Homosexuality: some reflections from India.

Abraham, K.C. ; Abraham, Ajit K.

Human sexuality has never been a part of public discourse in India. In the traditional joint-family system, prevailing patterns of behaviour, especially sexual behaviour, followed a rigid code reinforced by customs, symbols and communal rituals. Because homosexuality was never spoken of in this situation, it is difficult to find much written documentation on the issue of homosexuality in India. Even today few radical groups struggling for social justice in India concern themselves with discrimination on the grounds of sexual preference.

Indian churches have generally speaking refused even to acknowledge the existence of homosexuals. Misconceptions and prejudices abound about any behaviour that is out of the ordinary. Homosexuality is condemned as "deviant" and as an act of sin. But over the past half-century science and technology, new economic patterns, the growing influence of the media and the diminishing influence of religion have brought about vast changes in people's mores, beliefs and life-styles. A once-rigid code of conduct is being subjected to critical scrutiny. A candid, often radical reappraisal of the traditional value system and behaviour patterns is going on at least in certain circles in India. The discussion of homosexuality should be placed in this context of change.

The new life-styles are bewildering in their diversity. In an era dominated by technology, media, mobility, anomie and loss of moral absolutism, many people, particularly in urban areas, feel that traditional attitudes towards homosexuality should be altered. Contemporary Indian society urgently needs to come to terms, in its thinking and legislation, with academic research which paves the way for greater understanding of homosexuality. Such research and study are still far too scarce in India.

The present article is based on an individual study conducted by one of the authors, Ajit K. Abraham. It is by no means to be taken as a representative view of the Indian church or community at large. Rather, it is presented as an indication of the scope of this issue and a plea for a dispassionate judgment on it. But before reporting on the study as such, we need to look briefly at the historical record, including evidences of homosexual practice in some of the traditional religious literature.

Historical and religious traditions

Homosexual behaviour occurs in every culture, even in those where it is most heavily denied. In ancient Indian literature, homosexuality has been documented in various treatises by different authors. Hindu legends abound with references to homosexuality; and archaeologists have found prehistoric cave drawings depicting homosexual acts. According to the Hindu sage Vatsayana, author of the renowned treatise on love, the Kamasutra, homosexual practice is allowed by the holy writ (Dharmasutras) with just a few exceptions. Indeed, the Kamasutra devotes an entire chapter to Auparistaka -- homosexual intercourse. The reference in the Ramayana to Sri Rama as purusamohana Rupaya -- so handsome as to be pleasing even to men -- indirectly suggests that homosexuality would have been considered, at least in certain quarters, a legitimate behaviour. In the popular tradition of Hinduism, sexual prowess is considered helpful in unleashing spiritual energy to attain liberation. Both Siva and Krishna are said to have engaged in homosexual activities.

Although these practices are referred to in the traditional Hindu literature and religious mythology, the general attitude towards homosexuality has tended to be disapproval. As editor of the journal Young India, Mahatma Gandhi wrote in 1929 about the "unnatural vice" in boys' school.

Male homosexuality in Muslim culture existed during the Mughal period in India. Under the Muslim rulers homosexuality entered court life. In Islamic Sufi literature homosexual eroticism was used as a metaphorical expression of the spiritual relationship between God and man, and much Persian poetry and fiction used homosexual relationships as examples of moral love. Although the Quran and early religious writings display mildly negative attitudes towards homosexuality, Muslim cultures seemed to treat homosexuality with indifference, if not admiration.(1)

As for the vast majority of the Christians in India, the very word "homosexuality" seems to arouse more revulsion than almost any other word. Largely based on the commonly accepted interpretation of biblical passages such as Genesis 19:1-14 and Romans 1:27, these reactions are often accompanied by ignorance. Nevertheless, it should be noted that the attitude of some Christians towards this area of sexuality is changing from blanket condemnation of all such actions to genuinely sympathetic concern for persons who find themselves in very difficult circumstances. For example. J. Russell Chandran concludes his brief discussion of homosexuality in a recent book with these words: "Instead of adopting a judgmentary attitude towards homosexuals, we need sympathetic understanding of the persons who are known to be homosexuals."(2)

