Aboriginal prescribed burning and landscape history in North Western Alberta.
Ferguson, Theresa A.
The extensive prairies of the Peace River country aroused
considerable comment in the historical literature. Those "beautiful
meadows ... and groves of poplars irregularly scattered," (2) as
Alexander Mackenzie wrote in 1792, were a meat larder for the fur trade
and a bread basket for the settlers. The origin of these prairies, so
anomalously located within the boreal forest, has been explained as an
adaptation to salinized soils, created by post-glacial drainage from the
mountains. (3) The maintenance of these grasslands is, on the other
hand, often attributed to human practices, specifically to what is now
called prescribed burning. (4)
Prescribed burning involves the deliberate use of fire to create
certain effects in the landscape. It removes old and dying vegetation
and returns those nutrients to the soil. Plants revert to earlier
successional stages characterized by higher levels of productivity.
Central to this concept of prescribed burning is nature and frequency of
the fire, not just the fact that a fire occurred.
The aspects of fire needing adjustment to produce the desired
effects are intensity and rate of spread. These are affected by a number
of variables. The size and topography of the area to be burned will
affect ease of control. Fuel type, quantity, size, arrangement, and
moisture content are all significant. Weather variables include
temperature, humidity, wind speed, and wind direction on the day of the
burn. Many of these variables are controlled by seasonality. In
temperate and northern regions, spring and late fall are the best times
to carry out a burn of light to medium intensity. The frequency of
burning varied from annual burning to burning in consecutive years to a
longer periodicity to re-start plant succession in treed areas. (5)
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
The examination of prescribed burning by the Dene, Cree and Metis
peoples in the central and upper Peace River area in the early 1900s was
initiated in the 1970s by the late Henry T. Lewis, a pioneer in research
on Aboriginal prescribed burning. (6) My own 1976-78 research focussed
on the Dene of Hay Lakes and the Upper Hay River. (7) These research
projects were based on "memory ethnography," the recollection
by community members of their own past activities.
Although prescribed burning was closely circumscribed after the
arrival of the Forestry Service in the early 1940s, elders in the 1970s
could still describe the burning activities of the pre-1940 period.
Prescribed burning is a term drawn from western forestry science.
While it is clear the Dene used fire in focussed, intentional ways, the
context was quite different than that of the forestry service. Instead
of a general acceptance of the value of fire suppression, the usual Dene
attitude was that freely running fire was a problem only if it actually
threatened people or drove away game. There were no large permanent
settlements to be protected, and fire-killed timber was not a commercial
loss, but provided great firewood, desperately needed in the long, cold
winter.
Burning around log homes was carefully monitored with pails of
water and wet spruce branches ready to douse any wayward flame, but Dene
prescribed burning in areas away from family groups was implemented in
quite a casual way. For men on hunting or trapping trips, "letting
the campfire go" was a common technique either in the bush or on
the much larger Peace River prairies. On the latter areas, young people
also were sent out on horseback in the spring with matches. Not for them
the material technology marshalled by the Forestry Service to closely
control spread and intensity of fire. The prescription of the Dene uses
of fire lay in the selection of environmental conditions, particularly
determined by the season and the weather conditions of the day.
Noted an elder, "Burning is good around May. When it's
hot and the big snow has almost all gone except for some in the woods,
then we have to burn." (8)
Another elder stated, "When we were still hunting and
travelling towards the fall, when the plants were dried up, then we
would let the fires go. We could build a campfire for tea, then just
leave it and continue on our way. From there sometimes it starts,
sometimes just goes out ... [it had] the protection of the snow."
The Dene people carried out most of their burning in the spring
when the weather was cool and moist. When burning hay meadows, snow in
the bush acted as a fire guard. Burning later in the spring in warmer
conditions would be used only to reduce areas of deadfall. Greater care
then was needed due to the higher daily temperatures and the
accumulation of dry fuel. Bodies of water and old burns were used as
fire guards and the dead trees would be gradually cleared out over a
number of years.
Fall burning also occurred, again in cool, damp weather. Ideally,
the first snow had already fallen and melted. Fall burning had certain
disadvantages: it destroyed winter forage and there was more danger of
the fire escaping. However, fall burning could be a safeguard against a
late or wet spring. As the snow melted in the spring, the scorched earth
would warm up faster, creating the conditions for early germination of
grass seeds.
