The ownership structure of investment banks: a case for private partnerships?
Schellhorn, Carolin
INTRODUCTION
The subprime mortgage crisis and its fallout have caused losses for
households, businesses and government in the U.S. as well as abroad.
Among the crisis' more prominent victims are the five largest U.S.
investment banks, which, by the end of 2008, had ceased to exist as
stand-alone publicly traded firms. Lehman Brothers filed for bankruptcy
protection in September 2008, while Bear Stearns and Merrill Lunch were
sold to bank holding companies that same year. Also during 2008, Morgan
Stanley and Goldman Sachs yielded to government pressure to change to
bank holding company status in order to weather threats to their
solvency. Clearly, investment banks, as originators and distributors of
asset-backed securities, were at the very heart of the financial crisis.
What caused this dramatic failure of all of the top investment banks?
Was it a failure of managerial judgment, complacency on the part of
investors, or a failure of regulators and credit rating agencies? Was
the main culprit the 'Originate to Distribute" model of
commercial banking, which facilitated the creation of toxic assets? In
hindsight, it appears that several factors conspired to produce the
crisis that ensued.
This paper suggests that the organization of the major U.S.
investment banks as publicly traded corporations may have been an
important factor in creating the incentive structure for prolonged and
excessive risk-taking, which ultimately precipitated the near failure of
the financial system. While publicly traded corporations enjoy important
advantages, as will be discussed below, this form of ownership may not
be desirable for investment banks, if the safety and soundness of the
financial system are at stake.
In the next section, we summarize possible reasons why the major
U.S. investment banks went public after operating as private
partnerships for decades. We then discuss the agency problems that arise
from the separation of ownership and control in publicly traded
corporations, and the ways in which executive compensation packages have
been used to mitigate these problems. Executive compensation in the form
of large bonuses, stock and stock options, in turn, may have encouraged
investment bank managers to take ever higher risks, a behavior that has
remained unchecked by the arms-length owners of publicly traded firms.
One way to control excessive risk-taking is to strengthen and
expand the government's supervision and regulation to include the
investment banks. Similar to commercial banks, investment banks could be
subjected to risk-adjusted capital requirements, asset quality
standards, and frequent regulatory audits. Executive compensation
packages could be scrutinized by the government. One drawback of this
approach is that a potential failure of the government's
supervision increases the likelihood that the government will be forced
to bail out institutions that have become "too big to fail,"
thus putting taxpayers at risk.
This paper makes a case for a possible alternative: The
requirement, or incentive, for investment banks to operate as private
partnerships. The private partnership form of organization naturally
reduces risk-taking incentives due to the fact that partners face
unlimited liability. In addition, the private partnership, due to its
limited access to financial markets, curtails firms' ability to
grow to sizes that make them "too big to fail."
The paper further argues that, due to the nature of the investment
banking business, firms in this industry are more likely to be
successful when they operate as private partnerships. The corporate form
of ownership may be well suited for firms in industries, like
manufacturing, where performance is driven by "explicit
knowledge." Explicit knowledge can be expressed, documented and
passed on with the help of the media. However, the incentive structure
of a public corporation may not be well suited for the investment
banking business, which relies on personal relationships and the ability
to price hard-to-value assets. This ability requires "tacit
knowledge" and "tacit human capital," i.e., relevant
experience, good business relationships, and a solid reputation for
responsible underwriting (Polanyi, 1966). The investment banking
industry, similar to other service industries, may work better when
senior partners pass their experience, their relationships and their
judgment on to junior partners in organizations that make it possible to
preserve tacit knowledge and tacit human capital.
CONVERSION TO PUBLIC CORPORATIONS
Until the rules were changed in 1970, public corporations were not
allowed to become members of the New York Stock Exchange. Member firms
operated as partnerships or as closely held private corporations, and
many continued to do so even after the rules restricting ownership
structure were relaxed. While some investment banks, like Donaldson,
Lufkin and Jenrette and Merrill Lynch, converted to stock ownership in
the early 1970s, others waited several years, if not decades. Goldman
Sachs floated its IPO in 1999.
