What about mom? The forgotten beneficiary of the Medicaid expansions.
Kutinova, Andrea ; Conway, Karen Smith
1. Introduction
In the late 1980s and early 1990s, the Medicaid eligibility rules
changed substantially. The income thresholds increased and individuals
in two-parent families started to qualify. By providing health insurance
coverage to all low-income pregnant women and their children, the policy
makers hoped to achieve their ultimate goal: to improve health outcomes.
Have they succeeded? In an attempt to answer this question, several
studies have investigated the effects of the expansions on infant health
(Currie and Gruber 1996a, 1997; Dubay et al. 2001; Currie and Grogger
2002), and a few studies have focused on the effects on child health
(Currie and Gruber 1996b; Kaestner, Joyce, and Racine 2001). So far, the
results have been mixed, leading to a general skepticism about the
effectiveness of the Medicaid eligibility expansions in improving
health.
We argue, however, that an important potential beneficiary of the
expansions--the mother--has been left completely out of the analysis. To
our knowledge, no economic study has investigated the effects of the
policy changes of the 1980s and 1990s on maternal health. However,
pregnant women have always been a key target population of the Medicaid
program. Therefore, without estimating the impacts of the expansions on
maternal health (in addition to infant health and child health), any
evaluation of the effectiveness of the policy is incomplete. In this
paper we attempt to close the gap. In particular, using the Natality
Detail Files for 1989 1996, we estimate the relationship between
Medicaid eligibility and maternal health outcomes for several treatment
groups and a control group. Our results indicate that increased Medicaid
eligibility may have led to fewer preventable maternal complications
among women most likely to have benefited from the expansions.
2. Background
Is maternal health an issue in a developed country such as the
United States? We believe that it is. As Haas, Udvarhelyi, and Epstein
(1993) note in their study, "Although only 10 per 100,000 women die
from a complication of pregnancy or childbirth, 60% of women receive
medical care for some complication of pregnancy, and 30% suffer
complications that result in serious morbidity"(p. 61). An interest
in the issues surrounding maternity in the United States is finally
awakening among applied economists; for instance, Chatterji and
Markowitz (2005) estimate the impacts of the length of maternity leave
on maternal depression and women's "overall health"
(number of outpatient visits) postpartum. The importance of maternal
health has also repeatedly been recognized in national health
guidelines--most recently in the Healthy People 2010 (1) (Public Health
Service 2000). Also, the Medicaid program itself has been designed to
help disadvantaged pregnant women and their infants and children.
It is therefore surprising to find that the direct health effects
of policies targeted at disadvantaged women in the United States have
largely been overlooked in the economics literature. After 10 years, an
observation made by Jennifer Haas and her coauthors (Haas, Udvarhelyi,
and Epstein 1993) remains valid: "Although there has been
substantial policy interest in interventions to improve the neonatal
outcomes of disadvantaged women, little attention has been paid to the
health status of pregnant women themselves" (p.61). As previous
research indicates, this is an important oversight. Haas, Udvarhelyi,
and Epstein (1993) show that women who receive "satisfactory"
prenatal care have better health outcomes (as measured by the occurrence
of severe pregnancy-related hypertension, placental abruption, or
mother's stay in hospital after delivery at least one day longer
than her infant's stay) than women who receive
"inadequate" prenatal care, and Conway and Kutinova (2006)
demonstrate that timely and adequate prenatal care may increase the
probability of maintaining a healthy weight after the birth. This
indicates that policies designed to improve prenatal care access may
indeed benefit the mothers themselves.
Past Research on Policies' Impacts on Maternal Health
We are aware of only one recent economic policy--oriented study
that focuses on the health status of disadvantaged women in the United
States: Kaestner and Tarlov (2003) investigate the effects of the
welfare contractions of the 1990s on women's health (overall health
status and mental health) and health behaviors (smoking, drinking, and
exercise). In particular, the authors hypothesize that the welfare
changes were likely to affect the "employment stress,"
"organizational stress," and "financial stress"
faced by low-income women and thus might have indirectly affected the
health status of these women. While the Kaestner and Tarlov (2003) study
certainly represents an important contribution to the health economics
literature, it does not fill the gap identified above. First, the
authors focus on the general health of a disadvantaged population rather
than studying the particular health complications women may encounter as
a result of pregnancy and/or maternity. Second, the study deals with an
indirect impact of a general welfare program on health outcomes and
behaviors rather than estimating the effects of a policy--such as
Medicaid--designed primarily to improve the health status of its target
population.
Bitler and Currie (2005) somewhat close these gaps by including
maternal health outcomes (maternal weight gain and nights hospitalized
predelivery and at delivery) in their study of the effectiveness of the
Special Supplemental Nutrition Program for Women, Infants, and Children
(WIC) with regard to birth outcomes. However, the program they study has
more of an indirect impact on maternal health, and the authors'
primary focus is on infant health outcomes. Still, their finding that
WIC increases maternal weight gain and may reduce maternal
hospitalization at delivery (table 3, p. 84) is suggestive in terms of
our research here. First, their finding demonstrates that nutritional
policies may benefit the mother's health during pregnancy as well
as the infant's health; Improved nutrition is certainly one goal of
prenatal care. Second, as discussed later, expanding Medicaid
eligibility may result in expanded eligibility for WIC through its
adjunctive eligibility (Lewis and Ellwood 1999). It is therefore
possible that the estimated effects of Medicaid on maternal, infant, and
child outcomes may include the indirect effects of increased WIC
participation. For this reason, we investigate whether the most obvious
direct avenue for Medicaid to have an effect--improved prenatal care--is
evident as well.
To our knowledge, there are only two economic studies of health
policies in the United States that include the expectant mother--those
of Currie and Gruber (1997, 2001). However, these studies focus on the
effects public insurance has on the medical treatments and procedures
provided to the mother (i.e., cesarean section delivery, use of a fetal
monitor, receipt of ultrasound, and induction/stimulation of labor).
They do not estimate any impact on maternal health outcomes. A similar
and more recent study--that of Busch and Duchovny (2005)--estimates the
effects of post--Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity and
Reconciliation Act (PRWORA) Medicaid expansions to low-income parents on
health insurance coverage and health care utilization (cancer screening
and forgoing medical care as a result of cost) among adults. However,
this study excludes pregnant women and does not consider the effects on
health outcomes. Whether Medicaid (or other health care policies)
benefits the mother thus remains an open question.
Measuring Maternal Health
As a result of the lack of research in the area, there is not a
generally recognized measure of maternal health (an analog to birth
weight in infant health studies). Facing this problem in our current
study, we have decided to focus on the incidence of three complications
to maternal health identified in the medical literature as potentially
preventable by prenatal care: placental abruption, pregnancy-associated
hypertension, and anemia. In addition, because of the infrequency of
these events, we have also employed a summary indicator of maternal
health capturing the presence of any of the three complications
mentioned above. All of our measures of maternal health can be derived
using the information available in vital statistics.
Placental abruption (2) and pregnancy-associated hypertension (3)
are identified in Haas, Udvarhelyi, and Epstein (1993) as important
causes of maternal morbidity that can be prevented by interventions
during the prenatal period. With regard to placental abruption, Haas,
Udvarhelyi, and Epstein (1993) write "Since placental abruption may
be associated with poorly controlled hypertension and maternal smoking,
this condition may ... be preventable with prenatal intervention"
(p. 62). With respect to hypertension, Healthy People 2010 stresses the
need for timely and high-quality prenatal care that would "improve
maternal health by identifying women who are at particularly high risk
and taking steps to mitigate risks, such as the risk of high blood
pressure ..." (Public Health Service 2000, p. 16-8). In the public
health literature, the role of comprehensive prenatal care in preventing
and managing hypertension has long been recognized (Sachs et al. 1988;
Scholl, Hediger, and Belsky 1994; Lopez-Jarmillo, Garcia, and Lopez
2005). According to Lopez-Jarmillo, Garcia, and Lopez (2005), prenatal
care providers can prevent pregnancy-related hypertension by
administering calcium supplements and treating vaginal and urinary
infections in women at high risk.
As for anemia, (4) several recent medical papers have investigated
the options for preventing the occurrence of this complication in
pregnant women and have concluded that adequate iron therapy during the
prenatal period can be very effective (Bashiri et al. 2003; Makrides et
al. 2003; Villar et al. 2003). The Healthy People 2010 recommendations
urge us to "reduce anemia among low-income pregnant females in
their third trimester" and to "reduce iron deficiency among
pregnant females" (Public Health Service 2000, Objectives 19-13 and
19-14, respectively). Laditka et al. (2005) and Laditka, Laditka, and
Probst (2006), who have constructed an index of potentially avoidable
maternity complications, stress the role of prenatal care in preventing
and treating anemia. Therefore, if the Medicaid expansions increased the
health insurance coverage of low-income pregnant women and improved
their access to prenatal care, our four measures (including the summary
indicator) should be able to capture the potential positive impact of
the expansions on maternal health.
Furthermore, these potentially avoidable maternal complications are
not rare events. As a Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC)
report notes, anemia and hypertension were among the most common
complications of pregnancy in the 1990s (CDC 2001). In the year 1999,
for example, 2.32% and 3.82% of pregnant women suffered from anemia and
pregnancy-associated hypertension, respectively. Placental abruption
occurs less frequently (0.6% of pregnant women had it in the year 1999),
but its consequences are more severe.
Preventing maternal complications such as anemia, hypertension, and
placental abruption can lead to improvements in the quality of life as
well as to substantial cost savings. In the year 1997, for example,
pregnancy-related hypertension and anemia were among the top 100 primary
diagnoses associated with the highest national expenditures for hospital
stays; the costs associated with "hypertension complicating
pregnancy, childbirth, and the puerperium" were over $1.2 billion,
and the costs associated with anemia (pregnancy-related or other) were
over $962 million. For purposes of comparison, the national charges for
hospital stays due to "short gestation, low birth weight, and fetal
growth retardation" were about $1.1 billion in the year 1997
(Geocities 2004). Estimates of the overall annual costs of
"hypertensive disorders of pregnancy" for the year 2003
exceeded $3 billion (Preeclampsia Foundation 2004). Placental abruption
is a rarer--but still costly--morbidity. In the year 1996, for example,
the annual national costs of hospitalizations due to placental abruption
were $156 million (AHRQ 1996). These numbers further highlight the fact
that maternal health, and the specific measures we have chosen to study,
represent important issues.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
3. Empirical Strategy and Data
The two major changes to the Medicaid policy in the late 1980s and
early 1990s were a dramatic increase in the income cutoff below which
women qualified for Medicaid and an extension of Medicaid eligibility to
married women. The federal government has played a key role in
initiating these changes. By April 1990, all states were required to
offer Medicaid coverage to pregnant women with incomes below 133% of the
federal poverty line (FLP).
However, the states were given some freedom in designing their
Medicaid programs. For example, states could increase the eligibility
threshold for pregnant women up to 185% of the poverty line and still
qualify for subsidies from the federal government. It is also important
to note that the states started from very different positions, with
initial eligibility ranging from 34% (Louisiana) to 185% (Massachusetts,
Minnesota, Mississippi, and Vermont) of the federal poverty line in
1988. As a result, while the increase in Medicaid eligibility in the
early 1990s was a nationwide phenomenon, the states differed with
respect to the magnitude of the increase. Also, the timing of the
changes varied widely across states. Figure 1 shows how the minimum,
maximum, and average eligibility cutoffs changed over time, and Figure 2
shows how the eligibility rules differed across the five largest U.S.
states. This variability allows us to study the effects of the Medicaid
eligibility increases on utilization of prenatal care and the associated
maternal health improvements while controlling for state heterogeneity
in unobservable characteristics as well as a national time trend. We
further refine our analysis by identifying groups that were most and
least likely to be "treated" by the policy expansions and by
employing a "difference-in-differences" empirical approach.
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Identifying Treatment and Control Groups
Mothers with low socioeconomic status (SES) were most likely to be
affected by the Medicaid policy changes. Many of these women did not
qualify for Medicaid before the reforms (either because they had incomes
above the cutoff or because they were married) but gained their
eligibility in the early 1990s. High-SES women, on the other hand, are
unlikely to benefit from the reforms because their incomes are too high.
This variability in the likely effects of the Medicaid eligibility
expansions across individuals allows us to further identify the
causality of the relationship between the expansions and prenatal care
utilization and health outcomes. In particular, we adopt a
difference-in-differences type of approach and compare the effects of
the policy changes among members of several treatment groups--low-SES
married and single mothers and a control group--high-SES married women.
(5) If Medicaid did help its target population, we would expect to find
a significant effect of the expansions on women in the treatment groups
but an insignificant effect on women in the control group.
