,
259-277.
(82) See Brethes 2007, 239-249 on Ari. Rh. 2,6,21-22 and Ari. Int.
1.
(83) Aug. De Mendacio, 10: ... facile responderi potest nullam esse
pudicitiam corporis, nisi ab integriate animipendeat; quia disrupta
cadat necesse est, etiamsi intacta videatur; ... Nullo modo igitur
animus se mendacio corrumpat pro corpore suo (edition Combes 1937).
(84) A similar benefit for the 'victim' of the ruse
occurs in the passio Caeciliae: Caecilia sends her fiance on his way to
baptism and the eternal life.
(85) According to Augustine (De Mendacio, 11), converting people is
no justification for lying either.
(86) One of Hagg's arguments for claiming that the Coptic
passion of St. Parthenope was modeled after the (fragmentarily
preserved) novel of Metiochus and Parthenope is the untypical death of
the heroine (Hagg 2004, 246-247, 258): Parthenope does not publicly
declare her faith but feigns to accept a marriage, asks for respite to
rest and throws herself on a fire in her bedroom. Apart from the
striking link with Felicula's story, Hagg's argument suggests
that the absence or postponement of the typical steadfastness in the
passions can have a novelistic origin.
(87) Domitilla (XVI), Anastasia (III), and Susanna (XX).
(88) Agnes (II), Theodota (III), Bonosa (V), Theodora (IX), Lucia
(XIII), Rufina (XVII), and Secunda (XVII). In the passio Didymi et
Theodorae ([section] 2) the judge explicitly refers to the
emperors' decision that virgins have to sacrifice to the pagan gods
or will be put in a brothel. In [section] 5, he stresses that he is not
willing to violate this imperial regulation.
(89) Irene (II), Daria (VI), Columba (VII), Marciana (XIII), and
Serapia (XVIII).
(90) On the relation of the passio Anastasiae to the earlier Greek
passion, see Moretti 2006, 40-41.
(91) On entertainment in Christian texts, see Huber-Rebenich 1999,
187-190; on entertainment in the passions, see Chew 2003a, 137-138.
(92) Rizzo Nervo 1995.
(93) Rizzo Nervo refers to the Greek passio Agnetis and passio
Luciae and the Latin passio Anastasiae.
(94) For the faithful as the temple of God, cf. I Cor. 3:16-17.
(95) Passio Serapiae et Sabinae [section] 5: Adesto nunc, precor,
et mihi miserere peregrinae ancillae tuae Serapiae, et libera me a
sordida cogitatione juvenum istorum. Serapia's designation as
'wandering' (peregrina) can have two explanations: either it
refers to the fact that she, a citizen of Antiochia, ended up in the
North-Italian town of Vindena, or, more likely, it refers to her
pilgrimage on earth before she reaches the eternal life; for Biblical
passages expressing this idea, see Heb. 11, 13-16 and I Pe. 2, 11.
(96) Susanna (XX, p. 558, l. 14-16) and Daria (VII, [section] 22)
are very likely to ask Christ for support in their prayers as they both
know that they are in danger of being raped. In the case of Anastasia
(III, [section][section] 27-28), and Agape, Chionia and Irene (III,
[section] 13) this is less clear: the women are already praying when a
lustful pagan arrives.
(97) X. Eph. 5,4,6 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII].
(98) Passio Agnetis et Emerentianae [section] 7: Unde ego quia novi
virtutem Domini mei Iesu Christi, secura cotemno minas tuas, credens
quod neque sacrificem idolis tuis, neque polluar sordibus alienis. Mecum
enim habeo custodem corporis mei Angelum Domini. Nam unigenitus Dei
filius, quem ignores, murus est mihi impenetrabilis et custos mihi est
numquam dormiens et defensor mihi est numquam deficiens. Columba (VIII)
[section] 4 and Marciana (XIV) [section] 3 express themselves similarly.
Bonosa seems certain of Christ's support too ([section] 10): when
the praeses decides to put her in a brothel, she simply states that she
will never give up her virginity which she consecrated to Christ, and is
thereupon saved by a miracle.
(99) Ach. Tat. 6,21,2 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII];
(100) Theodora combines this approach ([section] 2) with a
declaration that Christ will protect her ([section][section] 3,6) and a
prayer to Christ for support when she is put in the brothel ([section]
7).
(101) Passio Luciae, p. 108, r. 38-42 : Numquam inquinatur corpus
nisi de consensu mentis. ... Nam sic de sensibus et voluntatibus iudicat
[i.e. Deus]. ... Nam si me invitam violari feceris: castitas mihi
duplicabitur ad coronam. For the double crown (of virginity and of
martyrdom), cf. supra, note 34.
(102) Rizzo Nervo 1995, 94-97, with references to Augustine's
De Doctrina Christiana.
(103) Augustine, De civitate Dei, I, 28.... quibusdam, quae ista
perpessae sunt, potuit videri continentiae bonum in bonis corporalibus
deputandum et tunc manere, si nullius libidine corpus adtrectaretur; non
autem esse positum in solo adiuto diuinitus robore uoluntatis, ut sit
sanctum et corpus et spiritus; nec tale bonum esse quod inuito animo non
possit auferri (text and translation Page, Capps, Rouse, Post,
Warmington, McCracken 19662). Similar ideas can be found in
Augustine's De Mendacio, 10 (cf. supra note 83).
(104) Passio Luciae, p. 108, 44-46: Ecce, corpus meum paratum est
ad omne supplicium. Quid moraris? Incipe desyderia poenarum tuarum in me
exercere, fili diaboli!
(105) Passio Rufinae et Secundae [section] 6: Applica ignes,
gladios, flagella, saxa, fustes et virgas: quot tu poenas intuleris, per
tot ego gloriam martyrii nostri numerabo.
(106) Ach. Tat. 6,21,1-2: [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII]... Ach.
Tat. 6,22,4 [TEXT NOT REPRODUCIBLE IN ASCII] On the correspondences
between Leucippe's utterance and other Christian martyr texts, see
supra, note 20.
(107) The doctoral research of Annelies Bossu is financed by the
FWO (Research Foundation Flanders)-project G.0633.10N, supervised by
Prof. Danny Praet and Prof. Koen De Temmerman, whom I would like to
thank for their stimulating comments on this article. I also thank the
anonymous referees of Ancient Narrative for valuable comments and
suggestions.
Annelies Bossu received her Ph.D. from Ghent University (Belgium)
in 2014, with a dissertation entitled Quick-witted Women. Literary
Studies of female martyrs in the Latin post-Nicene passions of the
martyrs. Forthcoming publications on the late antique passions include
articles on the passio Caeciliae, passio Susannae and passio Chrysanthi
et Dariae.