Also, a combination of spring and fall burning could have favoured
large grazers/ browsers, such as bison and later free-roaming horse
herds. Such grazers usually used small prairies in the winter and larger
ones in the summer. Wind was a critical factor. In the summer the breeze
on the large prairie helped keep insects at bay. In the winter, staying
on small prairies minimized wind chill and the wind-crusted snow that
made foraging difficult. (10) Thus, fall burning on the large prairies
would not have disadvantaged winter foraging, since these prairies were
not in use. Instead, it would have provided the earliest possible fresh
forage in the spring. Spring burning on the small prairies would have
ensured fresh growth for the animals in the following winter.
As stated by an elder, two main types of areas were chosen for
prescribed burning: "go 'leyde--that means where you burn and
all the little branches come out, where the moose eat; and the other is
klo 'degogedaleyde. That's the prairie where you grow hay for
the horses." (11)
The first location involved burning in the bush, often along the
edges of sloughs and streams. Light burning would encourage sprouting
from the bases of such shrubs as willow, alder, birch, and aspen. These
sprouts provided a more nutritious and in some cases more palatable
browse for moose and hare. Since the new sprouts were lower in height,
hare could feed easily. Abundant, well nourished hare in turn drew lynx.
Burning along streams also resulted in a nutritious grass growth,
attractive to small herbivores such as mice which in turn were
attractive to weasels and foxes. These environments were productive for
both hunting and trapping. Burning also was used in the bush to maintain
trails for ease of travelling and hunting. Deadfall areas were
eliminated to facilitate finding and stalking game and also as a
preventative against the destructive large wildfires.
Annual burning on hay meadows improved forage for horses and
presumably for bison in the early 1800s. It reduced the number of
insects, stopped the invasion of grassland by aspen, and according to
Dene, reduced disease among horses by destroying horse dung. Stands of
mature aspen on the edge of the prairie often were burned out over a
number of years to provide fire wood. Sloughs in grassland areas were
kept open by the elimination of litter build-up, thus favouring breeding
pairs of water birds. This style of burning would not only have kept the
broad Peace River prairies open, but also the extensive hay meadows of
the Hay-Zama lakes and other smaller prairie/meadow openings in the
forest.
"I didn't set the forest on fire just for the sake of
burning, but so that I could return to hunt the next year and
live," said a Dene elder. (12)
In comparing prescribed burning in northwestern Alberta with that
of Australia and California, Henry Lewis (13) was able to define two
overall patterns of burning, applied according to habitat. Plant
communities in areas with lower animal productivity were managed with a
yard and corridor pattern. "Yards" refer to open areas, that
is, small meadow or prairies; and "corridors" to openings such
as trails and edges along lakes and streams. Game was attracted to these
areas by the quality and abundance of feed, so hunters could rely on
encountering them; and the animals were in better condition. This
pattern of burning was characteristic of the forested area to the north
of the Peace River grasslands.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
In contrast, a mosaic pattern of burning is associated with more
open country and higher animal productivity. Grassland-parkland areas
were burned in patches, maintaining a high degree of diversity. The
Peace River grasslands were just such a mosaic supporting a high animal
abundance and diversity. Not only were the typical animals of the
southern boreal forest present, but also plains animals such as the
buffalo and antelope. (14) In 1793, Mackenzie noted that many bison and
elk herds around the confluence of the Peace and the Sinew [now Pine]
rivers and commented that the country "is so crowded with animals
as to have the appearance in some places of a stall-yard from the state
of the ground, and the quantity of dung which is scattered over
it." (15)
The dynamic link between the yard and corridor and mosaic patterns
of burning is animal productivity. If that changed, one would expect
hunters to adapt the pattern of burning. If animal productivity
increased in an area burned in the yard and corridor method, one would
expect burning patterns to move towards a mosaic type, and vice versa.
The Peace River grasslands might seem to be an ideal case study for this
theory. Owing to the demands of the fur trade, particularly during the
pre-1821 competitive period, game populations did experience a
relatively rapid depletion. Bison and antelope populations were
extirpated by the mid-1800s. (16) However, any data on transition in
burning patterns has been obscured by other historical factors. The fur
trade not only placed a great demand on local resources, but it
introduced diseases, devastating the Dene hunters who had managed the
game and the landscape with this technique.
Agricultural settlement, beginning in the 1880s, further disrupted
the foraging economy and the landscape it shaped. Ironically, it was the
grassland landscape, so long maintained by Aboriginal prescribed
burning, that attracted agricultural settlers.
Prescribed burning had a tremendous ecological and economic
significance for north-western Alberta Aboriginal groups and the land
and natural resources they depended upon. It is not surprising that fire
as a creative force is a theme in one of the Dene origin stories:
"When the world began, there was nothing but rocks and fire.