Furthermore, we hypothesize that very low-SES pregnant women
benefited from the expansions the most. As previous studies have found,
the eligibility expansions were most likely to lead to insurance
coverage increases (high take-up rate, low crowd-out of private
insurance), increases in the utilization of a variety of obstetric
procedures, and infant health improvements among the lowest SES women
(Currie and Gruber 1996a, 1997, 2001). Therefore, any improvements in
maternal health attributable to the Medicaid eligibility expansions
would likely be concentrated in the very low-SES cohort. Since married
women might be more strongly affected by the eligibility changes than
single mothers (many single women already qualified for Medicaid before
the reforms), and since the two groups of women could also be
differentially affected by the welfare declines of the early 1990s (only
single women generally qualified for Aid to Families with Dependent
Children [AFDC] at that time (6)), we have decided to stratify our
treatment population by marital status. The control group is selected to
represent mothers least likely to benefit from the expansions (with
high-SES married women typically ineligible for means-tested public
programs).
Our data (to be discussed shortly) do not include information on
individual-level income or insurance status. Therefore, we follow
earlier studies (e.g., Currie and Gruber 1997, 2001; Dubay et al. 2001;
Currie and Grogger 2002; Joyce, Kaestner, and Korenman 2003; Kaestner
and Tarlov 2003; Kaestner and Kaushal 2004) and proxy for socioeconomic
status with educational achievement. It is possible, however, that the
lowest SES women (especially those who were unmarried) were eligible
before the Medicaid expansions and therefore may not have been
"treated." For this reason, we employ a more exhaustive list
of possible treatment groups than has been included in most previous
studies of the Medicaid expansions, which typically focus on teenaged,
single, and/or high school drop-outs as their treatment groups (e.g.,
Currie and Gruber 1997, 2001; Currie and Grogger 2002). Furthermore, as
described below, we provide a supplementary analysis using the Current
Population Survey (CPS) to explore the validity of these groups. In this
study, we assign women with less than 12 years of education (less than
high school), 12 years of education (high school completed), and between
13 and 15 years of education (some college) into three separate
less-educated/low-SES cohorts and women with 16 or more years of
education (college completed) into the highly educated/high-SES cohort.
We then define four treatment groups: (i) married women with less than
high school and (ii-iv) unmarried women with less than high school, high
school completed, and some college, respectively. Our control group
consists of married women with college completed. Women who cannot be
clearly classified as either "treated" or
"untreated" (such as married women with high school completed)
are excluded from the analysis.
We therefore follow past literature that identifies groups of women
most likely to have been "treated" by the policy but that does
not observe whether these women actually became eligible and enrolled in
the program. As such, our estimated treatment effects are interpreted as
the effects of a change in the policy parameters (i.e., eligibility
thresholds) rather than the actual effects of enrolling in Medicaid.
This approach has the advantage that it investigates the effects of what
policymakers have control over--the policy parameters--and that such
parameters are exogenous to individual behavior (unlike the decision to
enroll). On a practical level, we are forced to take this approach
because our data contain no information about income or insurance
status. However, it also means that we may find low treatment effects
either because our identified treatment groups in reality did not
experience large increases in eligibility or because they had low
"take-up" (or high "crowd-out") of the policy.
To explore the validity of our stratification and the likely extent
of low take-up as a confounding factor, we provide a confirmatory,
descriptive analysis that estimates how much our treatment groups
actually increased their enrollment in Medicaid as a result of the
policy change. In particular, we use 1989 and 1996 data from the CPS to
calculate cohort-specific "enrollment treatment probabilities"
according to the following formula:
Prob(treatment) = prob(covered by Medicaid in 1996 but not covered
in 1989),
which we approximate with the following:
= % covered by Medicaid in 1996 - % covered by Medicaid in 1989.
Prob(treatment) is one measure of the intensity of treatment. In a
supplemental analysis, however, we move even closer to the ultimate
impacts and construct a similar measure for the probability of
"any" health insurance coverage. This latter measure accounts
for the possibility of crowd-out.
As a result of the nature of the measures employed and the
simplicity of our methodology, the CPS analysis should be viewed as
illustrative only. It does reflect the impacts of the Medicaid
expansions but fails to control for other confounding factors such as
welfare changes, the cost of health insurance premiums, and the strength
of the labor market. Earlier studies that use a multivariate framework
to deal with these confounding factors indicate that the Medicaid
expansions led to the largest insurance increases among low-SES women
(e.g., Currie and Gruber 1996a, 1997). In our econometric analysis of
maternal health outcomes, discussed shortly, we also control for a
variety of confounding factors, but to attempt to do so properly in the
confirmatory analysis is beyond the scope of this paper. Another caveat
is that our CPS analysis includes all women of childbearing age and
therefore likely produces much smaller treatment probabilities than if
the analysis was limited to pregnant women. (7)
Table 1 reports the enrollment treatment probabilities and their
individual components for each race/education/marital status cohort.
Despite the caveats, our first treatment group (TR #1), married very
low-educated women, appears to be the most heavily "treated"
group in terms of increased Medicaid coverage among blacks (at 14.36
percentage points) and one of the most "treated" among whites
(at 6.94 points). More generally, the treatment and control groups we
chose a priori behave very well for our white cohorts. The four
treatment groups experience the largest increases in Medicaid coverage
of all the education/marital status groups possible in the data, and our
control group has the smallest increase. The treatment intensity also
declines as the education levels grow within our treatment groups
(especially for TR #3 vs. #4).
For black unmarried mothers, the analysis is less supportive. While
all three treatment groups of unmarried mothers (#2-4) experience small
increases in Medicaid coverage, some other (neither treatment nor
control) cohorts have larger increases. However, there is no clear
pattern of treatment intensity among the cohorts that might indicate a
change in our strategy, and, at least, the control group experiences the
smallest increase (largest decrease). Perhaps the confounding effects of
welfare changes are more problematic for black unmarried mothers.
Indeed, we find in the CPS data that unmarried black women with less
than high school education (TR #2) experienced a decline in AFDC
participation of about 11 percentage points in the studied period (in
contrast to a modest increase in most other groups). (8) Thus, Medicaid
expansions above and beyond welfare had to be especially strong in this
cohort in order to offset the negative effect of the AFDC contraction.
Again, in our econometric analysis, we attempt to control for influences
that affect AFDC participation. Another reason why the black
treatment/control groups behave less satisfactorily could be the much
smaller sample sizes of the black cohorts, which make the resulting
estimates less reliable.
For the sake of completeness, the last three columns of Table 1
report the change in any health insurance (HI; which includes Medicaid)
coverage for each of the cohorts during the study period. All of the
pitfalls of a confirmatory analysis are even more serious here, as many
factors beyond possible "crowd-out" could influence HI
coverage. The cohorts we expect to be most heavily treated--married,
very low-educated women--again behave reasonably well as both
(especially blacks) experience increases. For the other cohorts, the
results are much more mixed and again are especially disappointing for
unmarried black women.
Overall, the above findings are reasonably supportive of our
selection of the treatment and control groups, especially with respect
to Medicaid coverage and especially for married, very low-educated
women. Furthermore, as a recent paper (Lewbel 2003) demonstrates, any
misclassification into the treatment and/or control cohorts will bias
the estimated treatment effects toward zero, making our results
conservative. This also implies that if our empirical strategy for
identifying treatment and control groups is less satisfactory for
unmarried blacks, as indicated by this analysis, we should expect our
empirical results for maternal health outcomes to be weaker as well. We
return to this issue when we discuss the results of our econometric
model in section 5.
Possible Reporting Error
In addition to treatment misclassification, however, there is still
a possible confounding factor in that improved prenatal care access
(and, by extension, Medicaid) could lead to increased reporting of
previously undetected maternal health complications and could, thus,
seemingly increase their prevalence. This reporting bias could cause
further underestimation of the real (as opposed to observed) impact that
the Medicaid expansions have had on maternal health. To deal with this
issue, we use a "straw man" complication, against which we
compare the results for our key measures of maternal health (placental
abruption, anemia, and pregnancy-related hypertension). Unlike our
central measures, this complication should not be preventable by
prenatal care and thus should not be affected by the Medicaid
eligibility changes. If reporting bias is present, however, we would
expect Medicaid to have a positive (if any) effect on the incidence of
the straw man complication. We could then use this estimated effect to
make inferences about the extent of reporting error in the predicted
effects of Medicaid on our other, preventable, complications.
Based on our reading of the medical literature, diabetes best
fulfills the requirements of a straw man (Simmons 1996: Farrell 2003;
Gabbe and Graves 2003: Ecker 2004: Buchanan and Xiang 2005). (9) Its
high prevalence also makes this disease a suitable candidate. (10)
However, the measure of diabetes available in our data is not ideal
because it includes juvenile onset and adult onset diabetes in addition
to the specific-to-pregnancy gestational diabetes. As such, it may be
correlated with the rise in diabetes of the total population (not just
pregnant women) and obesity during this time period, which may in turn
be spuriously correlated with the intensity of the Medicaid expansions
(if, for example, certain parts of the country experienced the largest
Medicaid expansions and increases in obesity). We therefore subject this
measure to several additional empirical checks. These checks confirm
that (i) our pregnancy diabetes measure is not significantly related to
the overall level of diabetes in the state, (ii) the overall level of
diabetes is not significantly correlated with the Medicaid expansions,
and (iii) controlling for the overall level of diabetes in our
estimating equations has no substantive impact on the results. (11)
Thus, while an admittedly imperfect measure, we believe that diabetes as
a straw man provides meaningful insight into the possible confounding
effects of reporting bias on the estimated impact of the Medicaid
expansions.
Data Description
Our main data come from the Natality Detail Files for the years
1989 to 1996 (U.S. Department of Health and Human Services 1990-1997).
These data (for the period ranging from 1990 to 1996) are used by Currie
and Grogger (2002), who estimate the impacts of the Medicaid eligibility
increases on prenatal care utilization and infant health. Since our
approach here is close to that followed by Currie and Grogger (with the
important exception that we focus on maternal health instead of infant
health), the use of the same data set has the advantage of making
comparisons between the two studies possible. We limit our study to the
years prior to 1996 in order to avoid structural changes associated with
the introduction of the welfare reform. (12)
Since 1985, the Natality Detail Files have included information on
all U.S. births and so have contained more than three million
observations annually. The large sample size is especially useful given
our goal, which is to study the determinants of relatively infrequent
outcomes--particular complications of pregnancy and delivery.
Furthermore, since we estimate all of our models separately for the
treatment and control groups and also want to stratify our sample by
race, a large number of observations is a necessity.
The Natality Detail Files include information on maternal and
infant characteristics (such as mother's age, marital status, race,
Hispanic origin, education, and state of residence; and infant's
sex and birth weight) as well as the characteristics of pregnancy (such
as gestation and birth order) typically employed in infant health
studies. In addition, since 1989, variables describing maternal
morbidity during pregnancy and delivery have also been present. For
example, and importantly for our purposes in this paper, the files
contain information on the incidences of placental abruption,
pregnancy-associated hypertension, anemia, and diabetes in pregnant
women. (13) This information is obtained directly from the mother's
medical records.
The biggest disadvantage of using the Natality Detail Files is that
the data set does not include any information on individual-level income
or insurance status. Therefore, as discussed above, we rely on
educational achievement as a proxy for socioeconomic status. While
certainly imprecise, we believe this measure allows us to identify
low-SES and high-SES women as reliably as possible. Moreover,
stratification of the sample based on education seems appropriate in
that educational achievement is unlikely to be affected by the Medicaid
policy changes. Note also that the absence of individual-level income
data does not cause a problem in constructing our Medicaid eligibility
variable. To capture the exogenous effect of the Medicaid policy on
pregnant women, we follow Cutler and Gruber (1996), Currie and Grogger
(2002), and others and use a state-wide eligibility measure (to be
described later) rather than the eligibility status of each particular
individual.
In this study, we limit our sample to non-Hispanic black and white
women. Since previous studies of the effects of Medicaid on prenatal
care use and pregnancy outcomes document large racial differences (Dubay
et al. 2001; Currie and Grogger 2002), we stratify all of our models by
race. This strategy is also supported by the fact that the
"treatment probabilities" calculated from the CPS vary greatly
between blacks and whites within each education/marital status group. We
only look at women 19 to 50 years of age who had a singleton birth in
the period from 1989 to 1996. As Joyce, Kaestner, and Korenman (2003)
note, the variability of educational achievement and marital status
among teenage mothers is not sufficient to reliably assign these women
into the treatment and control groups. Furthermore, in the case of
teenage pregnancies, it is not clear whether the mother herself is the
ultimate decision maker. In the baseline models, we include women with
no or "unknown" prenatal care utilization. As a robustness
check, however, we also exclude these women from the analysis, and the
qualitative results do not change. Foreign residents are excluded.
