They Are Us: Lutherans and Immigration.
Beck, John H.
They Are Us: Lutherans and Immigration
Stephen Bouman and Ralston Deffenbaugh
Minneapolis: Augsburg Fortress Press, 2009 (144 pages)
In They Are Us, Stephen Bouman and Ralston Deffenbaugh offer a
perspective on immigration that focuses on stories that are part of the
heritage of Lutherans in America. In the first chapter, they highlight
scriptural narratives that Lutherans share with all Christians,
emphasizing the biblical mandate to care for strangers and aliens. In
the second chapter, they focus on stories of Lutheran immigration to
America, from Swedish colonists in the 1600s to the establishment of the
Lutheran Immigration and Refugee Service in 1939 to assist Lutheran
refugees fleeing first the Nazis and later the turmoil following World
War II. The sixth and seventh chapters recount stories of more recent
ministries to immigrants by Lutheran congregations.
Bracketed by these stories are three chapters dealing with public
policy toward immigration: chapter 3 provides a brief history of
immigration policy in the United States, chapter 4 outlines problems
with current policy, and chapter 5 suggests values to guide policy
reforms.
While calling the church to a ministry of hospitality to immigrants
individually, the authors do not neglect the responsibility of the
church to advocate for reform of immigration policy. However, the
book's advocacy of policy reform is unsatisfactory in two respects.
First, if the church is going to engage in public policy
discussions with people who do not share Christian beliefs, it should
not base its arguments solely on religious principles. Christians
engaging in policy discussions need to make arguments that will appeal
to nonbelievers. In particular, many concerns about immigration involve
economics, but this book fails to discuss economics beyond noting that
immigrants are often motivated by the desire to improve the economic
well-being of their families. Winning the argument for immigration
reform requires that American citizens understand that, although there
are costs associated with immigration and these costs may fall more
heavily on some than on others, the potential overall benefits to
Americans from immigration outweigh those costs. As a Lutheran
economist, I find that Andrew Yuengert's book that combines
economic analysis with Roman Catholic teachings (Inhabiting the Land,
2003) provides a better basis for Christians who are engaging in the
public debate over immigration policy.
Second, applying the criteria suggested in the fifth chapter for
evaluating reform proposals may result in the best becoming the enemy of
the good. For example, Bouman and Deffenbaugh take the position that
"any immigration reform should provide a path to permanent status
and citizenship for persons who put down roots in America and want to
become contributing members of society" (79). That is an ideal that
is shared by this reviewer.
However, if that implies that as a matter of political strategy
advocates of immigration reform should oppose expanding guest worker
programs and insist on the ideal of increasing the number of permanent
resident visas, the practical result may be that any opportunities for
would-be immigrants to improve their well-being by working in the United
States will be reduced.
Lant Pritchett points out that countries with the highest
proportions of foreign-born workers such as Singapore and the Persian
Gulf states do not treat citizens and foreign-born workers equally (Let
Their People Come, 2006). While such discrimination is offensive, the
foreign-born workers stay in those countries voluntarily and would
certainly be worse off if they were denied access to those labor
markets. Demands that foreign-born workers and citizens be treated
equally may result in restrictions on international labor mobility that
leave those born in foreign countries worse off.
In his foreword to this book, Martin Marty writes,
"'politics' knows the dirty secret of history: violence.
Politics is an effort through give-and-take, argument,
winning-some-and-losing-some, and compromise to minimize the violence of
history" (xiii). Restrictions on international labor mobility are
enforced by government coercion. As Christians engage in politics to
reduce this coercion and to expand opportunities for mutually beneficial
migration, they must be willing to compromise ideals and to use economic
analysis to support their arguments.
--John H. Beck (e-mail: beck@jepson.gonzaga.edu)
Gonzaga University, Spokane, Washington