Morrison and Wilhelm (2008) analyze the reasons why some investment
banks found it advantageous to continue operating as private
partnerships for years before converting to stock ownership. Their
research builds on earlier work (Morrison and Wilhelm, 2004), which
highlights the advantages of private partnerships especially in
industries that rely heavily on trust, reputation, and tacit human
capital. Investment banking, like management consulting and other
service-oriented professions, requires skills that are difficult to
teach in a classroom setting and are best learned on the job under the
guidance of an experienced and successful mentor. Successful investment
banking leads to a good reputation, which is necessary because the
quality of the service cannot be observed by the client until well after
the service has been provided. Arguably, one of the most important
skills of an investment banker is to recognize when a risk should not be
taken and a deal should not be done. This skill, as good judgment in
other areas, is very difficult to teach in theory. It may have to be
observed first hand in order to be learned.
Due to the fact that partners in investment banking organizations
have difficulty transferring their ownership and, typically, face
unlimited liability, their careers and lives are intertwined with the
fate of their firms. They have strong incentives to spend the time
required for mentoring junior colleagues. Without this, the partnership
would lose its reputation and fail along with its partners. The
partnership form of ownership, therefore, improves on-the-job training
and facilitates the intergenerational transfer of tacit skills, such as
good judgment and understanding the limits of risk-taking.
If the partnership form of organization is so well suited to the
business of investment banking, then why did so many investment banks
convert to public corporations during the decades following 1970?
Morrison and Wilhelm (2008) argue that innovation in both information
technology and finance gradually reduced the significance of tacit human
capital. First, batch-processing and, later, the microcomputer allowed
investment banks to replace human capital with physical capital. The
development of quantitative financial models codified knowledge so that
much of it could be learned in the classroom. This reduced the need for
mentoring and facilitated access to trading markets. Reduced barriers to
entry combined with reduced profit margins created the need for
large-scale trading. The importance of access to financial and physical
capital increased relative to the importance of human capital. The
corporate form of ownership became more attractive than the private
partnership because it was better able to finance expansion and growth.
Lost in the process was the tacit human capital, which could not be
codified, even after the introduction of computers and financial
modeling. In the investment banking business, it is this tacit human
capital, which is required for judicious risk-taking. And that, in turn,
is necessary to sustain a high-quality reputation and clients'
trust in the long run. Lewis (2008) characterizes the transformation of
Salomon Brothers from a private partnership to a public corporation as a
transfer of risk from the partners to the shareholders: "The
shareholders who financed the risks had no real understanding of what
the risk takers were doing, and as the risk-taking grew ever more
complex, their understanding diminished. The moment Salomon Brothers
demonstrated the potential gains to be had by the investment bank as
public corporation, the psychological foundations of Wall Street shifted
from trust to blind faith." (Lewis, December 2008, Portfolio.com,
Conde Nast Inc.)
REGULATING THE CORPORATE FORM OF OWNERSHIP
Ever since Berle and Means (1932) and Jensen and Meckling (1976),
the agency costs associated with the corporate form of ownership have
been well understood and empirically documented. Inefficiencies in the
use of assets, waste, shirking, and the consumption of perquisites by
managers are observed in publicly traded firms, where ownership of the
assets is separated from control over how they are used. These agency
costs have been found to increase with the dispersion of ownership among
non-manager owners and decrease with increases in managers'
ownership share (Ang, Cole, and Lin, 2000).
To reduce these agency costs, executive compensation packages have
been designed to increase managerial ownership and align the incentives
of managers with those of the owners. Maher (1992) sheds light on the
types of compensation packages offered by publicly traded investment
banks in the early 1990s in efforts to re-create incentives that existed
when the firms operated as private partnerships. Bonuses that are tied
to short-term performance, stock and stock options, as solutions to the
agency problems of public corporations, however, have created their own
set of problems. In fact, the reduction of agency conflicts between
managers and owners has exacerbated the agency conflicts between
owner-managers and the holders and guarantors of bank debt. Bebchuk and
Spamann (2009) analyze the role that pay packages have played in
creating incentives for bank managers to take excessive risks at the
expense of debt holders and the safety of our financial system. When the
value of bank equity declines in times of crisis, the authors point out
that the incentives to take excessive risks are reinforced, because
equity ownership represents an ever increasing levered bet. This causes
the interests of shareholders/managers to diverge even more from the
interests of debt holders and the government guarantor.