Further, women from Louisiana and Nebraska in the year 1989, from
Oklahoma in the years 1989-1990, and from New York in the years
1989-1991 are excluded as a result of missing information on maternal
health. Mothers from Washington State in the years 1989-1991 are
excluded as a result of missing information on marital status, and those
from New Hampshire in the years 1989-1992 are excluded as a result of
missing information on ethnicity. Finally, it is important to note again
that we only focus on selected treatment and control groups in the
current study. These data cuts leave us with 10,855,048 observations in
our final sample.
Models Estimated
To investigate the impacts of the Medicaid eligibility increases of
the 1990s on prenatal care utilization and maternal health, we estimate
several reduced-form models within a difference-in-differences (DID)
framework. We believe our different cohorts are likely differentially
affected by several other variables in our model in addition to the
Medicaid policy variable. We therefore want to employ a more flexible
model than a simple DID model that relies on a single interaction term
between the policy variable and the "treatment" indicator; in
particular, we want to allow all of the coefficients to differ between
the cohorts. If our outcome measures were continuous variables that
could be appropriately estimated with ordinary least squares (OLS), then
this could be accomplished simply (and equivalently) by estimating the
equations separately for each cohort and then comparing the results
between each treatment cohort and the control group.
In our case, however, the outcomes are all dichotomous and
relatively infrequent, which indicates an alternative method of
estimation, such as logit or probit. As recently pointed out by Ai and
Norton (2003) and Norton (2004), interpreting even simple interaction
effects in nonlinear models is not a straightforward process. Rather,
the interaction effect is not of the same magnitude or even necessarily
the same sign as the coefficient on the interaction term, and its
statistical significance is not determined by the test statistic on the
interaction coefficient. The true interaction effect is conditional on
the independent variables and may have different signs depending on the
values of the covariates. Ai and Norton (2003) and Norton (2004) derive
general formulas for calculating these interaction effects and their
standard errors, and they devise a command within Stata (inteff) to
accomplish this. However, the command requires that (i) only two
variables are interacted, which rules out the possibility of letting any
other coefficient also vary by cohort, and (ii) there are no nonlinear
terms, such as age squared, which are important to include in any birth
outcomes equation. (14) In addition, the authors themselves (2004, p.
32) suggest that using linear probability models (OLS) may be preferable
in the presence of fixed effects, which our models also include.
Given these considerations, we estimate our primary models on each
cohort separately with OLS. This way, we allow all of the coefficients
to differ and can include the important age quadratic plus state and
time fixed effects. To examine the appropriateness of OLS, we also
estimate the equations for each cohort separately using logit and then
calculate and compare (but do not attempt to test) the average estimated
marginal effects of the policy variable across cohorts. To retain
comparability across cohorts, we evaluate these marginal effects at the
same (total sample average) values of the covariates. Finding
similarities between these marginal effects and those estimated with OLS
provides reassurance that the results are reasonably robust to our
estimation strategy.
The models we estimate consider the impacts of Medicaid and other
control variables on both prenatal care utilization and maternal health
outcomes. Specifically, we regress different measures of prenatal care
use and maternal health (Y) on a measure of Medicaid eligibility (ELIG),
welfare caseload (CASELOAD), unemployment rate (UNEMPL), a full set of
state and year dummies (u and v, respectively), and individual
characteristics (X). All of our models have the following general form:
[Y.sub.ist] = [alpha] + [beta]*[ELIG.sub.st] +
[gamma]*[CASELOAD.sub.st] + [delta]*[UNEMPL.sub.st] + [u.sub.s] +
[v.sub.t] + [theta]*[X.sub.ist] + [[epsilon].sub.ist],
where i represents individuals, s states, and t time periods.
While the ultimate outcome of interest is maternal health, we find
it useful to focus on prenatal care utilization (an input into health
production in the household production framework) first. This is done in
order to explore the most likely channel through which Medicaid
eligibility can benefit pregnant women. We focus on two measures of
prenatal care (based on Currie and Grogger 2002): "timely prenatal
care," as determined by whether the women received prenatal care in
the first trimester of her pregnancy, and "adequate prenatal
care," as defined by "adequate" or
"intermediate" care on the Adequacy of Prenatal Care
Utilization scale.
After estimating the prenatal care equations, we turn our attention
to models of maternal health outcomes. As mentioned above, we focus on
four measures of maternal health: the incidence of placental abruption
as a complication of delivery, the incidences of pregnancy-related
hypertension and anemia as complications of pregnancy, and the incidence
of at least one of the three complications listed (a "summary
variable"). In addition, we explore the impacts of the Medicaid
expansions on a straw man maternal complication: diabetes.
Our measure of eligibility is the state-level, time-specific
Medicaid eligibility cutoff (as a percent of the federal poverty line)
below which pregnant women qualified for Medicaid (Hill 1992; National
Governors' Association 2003). This measure is used by Currie and
Grogger (2002), and, like them, we merge it to the vital statistics by
half-years. This is done to account for the fact that the eligibility
rules often change twice in a year. Several previous studies (e.g.,
Currie and Gruber 1996a; Cutler and Gruber 1996) use an alternative
state-level measure of Medicaid policy: an index constructed by placing
a nationally representative sample into each state and calculating its
eligibility. This alternative measure is especially useful when the
focus is on a variety of individual types, such as infants, children,
and pregnant women, who each may face different eligibility criteria.
The simulated index then summarizes these differing criteria. In our
case, however, we only focus on one group--pregnant women--and so we can
simply use the eligibility criteria for that group. In addition to
remaining comparable to Currie and Grogger (2002), our approach has the
advantage of yielding the estimated effect of the policy parameter
modified by the expansions and in general is the easiest for policy
makers to adjust.
Despite the fact that we limit our study to a period prior to the
major welfare reform, the declines in welfare caseloads throughout the
1990s might have affected prenatal care utilization by pregnant women by
making the access to Medicaid more difficult for them (Currie and
Grogger 2002). While the link between Medicaid and welfare has formally
been eliminated, an "administrative link" between Medicaid and
the AFDC has persisted, making the application process for Medicaid more
burdensome for women not enrolled in welfare. Therefore, we must control
for changes in the welfare program prior to 1996.
In our main model, we include the same welfare measure as Currie
and Grogger (2002)--a caseload variable that is constructed as the
percentage of each state's population enrolled in the welfare
program in each year (Administration for Children and Families 2003a, b;
U.S. Census Bureau 2003a, b). While the variable clearly does not
capture all of the institutional changes to the welfare program in the
1990s, it is used here as a simple proxy for the program's overall
generosity. We also estimate an alternative version of the model that
instead includes two key welfare policy variables: the maximum AFDC
benefit for a family of three and a dummy variable for whether the state
had a welfare waiver. (15) However, past studies of welfare
participation (e.g., Ziliak et al. 2000) typically find that the
majority of variation in caseloads is explained by the above parameters
and a measure of the labor market (such as the unemployment rate), which
we also include. We take comfort in this finding and emphasize the model
that includes caseloads because we believe it is a more complete summary
measure of the complex welfare reforms. We are reassured by the
similarity of our alternative results (and the fact that, if anything,
the caseload results are a little more conservative). (16)
Like Currie and Grogger (2002), we include the unemployment rate
(Bureau of Labor Statistics 2005) in our analyses to proxy for the
general economic conditions facing women in the different state/year
cells. In addition, full sets of state and year dummies are employed in
order to account for state-specific, time-invariant effects and general
time trends, respectively. As in the work of Currie and Grogger (2002)
and Joyce, Kaestner, and Korenman (2003), we lag our policy variables
(Medicaid eligibility threshold, welfare variables, and unemployment
rate) by six months to allow them to impact pregnant women at a crucial
stage of their pregnancies.
As for individual characteristics X, we use education and marital
status dummies to define our treatment and control groups. We also
stratify our sample by race (focusing on non-Hispanic black and white
mothers only). In addition, mother's age, age squared, parity, and
infant gender are included in all of our models.
For reasons of computational convenience and to ensure that the
observed differences in the significance of the Medicaid eligibility
coefficients are not driven by vast differences in sample sizes among
our treatment and control cohorts, we use a 1/3 random subsample of the
largest highly educated/white population. We check the robustness of our
findings to resampling. All standard errors are adjusted for clustering
by state and year. (17)
4. Descriptive Statistics
Table 2 shows the descriptive statistics for the four treatment and
one control groups of mothers, stratified by race. As can be seen, black
women are substantially more likely to suffer from anemia than white
women. Note also that this racial difference exists at all education
levels, and the gap seems to be proportionally the largest among highly
educated women. The incidences of placental abruption and hypertension,
on the other hand, are similar across the races. (18) Interestingly,
among blacks, hypertension occurs much more frequently among highly
educated mothers than among women from the less-educated cohorts. This
may perhaps be attributable to the significantly higher mean age in the
highly educated sample. According to the CDC, the incidence of
pregnancy-associated hypertension is elevated at the extreme tails of
the maternal age distribution (CDC 2003). Anemia and placental abruption
are more prevalent in the less-educated groups. As a result of the
offsetting effects of education on hypertension versus placental
abruption and anemia, the incidence of "any complication"
appears fairly stable across the education cohorts. The incidence of
diabetes is higher among married than among single women, and among
single women, it increases with education. This pattern likely reflects
the variation in maternal age.
The other patterns in Table 2 corroborate findings of previous
studies: Namely, black women (in all cohorts) tend to start prenatal
care later and are also less likely than white women to receive adequate
care. Highly educated women have higher utilization of prenatal care
than do less-educated mothers. Married low-educated women receive
earlier and more adequate care than single low-educated women. Highly
educated mothers are substantially older than less-educated mothers and
have fewer children, on average. Black women are disproportionately
represented in the unmarried cohorts and, regardless of marital status,
have higher parity than white women. As expected, there are no big
differences across the racial and education groups with respect to the
state-level variables. On average, all cohorts face similar Medicaid
eligibility thresholds, welfare caseload levels, and unemployment rates.
Table 3 shows the trends in prenatal care utilization (represented
by receipt of prenatal care in the first trimester) and maternal health
in the period under study. As is apparent, in the years 1989-1996, the
utilization of prenatal care increased substantially. The percentage of
women receiving early prenatal care rose for all education categories,
and the change was especially remarkable for the less-educated cohorts.
For example, for black, single, low-educated (less than high school)
women--the most "disadvantaged" group--the percentage of those
receiving prenatal care in the first trimester of their pregnancy
increased from about 48% in the year 1989 to approximately 60% in the
year 1996.
As is also evident from Table 3, the incidence of anemia initially
slightly decreased (reaching minimum in years 1990-1992) and then kept
increasing (for most cohorts) during the mid-1990s. This pattern was
even stronger for hypertension. The incidence of placental abruption, on
the other hand, did not change or declined modestly. As a CDC report
notes, anemia and hypertension were (in addition to diabetes) among the
three most common complications of pregnancy in the 1990 1999 period,
and "their rates have risen steadily" (27% increase in anemia
and 40% increase in hypertension; CDC 2001, p. 11). Unfortunately, a
simple descriptive analysis does not enable us to study the underlying
causes of these observed trends. Most likely, several factors affected
the incidence of maternal complications simultaneously. For example,
average maternal age first modestly decreased and then increased in the
mid-1990s. If maternal age is an important determinant of women's
health, this could explain some of the observed patterns. Similarly, an
initial acceleration and a later slowdown of the Medicaid eligibility
expansions would be consistent with the observed trends. To account for
all of these concomitant changes, a multivariate approach is needed.
As we discussed in section 3, another problem with the reported
numbers is that they do not enable us to distinguish between a
"true" increase in maternal complications and a better
monitoring of already-existing morbidities. As the CDC report
acknowledges, "Some of the apparent increases since 1990 may be an
artifact of improved reporting" (CDC 2001, p. 11). As long as the
improvements in reporting have been universal (independent of the
Medicaid expansions), their effects should be captured by the year
dummies and should not bias our policy coefficients. It is highly
probable, however, that the Medicaid expansions did contribute to better
reporting. If women targeted by the Medicaid program had traditionally
been those most likely to go without prenatal care and if Medicaid
succeeded in providing these women with such care (of which pregnancy
monitoring is a key component), we could observe a positive correlation
between the Medicaid expansions and the reported maternal complications.
We take some comfort in the fact that--based on the descriptive
statistics--the "bad" trends seem to have been similar across
the education cohorts. Moreover, even if our estimates of the
"true" beneficial impacts of the expansions suffer from this
reporting bias, the direction of the bias will be downward, making our
results conservative. And, finally, our analysis of diabetes provides a
straw man against which to compare the central results. Specifically, as
argued above, diabetes does not seem to be preventable with prenatal
care. Thus, any effect of the Medicaid expansions on the incidence of
diabetes would only reflect improvements in reporting. The steady
increase in the incidence of diabetes during the period ranging from
1989 to 1996 (Table 3) is at least consistent with this hypothesis.