Legal provisions

Most countries in the world have amended their laws regarding homosexuality and its relation to society. In India, however, laws pertaining to homosexuality have not been revised since the British introduced them in the 1860s.(3) Present-day Indian criminal law is in fact a residue of the British law which was grafted onto the Indian legal system during the British regime. A close examination of its various sections indicates that it rarely coincides with the criminal law in force in India prior to 1861. The nucleus of the Indian penal code was originally drafted by Lord Macaulay, and Indian courts still frequently consult English decisions to construe sections of it. But while British laws have changed considerably and various sections of the Indian code have been amended to suit the current climate of opinion, criminal law has changed very little. (Civil law is somewhat more vague as far as homosexuality is concerned.)

Homosexuality is a criminal offence under section 377 of the Indian penal code, which prohibits camel relations "against the course of nature" and makes homosexuality involving anal sex a criminal offence, for which the punishment may be imprisonment for ten years to life. In addition, the offender is also liable to be fined.

The public display of homosexual acts is also a criminal offence, subject to police action. In favour of retaining the present law, it has been argued that homosexual behaviour between adult males, in private no less than in public, is contrary to the public good on the grounds that it is a menace to the health of society, that it has damaging effects on the family, and that a man who indulges in these practices with another man may turn his attention to boys.

Homosexual activity: a case study

From the fact that the religious and legal institutions in India disapprove of homosexual behaviour, it does not of course follow that there is no homosexual activity in Indian society in modern times. In all major cities there are secret meeting places for homosexuals. The public is slowly becoming aware of the gay community and their problems through press reports and feature articles in widely circulated newspapers and journals. Gay organizations are fighting discrimination through publication of journals like the Bombay Dosr. A few organizations in northern India are working closely with the homosexual community, among them the Humsafar Trust, which helps homosexuals to deal with their sexual orientation. Even so, homosexuals continue to be hounded by police and preyed upon by blackmailers and hustlers who threaten to reveal their status. Pressure may also be exerted by their employers and their families against an enduring relationship. The growing incidence of HIV-AIDS cases further complicates the problem. This makes it difficult to enter into a dispassionate and informed discussion of it.

Consequently, homosexuality in India continues to be a largely clandestine activity. Any study of it thus faces considerable difficulties and limitations; and it was against the background of these that the study summarized here was conducted in the Marina Beach area in Chennai (formerly Madras). The research was an attempt to gather more information about a specific homosexual population, their family and socio-economic backgrounds, their life histories, their psychological and emotional makeup and their fears and frustrations. It should be read as an open reference document which will be useful in conducting future studies rather than as a precise statistical report.

Collection of data and difficulties encountered

Data was collected on evenings between about 6:30 p.m. and 11:00 p.m.. which is the peak time when male homosexual activity takes place at the Marina Beach. The information was elicited over a period of thirty days during January 1997.

A number of social constraints limited the freedom of the researcher. Furthermore, many respondents were reluctant to speak out on sensitive and private matters: and the researcher had to seek the help of field-workers from a non-governmental organization working in the area in being introduced to male homosexuals. In certain cases, the researcher was himself obliged to pose as a male homosexual cruiser to gain the confidence of the respondents.

In the process of the study the researcher faced physical threats from pimps and procurers operating in the vicinity. At the same time, fear of police patrolling the area meant that the researcher and the respondents often had to transfer the venue of their meeting. Given the fact that most of these activities took place late at night, the risk factor was extremely high, particularly since the area was one in which other underworld activities were going on as well.

Methodology of the study

To acquire first-hand knowledge the researcher conducted interviews and tape-recorded the respondents' statements. Among those contacted were also persons indirectly involved with the male homosexual community (either aiding or impeding their activities). To elicit basic information from the male homosexuals, a specific interview format, printed both in English and the vernacular, had been prepared.

In a second stage, the data collected from the primary sources were transcribed to produce statistical information, which was then compared with information gathered from the secondary sources. The final stage of the study involved drawing inferences from the data and the comparative study.