There were no trees or grass. The whole world was on fire ..." (17)
ENDNOTES
(1) I would like to acknowledge my intellectual debt to the late
Henry T. Lewis This paper is dedicated to his memory. Hank Lewis
revitalized the initial work done in North America by the cultural
geographer, Carl Sauer, and the anthropologist, Julian Steward; and
expanded such work into Australia. Lewis' 1993 autobiographical
paper, "In Retrospect," in T. C. Blackburn and K.M. Anderson
(eds), Before the Wilderness: Environmental Management by Native
Californians, Anthropological Paper No. 40. (Menlo Park, California:
Ballena Press) 389-400, outlines the development of this remarkable and
productive career.
(2) W. Kaye Lamb, ed. Letters and Journal of Sir Alexander
Mackenzie. (Toronto: Macmillan, 1970), 243.
(3) K. Wilkinson and E. A. Johnson, 1983, "Distribution of
prairies and solonetzic soils in the Peace River District,
Alberta," Journal of Canadian Botany 61: 1851-60
(4) George M Dawson, as quoted in John Macoun. Manitoba and the
Great North-West. (Guelph, 1882), 125.; E. H. Moss, 1952.
"Grasslands of the Peace River region, Western Canada,"
Canadian Journal of Botany 30:98-124.
(5) Prescribed burning is well documented among northwestern North
American Aboriginal groups, eg. Leslie Main Johnson, "Aboriginal
Burning for Vegetation Management in Northwest British Columbia,"
Human Ecology, 22:2:(1994):171-88; Nancy Turner, "'A Time to
Burn': Traditional Use of Fire to Enhance Resource Production by
Aboriginal People in British Columbia," in Robert Boyd, ed.
Indians, Fire and the Land in the Pacific Northwest. (Corvallis: Oregon
State University Press, 1999), 185-218
(6) Henry T. Lewis. 1977. "Maskuta: the Ecology of Indian
Fires in Northern Alberta," Western Canadian Journal of
Anthropology, vol. VII;I:15-52; A Time for Burning. (Edmonton: Boreal
Institute for Northern Studies, 1977).
(7) Theresa A. Ferguson, Productivity and Predictability of
Resource Yield. Aboriginal Controlled Burning in the Boreal Forest. M.A.
Thesis, Department of Anthropology, University of Alberta, 1979.
(8) Personal communication, 1976, male Dene informant, born 1899.
(9) Personal communication, 1976, male Dene informant, born 1903.
(10) Hal W. Reynolds and Donald G. Peden. "Vegetation, Bison
Diets and Snow in the Slave River Lowlands," Section 37 In Hal W.
Reynolds and A.W.L. Hawley, eds. Bison Ecology and Crop Production in
Relation to Agricultural Development In the Slave River Lowlands,
Northwest Territories, Canada, p. 208.
(11) Personal communication, 1976, female Dene informant, born
1951, author's transcription of Dene terms.
(12) Personal communication, 1977, male Dene informant, born 1898.
(13) Henry T. Lewis and Theresa A. Ferguson, "Fire Yards, Fire
Corridors and Fire Mosaics: How to Burn a Boreal Forest," Human
Ecology, vol. 16:1(1988):57-77.
(14) W. Kaye Lamb, ed. Sixteen Years in the Indian Country.
(Toronto: Macmillan, 1957), 117. Although antelope are not usually
acknowledged as ranging this far north, see Theresa A. Ferguson,
"Documenting Pronghorn Antelope antilocapra americana in the Peace
River Grasslands, Alberta," Canadian Field Naturalist, vol.
117:4(2004):657-58.
(15) W. Kaye Lamb, ed. Letters and Journals of Sir Alexander
Mackenzie. (Toronto: Macmillan, 1970), 264.
(16) Theresa A. Ferguson, "Wood Bison and the Early Fur
Trade," in Patricia A McCormack and R. Geoffrey Ironside, eds. The
Uncovered Past: Roots of Northern Alberta Societies. (Circumpolar
Research Series No.3. Edmonton: Canadian Circumpolar Institute, 1993.);
Theresa A. Ferguson, "Documenting Pronghorn Antelope antilocapra
americana in the Peace River Grasslands, Alberta." Canadian Field
Naturalist. Vol. 117:4 (2004):657-658.
(17) Personal communication, 1976, Dene male informant, born 1899,
Dene female informant, born 1903.
Theresa A. Ferguson teaches Anthropology at Athabasca University,
Edmonton, and engages in contract research for Aboriginal claims in the
Treaty Eight area.