5. Empirical Results
Medicaid Eligibility
Table 4 reports the effects of the Medicaid policy variable on the
utilization of prenatal care and maternal health measures (both
preventable and straw man) for our primary model that includes welfare
caseloads and that is estimated with OLS. Note that each cell in Table 4
is from a different regression and that the first column repeats the
estimated enrollment treatment probability for each group from Table 1.
The results from the logit analysis and the alternative OLS model
that uses welfare policy variables instead of caseloads are similar and
are available upon request. Comparing across estimation techniques, the
marginal effects from the logit and the OLS coefficients are similar in
both magnitude and statistical significance. This lends support to our
estimation strategy and allows us to focus our discussion on the OLS
results, which are easier to interpret. Likewise, comparing across
welfare measures reveals that using policy variables instead of
caseloads has little impact on the results, with the important exception
that prenatal care is more strongly affected for our most heavily
"treated" group--married, very low-educated mothers--when the
policy variables are used. The general finding from Table 4 is that the
Medicaid expansions of the 1990s benefited less-educated mothers,
especially whites. First, as apparent, increases in Medicaid eligibility
significantly increase the probability of receiving prenatal care in the
first trimester and of receiving adequate or intermediate prenatal care
among less-educated single women (TR #2-4, both black and white; second
and third columns of Table 4). If welfare policy variables are used
instead of caseloads, the same is true for married, very low-educated
mothers of both races (TR #1). On the other hand, as hypothesized, the
eligibility coefficients are at best marginally significant (blacks) or
have the opposite sign (whites) among highly educated mothers. This
finding corroborates the results in Currie and Grogger (2002), in which
women with low socioeconomic status benefited from the Medicaid
expansions but women with high socioeconomic status did not. When
testing for the significance of the differences, we strongly reject the
null hypothesis that unmarried "treatment" (TR #2-4) and
"control" women are affected equally. (19) We also see that
the magnitude of the effect diminishes steadily as education increases.
Surprisingly, however, the beneficial effect of Medicaid in promoting
prenatal care use did not reach statistical significance among
low-educated married women of either race, and its estimated magnitude
is also smaller.
The fourth column in Table 4 presents our results for placental
abruption. As can be seen, there is no strong evidence of a beneficial
effect of the Medicaid eligibility expansions on the incidence of this
complication. This is not too surprising given the rarity of the event:
In the 1989-1996 period, no more than 1% of women suffered from
placental abruption in any of our subsamples (Table 2).
The results for the other three measures of preventable
complications are more supportive of an effect of Medicaid, as the
estimated coefficients are universally of the correct sign and in
general are the largest in magnitude for the most disadvantaged women.
In other words, the effectiveness of Medicaid tends to die off as one
moves from the most heavily treated groups (TR #1 and 2), to those less
intensely treated (TR #3 and 4) and those assumed not to be treated at
all (control). This is an important finding, precisely because we have
included a more exhaustive list of potential treatment groups, of which
some (the intermediate ones) are less likely to have been treated.
Column five reports suggestive results for anemia: While not
significant at conventional levels, all of the Medicaid eligibility
coefficients are negative among women in the treatment groups, and the
sizes of the effects are sometimes substantial. (20) The causality of
the relationship between anemia and Medicaid is further supported by the
fact that neither black nor white "control" mothers seem to
have been affected by the policy changes (the coefficients are very
small in magnitude and positive in these cohorts). These are potentially
important findings given that anemia has been a relatively common
complication of pregnancy (over 3% of less-educated blacks and close to
2% of less-educated whites suffered from anemia in the 1989-1996 period;
Table 2).
The results for hypertension in the sixth column are even stronger,
especially for white mothers. Again, the eligibility coefficients always
have the correct sign among women in the treatment groups and tend to be
the largest for those most likely to have been treated. Furthermore, the
beneficial effects of Medicaid are significant among white women with
less than high school education (both married and single--TR #1 and 2)
and, in the logit model, are marginally significant among single black
and white mothers with high school completed (TR #3). The results for
the summary measure (experiencing any complication) are reported in the
seventh column. The Medicaid expansions appear to have reduced the
incidence of any of the three maternal complications studied among women
most likely to be "treated" married, very low-educated mothers
(TR #1). For whites, single low-educated mothers are also affected. The
effects are also sizeable (0.2-0.9 percentage point reduction in risk).
This is an important result given that 5-7% of women in our sample
suffered from at least one of the preventable morbidities in the
1989-1996 period (Table 2).
The final column of Table 4 reports the results of our straw man
measure, diabetes. As hypothesized, Medicaid eligibility has no
beneficial effect. In fact, the coefficients on diabetes are positive
and statistically significant among white women with at least a high
school education. This result is consistent with the concept of improved
reporting discussed earlier. In particular, since diabetes is not
believed to be preventable by prenatal care and since the Medicaid
expansions likely improved monitoring of maternal morbidities, we would
expect the effect of Medicaid on the observed incidence of diabetes to
be positive, if anything. (21)
To isolate the causality and get more insight into the reporting
bias present in our maternal health estimates, we subject these
estimates to several tests, summarized in Table 5. The first one is the
usual test of no effect ([[beta].sup.t.sub.prev] = 0) and repeats the
t-statistics reported in Table 4 for each preventable complication for
the treatment groups. The second tests whether the differential effect
of Medicaid on the treatment group, as opposed to the control group, is
zero ([[beta].sup.t.sub.prev] - [[beta].sup.c.sub.prev] = 0). This
corresponds to the typical DID test comparing treatment to control
groups and is also indicated by daggers ([dagger] and [dagger][dagger]
in Table 4. The third exercise examines the extent of possible reporting
bias by testing the difference in the Medicaid coefficients for
preventable complications from those for our straw man, diabetes
([[beta].sup.t.sub.prev] - [[beta].sup.t.sub.diab] = 0). If all
complications share the same reporting bias, then subtracting the
diabetes coefficient is essentially purging the preventable
complications' estimates of this bias. Of course, this is a very
strong assumption, and so we view these calculations and tests as
illustrative only. Also, we caution that our exercise compares
percentage point changes in the outcomes of interest, which limits its
applicability in situations in which the incidence of maternal
complications vastly differs. For example, the incidence of placental
abruption is generally much lower than the incidence of diabetes. (It
also seems far less likely to be misreported.) Anemia and hypertension,
on the other hand, are as common as diabetes, and a change in their
incidence can thus more reliably be compared. Finally, the fourth test
combines the second and third by purging the DID estimates of possible
reporting bias ([[beta].sup.t.sub.prev] - [[beta].sup.t.sub.diab]] -
[[beta].sup.c.sub.prev] - [[beta].sup.c.sub.diab]] = 0).
For all four exercises, we report both the t-statistics and the 95%
confidence intervals on the predicted effects. We report the confidence
intervals in order to gain further insight into the magnitude of the
possible effects and also as a way of exploring whether our marginally
significant estimates are due to low power or to truly small effects (as
recommended by Hoenig and Heisey 2001). To provide context for these
estimated ranges of effects, we report the observed incidence of the
complications for each sample in the first column of Table 5. One can
view these observed incidences as a naive probability and the range of
estimates as the potential changes in that probability as a result of a
100-percentage point increase in the Medicaid eligibility threshold. The
average Medicaid threshold increased from 94% to 170% of the federal
poverty line during 1989 1996, for an actual average increase of 76
percentage points. Thus, the predicted changes in probability coincide
fairly closely with the average "policy treatment."
For the most part, these exercises confirm the results in Table 4.
Placental abruption appears unaffected by Medicaid for both black and
white mothers. Not only are none of the calculated differences
significantly different from zero, the predicted range of effects is
also tightly clustered around and centered at zero.
For the rest of the complications, the results are again suggestive
but not definitive; they are also strongest for whites and for the
summary complication measure. As expected, adjusting for measurement
error (the third hypothesis) typically increases both the statistical
significance and potential magnitude of the effects. Likewise, comparing
treatment versus control (the second hypothesis) tends to reduce the
significance and has a more mixed effect on the potential magnitudes.
The combined adjustment (the fourth hypothesis) never produces a
significant result and may simply be asking too much of the data.
The confidence intervals reveal that the effects are of a
potentially meaningful magnitude. For example, in one of the strongest
cases (white mothers TR #1 and 2, any complication) the upper limit is
approximately .01, which results in an approximate 20% reduction in the
overall incidence (.01 out of .05). Even in the statistically
insignificant cases, the upper limit represents a similarly sized (or
greater) reduction. This is especially true for black mothers,
indicating that the disappointing effects for blacks may be due more to
low power (high variance) rather than to small effects (small
coefficients).
Sensitivity Checks
Before further exploring our main results, we test their robustness
by conducting several sensitivity checks. (22) First, we reestimate our
models, excluding 1989 from the analysis. 1989 is the first year during
which maternal complications were recorded in the Natality Detail Files,
and we want to verify that the adoption of new birth certificates did
not somehow contaminate our findings. In addition, information on
maternal health outcomes is missing for three states--Louisiana,
Nebraska, and Oklahoma--in the year 1989. Limiting the period studied to
1990-1996 mostly leaves our conclusions qualitatively unchanged, but in
the case of married black mothers (TR #1) and unmarried lowest educated
white mothers (TR #2), the results are substantially stronger.
Second, we redefine prenatal care adequacy as receiving
"adequate" (as opposed to "adequate" or
"intermediate") prenatal care. The results remain
qualitatively the same. This is also true if we exclude women with
"no" or "unknown" prenatal care utilization from the
analysis. Likewise, drawing different random samples (1/3 of all births)
from the control white population has little influence on our estimates.
Finally, we explore the impact of pooling our four treatment groups
into one. This way, we avoid stratifying by marital status, which, as
noted by Yelowitz (1998) and others, could be affected by Medicaid.
Estimating our primary model for the pooled "treatment" group
leads to very similar results. Prenatal care increases for both black
and white treatment groups, but maternal health is only improved for the
white treatment group, with hypertension and the summary measure being
significantly affected. Our sensitivity analyses, including the earlier
ones of an alternative estimation method and measure of welfare,
therefore reveal our main results to be robust and conservative, if
anything, especially with regard to married women (TR #1).
The Possible Roles of Race, WIC, and Parity on Medicaid's
Effectiveness
The apparent racial differences in the effects of Medicaid on
prenatal care use and maternal health merit further discussion. Our
findings indicate that both black and white mothers obtained more
adequate prenatal care as a result of the Medicaid expansions. Indeed,
the same treatment groups for both races (i.e., single mothers)
experienced improvements that are significantly different from the
effects on the corresponding control groups (Table 4). Among treatment
whites, the increases in access translated into improved maternal
outcomes, even among those who may not have experienced improvements in
our measures of prenatal care (i.e., married women; recall that
alternative specifications sometimes produce significant improvements in
this group as well). Among blacks, on the other hand, few improvements
in maternal health are observed, and none are statistically different
from the effects on the control group. There also appears to be little
evidence of reporting bias for this group.
A further puzzle is that the cohorts that appear most affected in
terms of maternal health--less-educated married mothers--did not
apparently experience an increase in our measures of prenatal care.
However, as indicated by our alternative model that includes welfare
policy variables instead of caseloads, this result is not very robust.
In particular, it seems possible that these women did in fact experience
some improvements in prenatal care. Another explanation of the puzzle is
that the effect of Medicaid for these mothers is not operating through
improved prenatal care but rather through some other channel, such as
WIC. In section 2, we note that (i) the Medicaid expansions may have
increased WIC participation and (ii) calcium supplements have been shown
to prevent hypertension (which in turn may prevent placental abruption),
and iron supplements can prevent anemia. Since WIC requires that
provided foods contain calcium and iron (as well as protein and vitamins
A and C; Bitler and Currie 2005, pp. 75-6), the program may reinforce
the effects of Medicaid on maternal health.
Could the role of WIC also explain the racial disparities we
observe in the unmarried treatment groups? Brien and Swann (2001)
provide evidence that black women's prenatal participation in WIC
is more influenced by state WIC program rules and is also more likely to
improve the birth outcome. Their results therefore indicate that the
effects of the Medicaid expansions (to the extent they are capturing
increased WIC participation) should be stronger for black mothers,
whereas we find the opposite. Thus, while WIC may explain why married
mothers experienced improvements in health without significant
improvements in prenatal care, it does not explain the racial
disparities we find more generally.