The researcher relied on incidental sampling during the course of the study. in effect taking up the cases that fell to hand and continuing this process until the sample had reached the designated size of shiny respondents. This type of sampling, besides being economical and convenient, can afford a basis for stimulating insights and hypotheses where the goal is not statistical precision but rather finding tentative clues for hypothesis-formulation (as in exploratory studies).

A profile of a Marina Beach homosexual

The study corroborated findings of other studies that homosexual activity is maximal in the 20-30 age group (66.5 percent). There is a gradual decline in the number of homosexuals above the age of 35.

Many of the respondents had received education up to high school, and many held professional degrees. During college days boys in India are often subjected to ragging, which in extreme cases may involve homosexual behavior. To quote one of the conducted interviews, with Mukundan, aged 47: "It was during my college days in Chennai that I was first initiated into homosexual activity. I was forced to have oral sex with one of the boys in my hostel: after that I was raped by three seniors. I was bleeding at the end of it. I was called all sons of names and most of my seniors used to gang-rape me often..."

Traditionally, Indian males get married between the ages of 25 and 30, by which time they have become clear about their sexual orientation in view of its consequences for their marriage. Most of the respondents interviewed said they preferred to revert to heterosexual activity. Substantiating this is the statistical evidence that only 3.3 percent of Indian men engage in homosexual activity after the age of 35. The fact that only a third of the respondents were married may indicate that many are not established male homosexuals, but persons who may have tried homosexual experience once or a few times and have since established a strong heterosexual orientation.

It was funkier observed that about 60 percent of those who frequent Marina Beach earn less than 100,000 rupees annually. The number of homosexuals from the upper strata of society who visit the beach is almost negligible. However. those of the elite class who do frequent the beach are difficult to interview, since they cruise in their own automobiles and leave the area almost immediately after picking up a partner. For them the beach drive functions as a pick-up site, and they prefer to carry out their sexual activities in the privacy of their cars or elsewhere. Less economically privileged males must resort to encounters either on the beach or in public toilets and other available locales.

Often it is only after a period of solid friendship that male homosexuals evolve towards a monogamous sexual relationship. This bonding is based on similar interest, emotional dependency and a desire for mutual trust and understanding. Two of the respondents interviewed - Shankar (22) and Samuel (26) - even expressed a desire to get "married" and to adopt children if possible. Although the partners in such relationships prefer to remain monogamous, they may frequent Marina Beach to meet other males on a social level without becoming sexually involved with them.

The majority of the respondents, however, practice depersonalized sex, solely for their own gratification and without feeling any need for involvement. If they were to become emotionally involved and to seek a monogamous relationship, they would of course be confronted with weighty problems such as fending for food, shelter and clothing and other such expenses. Secondary sources have also highlighted that married men who have homosexual tendencies prefer impersonal sexual encounters with consenting strangers.

A recent edition of Outlook magazine quotes a male homosexual named George, who says, "I have sinned by bringing death to others. If only I had used condoms, I might have saved myself and many others from a dreaded disease." Yet although there is considerable awareness of AIDS and other sexually transmitted diseases among the male homosexual population, a number of factors militate against homosexuals" practising safe sex. For one thing, most of the male commercial sex workers are desperate for money and are willing to forgo sexual protection. A second deterrent factor is fear of the police, who arrest persons who are carrying a condom. In some cases, the sexual partner prefers unprotected sex and may be unwilling to engage in safe sex. There is also a misconception among many male homosexuals that sexually transmitted diseases are a risk only with anal sex; however, recent scientific and medical studies reveal that they can be transmitted through oral sex as well, although the risk is comparatively less.

Since most of the homosexual encounters are impersonal and promiscuous, money plays a vital role in selection of partners. Physical attributes are important in agreeing on the price. A majority of the male homosexual cruisers prefer virile youth as their sexual partners. In such cases the prices quoted are relatively high. The price range varies with the kind of sexual favours extended: the rate for oral sex ranges from 20 to 50 rupees, the rate for anal sex from 150 to 200.