In order to address these problems, the authors argue for more
informed and more ophisticated regulation of compensation packages for
bank executives. Beyond that, other traditional types of government
regulation, such as higher capital requirements, minimum standards for
asset quality, and frequent regulatory audits, could be employed to
contain risk. Admati et. al. (2010) make a strong case for significantly
increased capital requirements for financial institutions. The authors
find that bank equity is not as expensive as is commonly believed,
especially when social benefits and costs are taken into account.
While this approach may be appropriate for the business of
deposit-taking and lending conducted by commercial banks, which have
always been heavily regulated, it is not clear that the
government's safety net and supervision need to be extended to
include the investment banking industry. In fact, it has been argued
that the more stable business of deposit-taking and lending should be
separated from the risks associated with securities underwriting and
trading (see, for instance, Gros and Alcidi, 2009).
Nonetheless, the Dodd-Frank Wall Street Reform and Consumer
Protection Act, which was recently signed into law, lays the foundation
for an extension of government regulation from banks and bank holding
companies to all nonbank financial firms (Fein, 2010). The rules that
lawmakers and regulators will develop based on the Dodd-Frank Bill in
the months to come will have to provide for government control of
excessive risk-taking, as well as for the possible resolution of any
financial firm that is "oo big to fail. This represents a
significant challenge for our regulatory and financial systems. It
remains to be seen whether this approach will prove successful.
A POSSIBLE ALTERNATIVE: PRIVATE PARTNERSHIPS
An alternative way to address the incentive problems as well as the
"oo-big-to-fail" problem that are associated with the public
form of ownership is to require, or induce, investment banks to operate
as private partnerships. The interests of private partners as committed,
long-term owners and managers with unlimited liability are much less
likely to diverge substantially from the interests of bondholders, no
matter what bonuses and pay packages the partners are receiving. Both
stakeholder groups would have incentives to prevent excessive
risk-taking in order to insure the long-run survival of the firm.
Limited access to capital markets would naturally control the size of
these firms, which would prevent them from becoming "too big to
fail" and reduce the need for expensive government bailouts.
An added advantage of organizing investment banks as private
partnerships would be the existence of strong incentives for senior
partners to pass tacit skills on to junior colleagues. Thus, private
partnerships would help insure the preservation of tacit human capital
and sound managerial judgment in the industry. For investment banks, at
this time, the rebuilding of trust and reputation appear to be more
important than rapid expansion and growth.
In a recent paper, Bunting (2010) offers a legal perspective and
makes strong behavioral arguments in favor of regulations that provide
incentives for investment banks to choose the private partnership
structure even though they could operate as public corporations.
SUMMARY AND CONCLUSION
The major investment banks are now owned by, or operated as, bank
holding companies. This outcome represents an ad-hoc emergency solution
to a crisis that required quick action. It is not the result of a
long-term maximization process, at the end of which the current
situation emerged as the best possible alternative. Going forward, the
question arises as to whether the extension of the government safety net
to the investment banking industry is desirable.
The alternative suggested in this paper would require investment
banks to operate separately as private partnerships, exposing investment
banking partners to unlimited liability. The advantages of this approach
are that agency conflicts between owners, managers and debt holders
would be mitigated as risk-taking incentives would be weakened. The need
for increased government involvement in designing executive compensation
packages for investment bankers, as well as other forms of government
intervention, would be reduced. The illiquid nature of the partnership
stakes would promote the development and transfer of tacit human
capital, thus supporting the industry's success. While private
partnerships are somewhat restricted in their ability to grow due to
more limited access to financial capital, this may be a disadvantage
that is worth accepting, particularly, because it would naturally
constrain firm size and prevent firms from requiring government bailouts
under a "too-big-to-fail" policy.
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Carolin Schellhorn, Saint Joseph's University