Perhaps the racial differences among unmarried mothers could be due
to the lower sample sizes/lower power among blacks (especially for TR #1
and the control group, as evident in Table 2) or the smaller estimated
probability of "treatment" we find in our CPS analysis (Table
1). However, these two explanations seem inconsistent with the highly
statistically significant (and substantial) improvements in the
utilization of prenatal care experienced across the races, although the
much lower incidence of maternal complications could perhaps magnify the
impact of smaller sample sizes. (23)
Another possible explanation for this phenomenon is that black
women receive a lower quality of prenatal care than whites. The role of
prenatal care quality is mentioned in Currie and Grogger (2002), who
find a similar pattern of strong racial differences in the effects of
Medicaid on prenatal care use and infant health. Unfortunately, the
quality of prenatal care cannot be investigated using data from the
vital statistics. Suggestive evidence, however, can be found in other
studies. For example, Kogan et al. (1994) and Conway and Kutinova (2006)
find that pregnant blacks are less likely than pregnant whites to
receive advice on cessation of alcohol consumption and smoking
cessation, even when the timing of prenatal care initiation is
controlled for. In a recent paper, Chandra and Skinner (2003) argue that
blacks tend to seek care in areas in which quality levels for all
patients (black and white) are lower.
Yet another explanation for the observed racial disparities can be
found in Geronimus and Bound (1990). The authors' main argument is
that the health of black women deteriorates with age more rapidly than
the health of white women and that this can be attributed to a
cumulative effect of poor medical care among blacks. If so, black women
may have more preexisting morbidities when they reach their childbearing
age, which can make it more difficult for prenatal care providers to
intervene. Using hospital discharge data from South Carolina, Laditka,
Laditka, and Probst (2006) find disparities in the incidence of
potentially preventable maternal complications between black and white
mothers enrolled in Medicaid. Interestingly, these racial disparities
are eliminated once socioeconomic characteristics and co-morbidities are
controlled for.
Finally, there is the possible role of parity and fertility
behavior more generally to consider. Either the effectiveness of
prenatal care or the decision to seek prenatal care could differ by
parity and therefore by race. Primiparity (one's first pregnancy)
has been consistently found to be associated with increased hypertension
and other delivery complications, even after controlling for age (Hebert
et al. 1999; Handa, Danielsen, and Gilbert 2001; Kyrklund-Blomberg,
Gennser, and Cnattingius 2001; Royer 2004; Villar et al. 2006). At the
same time, women may gain more information from prenatal care received
during their first pregnancy, affecting both the effectiveness of
prenatal care and their decisions to seek such care. Our own
(unreported) results indicate that increased parity leads to less
prenatal care. And, all of these avenues have the potential to differ by
race. In our samples, for example, the percentage of first births
(primiparous) is substantially lower for black women, especially for the
least-educated cohorts (Table 2).
We therefore reestimate our main model for primiparous women only.
These results are reported in Table 6 and provide some evidence that
parity could be playing a role. For white mothers, the results are
qualitatively similar to those for the full sample, but the magnitudes
are frequently bigger. For black mothers, despite the dramatic
reductions in sample sizes, the effects appear slightly stronger for
unmarried women. For black married women (TR #1), the enormous reduction
(almost 90%) in what was already our smallest sample eliminates the
earlier modestly encouraging results. It is therefore possible that
parity may play a role in the effectiveness of Medicaid with regard to
maternal health and may help explain the racial differences we observe.
Fertility behavior more generally could also be playing a role. As
explored in Bitler and Zavodny (2004), the Medicaid expansions may
affect the fertility decisions of potentially eligible women and thus
have an indirect effect on maternal health outcomes (if, for example,
less healthy women decide to give birth). Their findings indicate that
Medicaid may affect fertility differently depending on socioeconomic
status. In sum, finding racial differences in health outcomes, birth
outcomes in particular, is not a new result. There are many plausible
explanations and pathways, including WIC, quality of care, and fertility
behavior, that merit future investigation.
Other Results
What factors besides Medicaid affect maternal health? In Table 7,
we report the full set of results (except for state and year dummy
coefficients) for the incidence of any complication estimated with OLS.
(The full sets of results from the other models are available upon
request.) Among white treatment women, welfare surprisingly seems to
modestly increase the incidence of pregnancy complications. Among
blacks, it has the expected effect of modestly decreasing complications.
The result for whites probably reflects the positive association between
poverty and health care need, although the racial disparity is again
difficult to explain. The effects of unemployment are insignificant.
As expected, the incidence of any complication first decreases
(until the mid- to late 20s) and then increases with maternal age. (24)
Controlling for age, parity generally decreases the probability of
complications, which is consistent with the results of past studies
cited above. And, finally, having a male infant is associated with more
complications among whites but with fewer complications among blacks.
This finding may be attributable to a differential effect of infant
gender on the incidence of specific morbidities. In particular, our
unreported results indicate that male infants are associated with a
higher incidence of hypertension (at least among whites) and with a
lower incidence of anemia (among both blacks and whites).
6. Concluding Remarks
Overall, our results indicate that there may have been an
additional beneficiary of the Medicaid expansions of the 1990s--the
mother. Specifically, the eligibility changes led to a higher
utilization of prenatal care among those women (i.e., economically
disadvantaged) most likely to have benefited from the expansions. The
extent to which these improvements in prenatal care translated into
improvements in maternal health is less clear. For white mothers, the
evidence is supportive, although not definitive, of the fact that
maternal health outcomes improved as well. The evidence is strongest for
hypertension and our an), complication summary measure and for the
groups most likely to have been treated; it is further strengthened, if
anything, by attempts to purge the estimates of reporting bias. For
black mothers, the estimated magnitudes are similar but are rarely
statistically significant. Despite our large sample sizes, we suspect
that our results may suffer from low power. This is especially true for
our smaller black samples, in light of the very low incidence of these
complications and the fact that our key variable--Medicaid
eligibility--only varies across states and time.
Even so, our estimates indicate potentially meaningful decreases in
maternal complications as a result of the Medicaid expansions. To get a
better idea about the magnitude of the estimated health effects,
consider an example of California in the year 1989. In the early 1990s,
California experienced an increase in the Medicaid eligibility threshold
from 109% to 185% of the federal poverty line (this was one of the
largest percentage-point increases nationally). Based on our primary
(statistically significant) results, such an increase would be
associated with a decline in the incidence of hypertension of 12.3%
among married whites with less than high school education and a decline
of 10.0% among single whites with less than high school education.
Similarly, the Californian expansion would cause a decline in the
incidence of any complication of 10.4% among married blacks with less
than high school education, of 7.5% among married whites with less than
high school education, and of 7.2% among single whites with less than
high school education. Given the costs of pregnancy complications to the
mother and society, these are not negligible improvements.
The results of our research also reveal that maternal health
improved among some disadvantaged mothers who may not have experienced a
significant change in the timing and/or adequacy of prenatal care.
Conversely, other women (such as single blacks) experienced an increase
in prenatal care access but failed to experience improved maternal
health. These findings beg the question of what other channels exist
through which Medicaid eligibility actually affects maternal health.
Nonetheless, according to our findings, the potential of public policies
to improve the health status of disadvantaged pregnant women may be
large.
We thank Reagan Baughman, Marianne Bitler. Pinka Chatterji, Partha
Deb, Sarah Laditka, Robert Mohr, and Robert Woodward for their
invaluable suggestions. This paper has also greatly benefited from
comments received at the Eastern Economic Association, AcademyHealth,
and Southern Economic Association meetings and the University of New
Hampshire economics seminar.
Received June 2006; accepted March 2007.
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(1) The Healthy People 2010 includes an explicit objective to
"reduce maternal illness and complications due to pregnancy"
(Objective 16-5), which involves reduction in "prenatal illness and
complications" as well as "complications during labor and
delivery."
(2) "Premature separation of a normally implanted placenta
from the uterus" (CDC 2003).
(3) "An increase of blood pressure of at least 30 mm Hg
systolic or 15 mm Hg diastolic on two measurements taken six hours apart
after the 20th week of gestation" (CDC 2003).
(4) "Hemoglobin level of less than 10.0 g/dL during pregnancy
or a hematocrit of less than 30 percent during pregnancy" (CDC
2O03).
(5) For the sake of comparability, we follow the general spirit of
the infant health literature (Currie and Grogger 2002) and treat marital
status as exogenous. As some have suggested, however, the decision to
marry might have itself been affected by the changes in the Medicaid
eligibility rules (Yelowitz 1998). We explore this issue further in the
robustness checks of our main results.
(6) Married women could only qualify for the AFDC-UP (Unemployed
Parent) program that provided transitional cash assistance to families
in which both parents were living in the household and the principal
earner, whether the father or the mother, was unemployed.
(7) The CPS does not report whether a woman was pregnant. In
addition, Medicaid eligibility at the individual level is not possible
to determine, so we cannot explore the extent of increased eligibility
within our sample groups.
(8) The results of this analysis are available upon request.
(9) We have considered several other complications available in the
Natality Detail Files for the straw man exercise. Since our goal is to
address the reporting issue, complications of labor and delivery which
are hard to miss with a vast majority of deliveries occurring in a
hospital--are not very suitable. Therefore, we have focused on pregnancy
complications ("medical risk factors") instead. A problem with
this approach is the rarity of most of the complications reported. For
example, the following risk factors occurred in less than 0.5% of
pregnancies in the year 1990: cardiac disease, lung disease,
hemoglobinopathy, eclampsia, incompetent cervix, and renal disease. With
the incidence of the straw man complication significantly below the
incidence of the main outcomes studied, "bias-purged"
estimates become problematic. Furthermore, the most frequent adverse
events reported in the data (apart from diabetes, hypertension, and
anemia)--"previous infant 4000+ grams" and "previous
preterm or small-for-gestational-age infant"--are potentially
preventable with Medicaid prenatal care on the previous pregnancy. This
pitfall also applies to chronic hypertension ("diagnosed prior to
onset of pregnancy or before the 20th week of gestation"). The
remaining measures have other shortcomings. Specifically, genital herpes
may be preventable with prenatal care (ACOG 1988; CDC 1989, 2006; Brown
2000; Rouse and Stringer 2000; Patel 2004; Brown et al. 2005; Patel and
Rompalo 2005); hydramnios/oligohydramnios seems strongly associated with
diabetes (Dashe et al. 2000) and so its use in a robustness check is
limited; and uterine bleeding is very broadly defined. Finally, Rh
sensitization presents a serious danger to the fetus (but not the
mother) and mostly occurs during delivery. This may affect how well it
is monitored and reported. All in all, we believe diabetes is the best
(although imperfect) straw man complication in our data.
(10) In the 1990s, diabetes was together with anemia and
pregnancy-related hypertension--among the three most common
complications of pregnancy (CDC 2001). In our sample cohorts, diabetes
(including juvenile onset, adult onset, and gestational diabetes) tends
to be less prevalent than anemia and as prevalent as hypertension
(Tables 2, 3).
(11) Briefly, we extract data from the 1988-1996 Behavioral Risk
Factor Surveillance System to create a state-level diabetes rate for
each year. We then estimate a series of equations, similar to the one
written in "Models Estimated" below, that explore the
relationships between our maternal diabetes measure, the state-level
diabetes rates, and Medicaid eligibility rules. Details and results of
these analyses are available upon request.
(12) For example, the passage of PRWORA greatly changed Medicaid
eligibility of noncitizens. In particular, prior to 1996, legal
immigrants who otherwise met the Medicaid eligibility requirements were
eligible on the same basis as citizens. Therefore, we include
noncitizens in our sample. The passage of PRWORA restricted eligibility
for most legal immigrants entering the country on or after August 22,
1996 (available http://uscis.gov/graphics/aboutus/repsstudies/Tri3Ch4.pdf).
(13) Sixteen "medical risk factors" (anemia, cardiac
disease, lung disease, diabetes, genital herpes, hydramnios/
oligohydramnios, hemoglobinopathy, hypertension [chronic and
pregnancy-associated], eclampsia, incompetent cervix, previous infant
4000+ grams, previous preterm or small-for-gestational age infant, renal
disease, Rh sensitization, and uterine bleeding) and 15
"complications of labor and/or delivery" (febrile, meconium,
premature rupture of membranes, abruption placenta, placenta previa,
other excessive bleeding, seizures during labor, precipitous labor,
prolonged labor, dysfunctional labor, breech/malpresentation,
cephalopelvic disproportion, cord prolapse, anesthetic complication, and
fetal distress) are separately identified in the natality files. Out of
these, we focus on conditions that significantly affect maternal health
and are known to be preventable by timely and adequate prenatal care.
Diabetes serves as a straw man.
(14) Given the complexity of the issue, deriving these measures for
our model is beyond the scope of this paper.
(15) These data come from the 1989, 1994, and 1996 Green Books and
Gil Crouse's "State Implementation of Major Changes to Welfare
Policies, 1992-1998" (available
http://aspe.hhs.gov/HSP/Waiver-Policies99/policy_CEA.htm), respectively.