Some conclusions from the study

In spite of the paucity of materials available on homosexuality in India and the hesitancy on the part of the respondents to disclose sensitive personal experiences, the researcher has been able to focus on certain facets of this multi-dimensional issue.

Male homosexuality in the Indian context predisposes against stable relationships in an important way. It was found that the majority of the respondents opted for homosexuality because of the inadequacy they experienced in achieving satisfactory inter personal relations with the opposite sex. This inadequacy may have stemmed from early childhood experiences, strict social codes or segregation of sexes.

Parental guidance in sex education plays a significant role in orienting the child's sexual drive. Sex education should deal not only with sex in the narrow biological sense of the term but also with social relationships and emotional fulfilment. It would seem that the curriculum for primary education in India should incorporate a kind of sex education which explicates relationships, bodily changes, bodily feelings, stimulation control and male and female sex roles. It should be underscored that, contrary to the misapprehensions of many Indians, sex education does not necessarily imply experimentation nor stimulate the student to sexual activity.

In India it has been found that many persons have been initiated into homosexuality as children by older, more experienced males who have found children an easy target to satisfy their sexual urges. While many find the initial stages rather traumatic, they slowly become accustomed to it, thereby dictating their sexual orientation. It was found that for some in their late 20s homosexuality was the easiest way to satisfy their sexual drives, as relations with the opposite sex might develop into marital expectations, and many homosexual men who fear and are unable to handle intimacy escape into promiscuous homosexual relations.

For many Indian men whose marriage has failed, the most promising alternative seems to be homosexuality.

To quote one of the respondents, Prakash (aged 47), "Homosexuality is a matter of personal choice, quite difficult, and it holds an exquisite charm as it breaks away from blindly following tradition." At the same time, social ostracism is distressingly common. As a result, Indian homosexuals tend to be consumed by guilt and haunted by fear. Very often, they are unable to speak to anyone about their sexual urges: confiding in the family can make one an outcast; confiding in colleagues can cost him his job.

There is a growing tendency, especially among the middle class, to view having multiple sex partners as a sign of upward social mobility. This preference for multipartner sex has exposed many people to high-risk diseases like HIV/AIDS. While non-governmental organizations and trained medical volunteers are trying to grapple with the spread of AIDS, there is a feeling that religious leaders must also take responsibility for seeking to change attitudes and mobilize communities on this issue. Moreover, while the campaign against AIDS has so far been of a general character, the researcher feels there is a need for focused intervention as well. It was noted above that during the survey it was difficult to gain access to cruisers who arrive at Marina Beach in their cars and leave immediately after choosing a sexual partner. These people do not come within the scope of the AIDS-awareness campaigns carried out in the area. Other ways must be found for organizations and social workers to target such specific groups in colleges, night-clubs, public parks and private' "gay" parties.

In Chennai, a survey conducted by APN+ - the Asia/Pacific Network of people with HIV - focused on educated persons. Randomly picking 79 infected men and 46 infected women from private HIV clinics across the city, APN+ found that 64.8 percent were graduates, 24.8 percent post-graduates, and 7.2 percent held PhDs. It should be added, however, that two-thirds of the AIDS cases in India are transmitted through heterosexual relations and only a fraction of the rest are transmitted through homosexual relations.

We have seen earlier that the law regarding acts of homosexuality has been unpleasantly rigid in India. A more flexible approach is recommended, especially with regard to the distribution of condoms to the male homosexual population. Homosexuality is as much a social reality as heterosexual relationships: and the laws should be amended to correspond to the contemporary social climate. Awareness-building by gay-rights organizations has begun to alter public opinion; and it is time for the law to take cognizance of this. Indian homosexuals, who are caught in difficult circumstances, need acceptance and empathy. This would encourage consistent, monogamous homosexual relationships, thereby reducing the risk of sexually transmitted diseases and at the same time strengthening the moral fabric of society.

Reflections on the churches" role

1. Stability and change. Human relationships in all traditional societies in Asia are shaped and nurtured within certain basic social units - the joint family, the caste or tribe, the village. These have provided the necessary emotional and political stability, and to preserve that stability a rigid moral code is enforced. This explains the preference for arranged marriages and the disapproval of divorce or sexual behaviour which differs from the norm.

The break-up of this traditional integration has been a significant consequence of the modern awakening of people to the ideas of equality, justice and freedom. While this disintegration has provided a better atmosphere for realizing individual rights, it has also led to a crisis in relationships. Many genuinely fear that the stability of the family, a value that has shaped human relationships in Asia, will be eroded by all these changes and new behavioural patterns. Some would want to hold the two concerns together: the need for stability and the right of an individual or group to follow new and alternative behaviour. Others would argue that the West has opted for the latter at the risk of destabilizing family and society. The debate on homosexuality in India and elsewhere in Asia has to be seen in terms of these differing perspectives. In an ecumenical dialogue one must pay special attention to the fears and questions of the partners involved. A certain reticence among people from traditional societies about uncritically affirming new and divergent ways of sexuality is understandable. This should be taken into consideration when we formulate ecumenical positions or perspectives on this.

2. Is homosexuality a priority for us' The church must address itself to many issues that affect the life of people. In a situation of economic poverty and marginalization of social groups, it is no wonder that the church focuses its attention on their concerns. In the hierarchy of needs and concerns in the third world, homosexuality does not figure prominently. The above study makes evident how difficult it is even to assess whether a significant number have been affected by the problem. Of course, even if it is the problem of a minority, the church cannot simply dismiss it.

3. The need for public discourse. We have observed that the ideas many people have about homosexuality are shaped by misinformation and lack of knowledge. Public discourse on the causes of homosexuality is possible by gathering more information through objective study. The churches in the South can be helped by the debates that are going on in the West on these issues. Patiently listening to them and studying the situation of homosexuals are important for the churches in Asia, even if it represents the condition of a minority. Are there genetic factors that influence sexual behaviour or is it the result of some experience in sexual life? Chandran writes in the work cited earlier that "if a person has in-born homosexual tendencies and homosexuality is the only meaningful basis for sexual relationship, it is not right to condemn the person".(4)

4. Responsible sexual behaviour. From the above study it is evident that promiscuity and prostitution are often associated with homosexual behaviour. Evidently there are factors that lead people to such behaviour. But if sex is used even in heterosexual relations purely for sensual pleasure and thereby to exploit one partner, it cannot be given ethical approval. This does not mean that the sole objective of sexual relations is procreation, as some seem to hold. But sex is created as a means for fulfilling love relations between partners. If this is taken as the basis, it is difficult, as Chandran says, "to condemn all homosexual partnerships as immoral and sinful".(5)

Similarly, the church's attitude towards those who have contracted HIV/AIDS should not be judgmental and condemning. They and their families need sympathetic care. Unfortunately, very few churches in Asia are theologically equipped for a pastoral ministry to persons living with HIV/AIDS.

5. The use of the Bible and theology. The attitudes of the church towards social issues are governed by the biblical witness. But there is always a problem of interpretation. A literal application of some isolated verses violates the integrity of the biblical message. Our views on homosexuality should not be determined guided by one or more passages in the Bible quoted out of context. A careful look at all the biblical sources on sex, love and partnership is necessary. Perhaps this could be an item on the agenda of the ecumenical movement and a way of achieving greater clarity regarding a Christian approach to homosexuality.

Notes

(1) Cf. Sayyid Abdul A'la Mawdudi. Towards Understanding the Quran, vol 1. Surahs. Islamic Foundations, 1994

(2) J. Russell Chandran. Christian Ethics. Delhi, ISPCK, 1997, p. 118.

(3) On this see Shakuntala Devil The World of Homosexuals, Delhi, Vikas, 1977.

(4) Op. cit., p. 118.

(5) Ibid., p. 117.

(*) K. C. Abraham is a presbyter of the Church of South India and the director of the programme on doctoral studies of the Senate of Serampore College, Bangalore. Ajit K. Abraham works for a community health organization based in Bangalore.