(16) The results from this exercise are available upon request. It
is also worth noting that neither of our welfare measures is strongly
collinear with Medicaid eligibility. In fact, the state and year dummies
included in our models explain about 80% of the variation in Medicaid
eligibility, and the welfare measures (caseloads or policy parameters)
account only for an additional 1%.
(17) We also reestimate our main models, clustering by state
(rather than by state and year). As expected, this modification slightly
diminishes statistical significance but otherwise leaves the results
qualitatively unchanged.
(18) In a recent report, the CDC also discovered and noted these
racial patterns (CDC 2003).
(19) As a result of the issues raised by Ai and Norton (2003) and
discussed above, we only perform these tests in the OLS models.
(20) Recall that the average incidence of anemia ranges from 1% to
4% in our samples, and so an estimated coefficient or marginal effect of
0.002, for example, is a relatively large reduction in the average risk.
(21) As noted in section 3, we address the potential concern that
our diabetes measure may be spuriously correlated with Medicaid (via
state-level trends in the general incidence of diabetes) by adding the
state-level diabetes rate as an explanatory variable in our straw man
regression. The results are unchanged by this exercise, so for
consistency with the other models, we report the results that omit this
variable.
(22) All results not reported here are available upon request.
(23) Racial disparities of a similar sort have been observed
elsewhere. For example, Decker and Rapaport (2002) show that becoming
eligible for Medicare at the age of 65 increases the chances of
receiving mammography among low-educated blacks and whites but is
associated with improvements in the stage of breast cancer diagnosis
only among whites.
(24) Recall the U-shaped relationship between maternal age and
hypertension noted in the 2003 CDC report.
Andrea Kutinova * and Karen Smith Conway ([dagger])
* Department of Economics, University of Canterbury, Private Bag
4800, Christchurch, New Zealand; E-mail
andrea.kutinova@canterbury.ac.nz; corresponding author.
([dagger]) Department of Economics, University of New Hampshire,
McConnell Hall, Durham, NH 03824, USA: E-mail ksconway@unh.edu.
Table 1. Changes in Health Insurance Coverage between 1989 and 1996;
Treatment Probabilities' from the Current Population Survey
Marital # Obs.
Race Status Education Cohort 1989
Black Married Less than high TR # 1 231
school
Single Less than high TR #2 584
school
Single High school TR #3 1145
completed
Single Some college TR #4 619
Married College completed Control 217
Married High school Excluded 626
completed
Married Some college Excluded 322
Single College completed Excluded 259
White Married Less than high TR #1 1595
school
Single Less than high TR #2 948
school
Single High school TR #3 3772
completed
Single Some college TR #4 2839
Married College completed Control 4187
Married High school Excluded 8001
completed
Married Some college Excluded 4089
Single College completed Excluded 2249
% on
% on % on Medicaid
Marital # Obs. Medicaid Medicaid Difference
Race Status 1996 in 1989 in 1996 (a)
Black Married 105 18.01 32.37 14.36
Single 341 56.22 58.11 1.89
Single 915 29.89 31.11 1.22
Single 745 16.92 19.53 2.61
Married 219 2.26 0.93 -1.33
Married 400 7.87 7.34 -0.53
Married 356 3.51 6.66 3.15
Single 250 3.33 5.54 2.21
White Married 768 10.24 17.18 6.94
Single 551 33.06 41.92 8.86
Single 2446 10.69 17.99 7.30
Single 3018 4.83 9.26 4.43
Married 3863 0.36 1.15 0.79
Married 4856 2.47 4.41 1.94
Married 4120 1.16 3.04 1.88
Single 1961 1.28 2.14 0.86
% with % with % with
Health Health Health
Marital Insurance Insurance Insurance
Race Status in 1989 in 1996 Difference
Black Married 62.28 71.78 9.50
Single 75.13 71.18 -3.95
Single 76.08 72.09 -3.99
Single 78.56 78.81 0.25
Married 92.76 93.22 0.46
Married 82.11 76.62 -5.49
Married 83.79 89.25 5.46
Single 83.26 82.62 -0.64
White Married 69.74 72.18 2.44
Single 67.73 68.67 0.94
Single 77.25 73.82 -3.43
Single 80.52 81.32 0.80
Married 91.19 96.20 5.01
Married 81.87 88.26 6.39
Married 85.88 91.86 5.98
Single 90.34 87.65 -2.69
Obs indicates observations. "% with Health insurance" indicates
the percentage of women with any health insurance coverage
(including Medicaid).
(a) We use these estimates as our measure of "treatment
probability." TR indicates a treatment group.
Table 2. Descriptive Statistics; 1989-1996 Births
Blacks
Treatment Treatment
Group #1 Group #2
(less than high (less than high
school, married) school, single)
# of Observations 134,196 619,946
Placental abruption 0.81 0.86
(%)
Anemia (%) 3.49 3.86
Hypertension (%) 2.45 2.04
Any complication 6.56 6.56
(%)
Diabetes (%) 3.21 1.54
PNC in first 62.51 53.11
trimester (%)
Adequate/ 84.21 75.47
intermediate PNC
(%)
Age (years) 27.00 24.04
Parity (# of live 3.44 3.07
births)
Primiparous (%) 11.95 16.36
Male infant 50.75 50.61
Medicaid eligibility (a) 1.55 1.54
(% of FPL/100)
Welfare caseload (a) 4.90 5.10
(% on welfare)
Unemployment 6.35 6.30
rate (a)
Blacks
Treatment
Group #3 Treatment
(high school Group #4
completed, (some college,
single) single)
# of Observations 1,204,987 495,896
Placental abruption 0.74 0.68
(%)
Anemia (%) 3.41 3.21
Hypertension (%) 2.80 3.33
Any complication 6.73 7.02
(%)
Diabetes (%) 1.83 2.23
PNC in first 61.70 69.07
trimester (%)
Adequate/ 84.50 89.55
intermediate PNC
(%)
Age (years) 24.50 25.57
Parity (# of live 2.31 1.96
births)
Primiparous (%) 32.86 45.65
Male infant 50.75 50.89
Medicaid eligibility (a) 1.55 1.57
(% of FPL/100)
Welfare caseload (a) 5.05 5.16
(% on welfare)
Unemployment 6.25 6.30
rate (a)
Blacks Whites
Control Group Treatment
(college Group #1 (less
completed, than high
married) school, married)
# of Observations 278,471 1,110,384
Placental abruption 0.55 0.79
(%)
Anemia (%) 2.48 1.93
Hypertension (%) 3.62 2.47
Any complication 6.48 5.08
(%)
Diabetes (%) 3.51 2.57
PNC in first 90.18 70.86
trimester (%)
Adequate/ 97.59 90.22
intermediate PNC
(%)
Age (years) 30.82 24.90
Parity (# of live 1.90 2.58
births)
Primiparous (%) 42.07 21.48
Male infant 50.65 51.25
Medicaid eligibility (a) 1.58 1.50
(% of FPL/100)
Welfare caseload (a) 4.96 4.69
(% on welfare)
Unemployment 6.20 6.13
rate (a)
Whites
Treatment
Treatment Group #3
Group #2 (high school
(less than high completed,
school, single) single)
# of Observations 723,699 1,341,567
Placental abruption 0.89 0.77
(%)
Anemia (%) 2.23 1.86
Hypertension (%) 2.29 3.35
Any complication 5.27 5.84
(%)
Diabetes (%) 1.92 2.15
PNC in first 63.46 70.37
trimester (%)
Adequate/ 86.94 91.40
intermediate PNC
(%)
Age (years) 23.45 24.46
Parity (# of live 2.25 1.78
births)
Primiparous (%) 32.81 52.62
Male infant 51.11 51.35
Medicaid eligibility (a) 1.54 1.57
(% of FPL/100)
Welfare caseload (a) 4.85 4.89
(% on welfare)
Unemployment 6.13 6.09
rate (a)
Whites
Control
Treatment Group
Group #4 (college
(some college, completed,
single) married)
# of Observations 533,435 4,412,467
Placental abruption 0.70 0.48
(%)
Anemia (%) 1.80 1.14
Hypertension (%) 3.70 2.95
Any complication 6.06 4.49
(%)
Diabetes (%) 2.33 2.34
PNC in first 74.35 95.15
trimester (%)
Adequate/ 92.67 99.04
intermediate PNC
(%)
Age (years) 25.67 31.00
Parity (# of live 1.66 1.83
births)
Primiparous (%) 59.91 44.69
Male infant 51.26 51.43
Medicaid eligibility (a) 1.60 1.58
(% of FPL/100)
Welfare caseload (a) 4.93 4.83
(% on welfare)
Unemployment 6.09 6.07
rate (a)
(a) Medicaid eligibility, welfare caseload, and unemployment
rate are state-level explanatory variables. PNC stands for
prenatal care and FPL for the federal poverty line.
Table 3. Trends in Prenatal Care Use and Maternal Health
1989 1990 1991 1992
Treatment Group #1 (less than high school, married)--Black
PNC in first trimester 57.92 58.26 59.90 60.89
Placental abruption 1.06 0.73 0.73 0.77
Anemia 3.65 3.51 3.39 3.51
Hypertension 2.55 2.36 2.32 2.12
Diabetes 2.81 2.75 2.79 3.28
Treatment Group #2 (less than high school, single)--Black
PNC in first trimester 48.18 48.98 50.39 51.11
Placental abruption 0.93 0.87 0.86 0.85
Anemia 4.16 3.91 3.61 3.47
Hypertension 2.02 1.85 1.72 1.71
Diabetes 1.34 1.23 1.34 1.46
Treatment Group #3 (high school completed, single)--Black
PNC in first trimester 56.10 56.74 58.35 60.05
Placental abruption 0.82 0.74 0.69 0.72
Anemia 3.76 3.41 3.34 3.11
Hypertension 2.67 2.51 2.47 2.49
Diabetes 1.41 1.40 1.60 1.87
Treatment Group #4 (some college, single)--Black
PNC in first trimester 62.96 63.95 65.42 67.43
Placental abruption 0.74 0.77 0.73 0.69
Anemia 3.38 3.13 3.19 2.99
Hypertension 3.17 2.93 2.91 3.03
Diabetes 1.78 1.71 2.02 2.21
Control Group (college completed, married)--Black
PNC in first trimester 88.40 89.09 89.71 89.73
Placental abruption 0.67 0.70 0.51 0.50
Anemia 2.67 2.51 2.35 2.35
Hypertension 3.43 3.62 3.32 3.30
Diabetes 3.15 3.20 3.42 3.65
Treatment Group #1 (less than high school, married)--White
PNC in first trimester 67.30 68.24 68.89 71.07
Placental abruption 0.84 0.80 0.77 0.80
Anemia 2.01 1.82 1.85 1.87
Hypertension 2.28 2.23 2.24 2.33
Diabetes 2.14 2.21 2.47 2.77
Treatment Group #2 (less than high school, single)--White
PNC in first trimester 56.22 57.53 60.28 63.12
Placental abruption 0.94 0.94 0.87 0.87
Anemia 2.39 2.14 2.13 2.11
Hypertension 2.17 1.92 1.95 2.12
Diabetes 1.53 1.57 1.77 2.12
Treatment Group #3 (high school completed, single)--White
PNC in first trimester 63.36 64.78 66.86 69.60
Placental abruption 0.90 0.77 0.78 0.75
Anemia 1.81 1.70 1.75 1.83
Hypertension 3.03 2.92 2.92 3.14
Diabetes 1.73 1.78 2.09 2.26
Treatment Group #4 (some college, single)--White
PNC in first trimester 67.29 68.89 71.00 73.21
Placental abruption 0.74 0.77 0.65 0.72
Anemia 1.78 1.58 1.61 1.68
Hypertension 3.33 3.22 3.15 3.52
Diabetes 1.92 1.92 2.35 2.52
Control Group (college completed, married)--White
PNC in first trimester 94.44 94.83 94.93 95.18
Placental abruption 0.55 0.52 0.48 0.47
Anemia 0.95 0.99 1.08 1.15
Hypertension 2.71 2.59 2.64 2.85
Diabetes 2.19 2.19 2.36 2.63
1993 1994 1995 1996
Treatment Group #1 (less than high school, married)--Black
PNC in first trimester 63.52 65.95 68.60 69.63
Placental abruption 0.74 0.82 0.78 0.89
Anemia 3.27 3.69 3.59 3.29
Hypertension 2.27 2.57 2.72 2.97
Diabetes 3.37 3.46 3.65 3.88
Treatment Group #2 (less than high school, single)--Black
PNC in first trimester 53.37 56.06 57.93 59.78
Placental abruption 0.83 0.87 0.81 0.85
Anemia 3.61 4.05 4.06 4.13
Hypertension 1.87 2.25 2.33 2.69
Diabetes 1.76 1.69 1.68 1.84
Treatment Group #3 (high school completed, single)--Black
PNC in first trimester 62.30 65.01 67.16 68.24
Placental abruption 0.73 0.71 0.75 0.74
Anemia 3.23 3.55 3.58 3.39
Hypertension 2.61 2.91 3.27 3.53
Diabetes 1.93 2.08 2.08 2.18
Treatment Group #4 (some college, single)--Black
PNC in first trimester 69.44 71.77 73.42 74.48
Placental abruption 0.67 0.64 0.63 0.65
Anemia 3.07 3.27 3.44 3.23
Hypertension 3.18 3.51 3.67 3.96
Diabetes 2.43 2.30 2.45 2.61
Control Group (college completed, married)--Black
PNC in first trimester 90.33 90.59 91.26 91.64
Placental abruption 0.55 0.51 0.50 0.54
Anemia 2.50 2.36 2.66 2.49
Hypertension 3.52 3.65 3.99 3.98
Diabetes 3.73 3.59 3.52 3.66
Treatment Group #1 (less than high school, married)--White
PNC in first trimester 72.21 73.46 74.29 74.49
Placental abruption 0.75 0.77 0.78 0.79
Anemia 1.96 2.03 2.05 1.94
Hypertension 2.51 2.58 2.87 3.07
Diabetes 2.87 2.72 2.76 2.86
Treatment Group #2 (less than high school, single)--White
PNC in first trimester 65.30 67.09 68.09 69.27
Placental abruption 0.89 0.83 0.88 0.89
Anemia 2.11 2.33 2.36 2.28
Hypertension 2.19 2.55 2.64 2.76
Diabetes 2.08 2.08 2.04 2.08
Treatment Group #3 (high school completed, single)--White
PNC in first trimester 71.58 73.26 74.50 75.44
Placental abruption 0.76 0.77 0.72 0.72
Anemia 1.78 1.97 2.02 1.98
Hypertension 3.30 3.55 3.74 3.92
Diabetes 2.32 2.28 2.23 2.29
Treatment Group #4 (some college, single)--White
PNC in first trimester 74.92 76.50 77.93 78.56
Placental abruption 0.74 0.71 0.68 0.66
Anemia 1.76 1.94 1.92 1.93
Hypertension 3.54 3.92 4.06 4.29
Diabetes 2.45 2.40 2.35 2.46
Control Group (college completed, married)--White
PNC in first trimester 95.24 95.41 95.50 95.39
Placental abruption 0.47 0.47 0.46 0.46
Anemia 1.11 1.22 1.29 1.24
Hypertension 2.96 3.10 3.16 3.37
Diabetes 2.46 2.34 2.23 2.31
PNC stands for prenatal care and FPL for the federal poverty line.
All numbers represent percentages.
Table 4. The Effects of Medicaid Eligibility Rules on PNC Use and
Maternal Health Coefficients from a Linear Probability Model;
1989-1996
Cohort Treatment PNC in First
Probability Trimester
Treatment group #1 14.36 0.000
(less than high 0.04
school, married)--
black
Treatment group #2 1.89 0.040 *** ([dagger][dagger])
(less than high (4.21)
school, single)--
black
Treatment group #3 1.22 0.036 *** ([dagger][dagger])
(high school (4.45)
completed,
single)--black
Treatment group #4 2.61 0.033 *** ([dagger][dagger])
(some college, (3.26)
single)--black
Control group -1.33 0.004
(college (0.74)
completed,
married)--black
Treatment group #1 6.94 0.004
(less than high (0.46)
school, married)--
white
Treatment group #2 8.86 0.032 *** ([dagger][dagger])
(less than high (3.23)
school, single)--
white
Treatment group #3 7.30 0.023 *** ([dagger][dagger])
(high school -3.58
completed,
single)--white
Treatment group #4 4.43 0.024 *** ([dagger][dagger])
(some college, -3.44
single)--white
Control group 0.79 -0.001
(college (-0.50)
completed,
married)--white
Cohort Adequate/ Placental
Intermediate PNC Abruption
Treatment group #1 0.011 0.001
(less than high (1.43) (0.74)
school, married)--
black
Treatment group #2 0.033 *** ([dagger][dagger]) -0.000
(less than high (4.01) (-0.45)
school, single)--
black
Treatment group #3 0.029 *** ([dagger][dagger]) -0.000
(high school (4.97) (-0.04)
completed,
single)--black
Treatment group #4 0.023 *** ([dagger][dagger]) -0.001
(some college, (4.00) (-0.90)
single)--black
Control group 0.005 ** -0.001
(college (1.99) (-0.95)
completed,
married)--black
Treatment group #1 0.005 0.000
(less than high (0.95) (0.43)
school, married)--
white
Treatment group #2 0.022 *** ([dagger][dagger]) -0.001
(less than high (3.36) (-0.96)
school, single)--
white
Treatment group #3 0.015 *** ([dagger][dagger]) 0.000
(high school (4.07) (0.59)
completed,
single)--white
Treatment group #4 0.012 *** ([dagger][dagger]) -0.000
(some college, (2.92) (-0.12)
single)--white
Control group -0.001 -0.000
(college (-1.52) (-0.18)
completed,
married)--white
Cohort Anemia Hypertension
Treatment group #1 -0.004 -0.004
(less than high (-1.15) (-1.48)
school, married)--
black
Treatment group #2 -0.005 -0.001
(less than high (-1.28) (-0.52)
school, single)--
black
Treatment group #3 -0.003 -0.002
(high school (-1.08) (-1.17)
completed,
single)--black
Treatment group #4 -0.001 -0.003
(some college, (-0.40) (-0.97)
single)--black
Control group 0.001 -0.002
(college (0.52) (-0.76)
completed,
married)--black
Treatment group #1 -0.002 -0.004 *** ([dagger][dagger])
(less than high (-1.25) (-3.81)
school, married)--
white
Treatment group #2 -0.002 -0.003 *
(less than high (-1.33) (-1.88)
school, single)--
white
Treatment group #3 -0.001 -0.002
(high school (-1.10) (-1.42)
completed,
single)--white
Treatment group #4 -0.001 -0.001
(some college, (-0.98) (-0.54)
single)--white
Control group 0.000 0.000
(college (0.46) (0.10)
completed,
married)--white
Cohort Any Complication Diabetes
Treatment group #1 -0.009 * 0.002
(less than high (-1.87) (0.72)
school, married)--
black
Treatment group #2 -0.006 -0.001
(less than high (-1.30) (-0.88)
school, single)--
black
Treatment group #3 -0.004 -0.000
(high school (-1.25) (-0.13)
completed,
single)--black
Treatment group #4 -0.004 -0.001
(some college, (-0.94) (-0.72)
single)--black
Control group -0.002 -0.000
(college (-0.42) (-0.11)
completed,
married)--black
Treatment group #1 -0.005 *** ([dagger]) -0.001 (dagger])
(less than high (-3.27) (-0.81)
school, married)--
white
Treatment group #2 -0.005 ** ([dagger]) 0.001
(less than high (-2.19) (1.02)
school, single)--
white
Treatment group #3 -0.002 0.004 ***
(high school (-1.25) (3.82)
completed,
single)--white
Treatment group #4 -0.002 0.003 **
(some college, (1.25) (2.27)
single)--white
Control group -0.002 0.002 **
(college (0.29) (2.41)
completed,
married)--white
Standard errors have been adjusted for clustering at the state/year
level. t-statistics are given in parentheses. "Treatment probability"
has been calculated from CPS according to the following formula:
treatment probability = % covered by Medicaid in 1996--% covered by
Medicaid in 1989. All coefficients have been compared between
treatment and control cohorts. Cells with a difference significant
at the 90% and 99% confidence level are designated by ([dagger]) and
([dagger][dagger]), respectively. Each cell in the table comes from a
separate regression. In addition to Medicaid eligibility, our models
include state-level welfare caseloads and unemployment rates; a full
set of state and year dummies; mother's age, age squared, and parity;
and infant gender. Sample size varies by cohort and is reported in
Table 2. PNC stands for prenatal care.
* Denotes statistical significance at the 90% confidence level.
** Denotes statistical significance at the 95% confidence level.
*** Denotes statistical significance at the 99% confidence level.
Table 5. Testing the Effects of Medicaid Eligibility Rules
on Maternal Health; Blacks and Whites
[[beta.sup.t.sub.
Incidence (Inc.) or [[beta.sup.t.sub. prev] - [[beta.sup.
[H.sub.0.sub.a] Inc. prev] = 0 c.sub.prev] = 0
Effects of Rules on Placental Abruption
Maternal Health,
Blacks
Treatment group #1 0.74 1.15
(less than high 0.008 -0.002, 0.004 -0.002, 0.006
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -0.45 0.44
(less than high 0.009 -0.002, 0.001 -0.002, 0.003
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -0.04 0.84
(high school 0.007 -0.001, 0.001 -0.001, 0.003
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.90 0.19
(some college, 0.007 -0.002, 0.001 -0.002, 0.003
single)
Hypertension
Treatment group #1 -1.48 -0.50
(less than high 0.025 -0.009, 0.001 -0.009, 0.005
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -0.52 0.30
(less than high 0.020 -0.005, 0.003 -0.005, 0.007
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -1.17 0.01
(high school 0.028 -0.005, 0.001 -0.006, 0.006
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.97 -0.15
(some college, 0.033 -0.008, 0.003 -0.008, 0.007
single)
Effects of Rules on Placental Abruption
Maternal Health,
Whites
Treatment group #1 0.43 0.45
(less than high 0.008 -0.001, 0.001 -0.001, 0.002
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -0.96 -0.77
(less than high 0.009 -0.002, 0.001 -0.002, 0.001
school, single)
Treatment group #3 0.59 0.56
(high school 0.008 -0.001, 0.001 -0.001, 0.002
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.12 -0.01
(some college, 0.007 -0.002, 0.001 -0.002, 0.002
single)
Hypertension
Treatment group #1 -3.81 *** -2.61 ***
(less than high 0.025 -0.006, -0.002 -0.007, -0.001
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -1.88 * -1.50
(less than high 0.023 -0.005, 0.000 -0.006, 0.001
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -1.42 -1.06
(high school 0.034 -0.004, 0.001 -0.005, 0.001
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.54 -0.51
(some college, 0.037 -0.005, 0.003 -0.005, 0.003
[[beta.sup.t.sub. ([[beta.sup.t.sub.
prev] - [[beta.sup. prev] - [[beta].
t.sub.diab] = 0 sup.t.sub.diab]) -
[[beta.sup.c.sub.
prev] - [[beta].
sup.c.sub.
diab]) = 0
Effects of Rules on Placental Abruption
Maternal Health,
Blacks
Treatment group #1 -0.32 -0.09
(less than high -0.008, 0.006 -0.009, 0.009
school, married)
Treatment group #2 0.45 0.49
(less than high -0.002, 0.004 -0.005, 0.008
school, single)
Treatment group #3 0.10 0.31
(high school -0.002, 0.003 -0.005, 0.007
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 0.18 0.34
(some college, -0.003, 0.004 -0.005, 0.007
single)
Hypertension
Treatment group #1 -1.48 -0.82
(less than high -0.015, 0.002 -0.015, 0.006
school, married)
Treatment group #2 0.05 0.43
(less than high -0.004, 0.005 -0.007, 0.010
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -0.90 -0.02
(high school -0.006, 0.002 -0.008, 0.008
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.48 0.06
(some college, -0.007, 0.005 -0.009, 0.009
single)
Effects of Rules on Placental Abruption
Maternal Health,
Whites
Treatment group #1 0.91 2.23 **
(less than high -0.001, 0.003 0.000, 0.007
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -1.38 0.32
(less than high -0.005, 0.001 -0.003, 0.004
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -3.17 *** -0.55
(high school -0.005, -0.001 0.004, 0.002
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -2.06 ** -0.41
(some college, -0.006, 0.000 -0.005, 0.003
single)
Hypertension
Treatment group #1 -2.11 ** -0.37
(less than high -0.006, 0.000 -0.005, 0.003
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -2.09 ** -0.61
(less than high -0.007, 0.000 -0.006, 0.003
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -3.53 *** -1.36
(high school -0.008, -0.002 -0.007, 0.001
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -1.81 * -0.68
(some college, -0.009, 0.000 -0.007, 0.004
[[beta].sup.t.sub.
[[beta].sup.t.sub. prev] - [[beta].
Inc. prev] = 0 sup.c.sub.prev] = 0
Effects of Rules on Anemia
Maternal Health,
Blacks
Treatment group #1 -1.15 -1.25
(less than high 0.035 -0.012, 0.003 -0.015, 0.003
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -1.28 -1.35
(less than high 0.039 -0.012, 0.003 -0.015, 0.003
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -1.08 -1.13
(high school 0.034 -0.008, 0.002 -0.011, 0.003
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.40 -0.65
(some college, 0.032 -0.006, 0.004 -0.010, 0.005
single)
Any Complication
Treatment group #1 -1.87 * -1.12
(less than high 0.066 -0.017, 0.000 -0.019, 0.005
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -1.30 -0.73
(less than high 0.066 -0.016, 0.003 -0.017, 0.008
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -1.25 -0.47
(high school 0.067 -0.011, 0.002 -0.013, 0.008
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.94 -0.37
(some college, 0.070 -0.012, 0.004 -0.013, 0.009
single)
Effects of Rules on Anemia
Maternal Health,
Whites
Treatment group #1 -1.25 -1.27
(less than high 0.019 -0.004, 0.001 -0.005, 0.001
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -1.33 -1.39
(less than high 0.022 -0.005, 0.001 -0.006, 0.001
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -1.10 -1.15
(high school 0.019 -0.004, 0.001 -0.005, 0.001
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.98 -1.07
(some college, 0.018 -0.004, 0.001 -0.005, 0.002
single)
Any Complication
Treatment group #1 -3.27 *** -2.56 **
(less than high 0.051 -0.009, -0.002 -0.010, -0.001
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -2.19 ** -1.99 **
(less than high 0.053 -0.010, -0.001 -0.011, 0.000
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -1.25 -1.13
(high school 0.058 -0.006, 0.001 -0.007, 0.002
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.76 -0.80
(some college, 0.061 -0.007, 0.003 -0.008, 0.003
([[beta.sup.t.sub.
prev] - [[beta].
sup.t.sub.diab]) -
[[beta.sup.c.sub.
[[beta].sup.t.sub. prev] - [[beta].
Incidence (Inc.) or prev] - [[beta]. sup.c.sub.diab])
[H.sub.0.sub.a] sup.t.sub.diab] = 0 = 0
Effects of Rules on
Maternal Health,
Blacks Anemia
Treatment group #1 -1.34 -1.36
(less than high -0.017, 0.003 -0.021, 0.004
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -0.93 -1.00
(less than high -0.011, 0.004 -0.016, 0.005
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -0.94 -0.94
(high school -0.008, 0.003 -0.013, 0.005
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 0.01 -0.34
(some college, -0.006, 0.006 -0.011, 0.008
single)
Any Complication
Treatment group #1 -1.93 * -1.29
(less than high -0.022, 0.000 -0.024, 0.005
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -1.03 -0.55
(less than high -0.015, 0.005 -0.017, 0.010
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -1.14 -0.44
(high school -0.011, 0.003 -0.014, 0.009
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -0.63 -0.20
(some college, -0.011, 0.006 -0.014, 0.011
single)
Effects of Rules on Anemia
Maternal Health,
Whites
Treatment group #1 -0.43 0.62
(less than high -0.004, 0.002 -0.003, 0.005
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -1.67 * -0.57
(less than high -0.007, 0.001 -0.006, 0.003
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -3.26 *** -1.43
(high school -0.008, -0.002 -0.007, 0.001
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -2.29 ** -1.07
(some college, -0.009, -0.001 -0.007, 0.002
single)
Any Complication
Treatment group #1 -2.34 ** -0.96
(less than high -0008, -0.001 -0.008, 0.003
school, married)
Treatment group #2 -2.41 ** -1.38
(less than high -0012, -0.001 -0.011, 0.002
school, single)
Treatment group #3 -2.90 *** -1.40
(high school -0.010, -0.002 -0.009, 0.002
completed, single)
Treatment group #4 -1.77 * -0.91
(some college, -0.11, 0.001 -0.010, 0.004
Incidence is measured as the number of pregnancies with a recorded
maternal complication per one live birth.
(a) In this table, [beta] denotes the effect of Medicaid eligibility
on maternal health; t and c indicate the treatment group and the
control group, respectively; prev stands for a preventable maternal
complication; and diab stands for diabetes. Within each cell testing
a hypothesis ([H.sub.0]), the first row reports the t-statistic and
the second row the 95% confidence interval.
* Indicates statistical significance at the 90% confidence level.
** Indicates statistical significance at the 95% confidence level.
*** Indicates statistical significance at the 99% confidence level.
Table 6. The Effects of Medicaid Eligibility Rules on PNC Use and
Maternal Health Coefficients from a Linear Probability Model;
1989-1996; Primiparous Women
Cohort Treatment PNC in First
Probability Trimester
Treatment group #1 (less than 14.36 0.002
high school, married)--black (0.08)
Treatment group #2 (less than 1.89 0.022
high school, single)--black (1.61)
Treatment group #3 (high school 1.22 0.023 *** ([dagger])
completed, single)--black (2.87)
Treatment group #4 (some 2.61 0.033 *** ([dagger])
college, single)--black (3.43)
Control group (college -1.33 0.003
completed, married)--black (0.51)
Treatment group #1 (less than 6.94 0.001
high school, married)--white (0.10)
Treatment group #2 (less than 8.86 0.027 ** ([dagger])
high school, single)--white (2.59)
Treatment group #3 (high school 7.30 0.019 ***
completed, single)--white (2.94)
Treatment group #4 (some 4.43 0.018 ** ([dagger])
college, single)--white (2.50)
Control group (college 0.79 -0.000
completed, married)--white (-0.08)
Cohort Adequate/ Placental
Intermediate PNC Abruption
Treatment group #1 (less than -0.012 0.005
high school, married)--black (-0.83) (1.13)
Treatment group #2 (less than 0.017 * 0.001
high school, single)--black -1.72 (0.61)
Treatment group #3 (high school 0.014 *** 0.000
completed, single)--black -2.82 (0.52)
Treatment group #4 (some 0.016 *** ([dagger]) -0.000
college, single)--black -3.08 (-0.39)
Control group (college 0.004 -0.001
completed, married)--black -1.50 (-0.51)
Treatment group #1 (less than -0.001 0.002 *
high school, married)--white (-0.17) (1.88)
Treatment group #2 (less than 0.017 *** -0.001
high school, single)--white -2.98 (-0.80)
Treatment group #3 (high school 0.013 *** 0.000 (b)
completed, single)--white -3.78 (0.81)
Treatment group #4 (some 0.010 ** -0.000 (b)
college, single)--white -2.52 (-0.07)
Control group (college -0.001 0.000 (b)
completed, married)--white (-0.69) (0.57)
Cohort Anemia Hypertension
Treatment group #1 (less than -0.005 0.000
high school, married)--black (-0.60) (0.01)
Treatment group #2 (less than -0.008 * ([dagger]) 0.004
high school, single)--black (-1.95) (0.80)
Treatment group #3 (high school 0.000 -0.008 **
completed, single)--black (0.14) (-2.53)
Treatment group #4 (some -0.002 -0.006
college, single)--black (-0.56) (-1.48)
Control group (college 0.003 -0.003
completed, married)--black (0.80) (0.80)
Treatment group #1 (less than -0.002 -0.007 **
high school, married)--white (-1.12) (-2.76)
Treatment group #2 (less than -0.001 -0.007 *** (b)
high school, single)--white (-0.51) (-2.76)
Treatment group #3 (high school -0.002 (c) -0.002 (c)
completed, single)--white (-1.61) (-1.37)
Treatment group #4 (some 0.000 (a) -0.001 (a)
college, single)--white (0.15) (-0.37)
Control group (college 0.001 -0.003 (b)
completed, married)--white (0.74) (-1.31)
Cohort Any Complication Diabetes
Treatment group #1 (less than 0.003 0.009
high school, married)--black (0.21) (0.95)
Treatment group #2 (less than -0.003 -0.004
high school, single)--black (-0.40) (-1.35)
Treatment group #3 (high school -0.006 -0.002
completed, single)--black (1.61) (-1.44)
Treatment group #4 (some -0.007 -0.003
college, single)--black (1.38) (-1.39)
Control group (college -0.001 -0.001
completed, married)--black (-0.09) (-0.19)
Treatment group #1 (less than -0.006 * -0.002 ([dagger])
high school, married)--white (-1.89) (-0.80)
Treatment group #2 (less than -0.008 ** (b) 0.001
high school, single)--white (-2.14) (0.46)
Treatment group #3 (high school -0.004 * (c) 0.004 ***
completed, single)--white (-1.76) (3.19)
Treatment group #4 (some -0.000 0.005 ***
college, single)--white (-0.06) (2.76)
Control group (college -0.001 (a) 0.003 ***
completed, married)--white (-0.63) (2.62)
Standard errors have been adjusted for clustering at the state/year
level. t-statistics are given in parentheses. "Treatment probability"
has been calculated as in Table 4 above. All coefficients have been
compared between treatment and control cohorts. Cells with a
difference significant at the 95% or 99% confidence level are
designated by ([dagger]) and ([dagger][dagger]), respectively.
Coefficients on placental abruption, anemia, hypertension, and "any
complication" have been compared to coefficients on diabetes within
cohorts. Cells with a difference significant at the 90%, 95%, or 99%
confidence level are designated by a, b, and c, respectively. Each
cell in the table comes from a separate regression. In addition to
Medicaid eligibility, our models include state-level welfare
caseloads and unemployment rates; a full set of state and year
dummies; mother's age and age squared; and infant gender. Sample
size varies by cohort and is reported in Table 2. PNC stands for
prenatal care.
* Denotes statistical significance at the 90% confidence level.
** Denotes statistical significance at the 95% confidence level.
*** Denotes statistical significance at the 99% confidence level.
Table 7. Any Complication Coefficients from a Linear
Probability Model; 1989-1996
Blacks
Treatment Treatment
Group #1 Group #2
(less than (less than
high school, high school,
married) single)
Medicaid -0.009 * -0.006
eligibility (-1.87) (-1.30)
Welfare -0.000 -0.002
caseload (-0.12) (-0.86)
Unemployment 0.000 0.000
rate (0.02) (-0.11)
Age -0.009 *** -0.006 ***
(-8.30) (-9.68)
Age squared 0.000 *** 0.000 ***
(8.44) (9.31)
Parity 0.001 0.001
(1.57) (-1.57)
Male infant -0.002 -0.002 ***
(-1.29) (-3.46)
Blacks
Treatment
Group #3 Treatment
(high school Group #4
completed, (some college,
single) single)
Medicaid -0.004 -0.004
eligibility (-1.25) (-0.94)
Welfare -0.003 -0.004 *
caseload (-1.23) (-1.81)
Unemployment 0.000 0.001
rate (-0.31) (0.89)
Age -0.007 *** -0.003 ***
(-14.24) (-4.68)
Age squared 0.000 *** 0.000 ***
(14.51) (5.50)
Parity -0.002 *** -0.003 ***
(-5.58) (-6.80)
Male infant -0.001 *** -0.002 ***
(-2.82) (-3.15)
Blacks Whites
Control
Group Treatment
(college Group #1
completed, (less than high
married) school, married)
Medicaid -0.002 -0.005 ***
eligibility (-0.42) (-3.27)
Welfare -0.003 0.002 **
caseload (-1.25) (2.22)
Unemployment 0.001 -0.000
rate (-0.64) (-0.13)
Age -0.009 *** -0.007 ***
(-7.57) (-16.03)
Age squared 0.000 *** 0.000 ***
(8.39) (17.64)
Parity -0.007 *** -0.004 ***
(-11.87) (-19.27)
Male infant -0.002 *** 0.002 ***
(-2.66) (-3.83)
Whites
Treatment
Treatment Group #3
Group #2 (high school
(less than high completed,
school, single) single)
Medicaid -0.005 ** -0.002
eligibility (-2.19) (-1.25)
Welfare -0.001 0.001
caseload (-0.79) (-1.63)
Unemployment 0.000 0.000
rate (-0.74) (-0.44)
Age -0.007 *** -0.007 ***
(-11.53) (-15.07)
Age squared 0.000 *** 0.000 ***
(12.37) (16.05)
Parity -0.003 *** -0.007 ***
(-11.07) (-23.70)
Male infant 0.002 *** 0.003 ***
(-3.87) (-7.05)
Whites
Treatment Control
Group #4 Group (college
(some college, completed,
single) married)
Medicaid -0.002 0.000
eligibility (-0.76) (0.29)
Welfare 0.003 *** 0.000
caseload (-2.88) (-0.61)
Unemployment -0.001 -0.000
rate (-1.19) (-0.11)
Age -0.005 *** -0.012 ***
(-9.65) (-18.80)
Age squared 0.000 *** 0.000 ***
(10.77) (19.68)
Parity -0.007 *** -0.011 ***
(-15.94) (35.49)
Male infant 0.002 ** 0.001 **
(-2.43) (-2.13)
Standard errors have been adjusted for clustering at the
state/year level. t-statistics are given in parentheses.
Sample size varies by cohort and is reported in Table 2.
* Denotes statistical significance at the 90% confidence level.
** Denotes statistical significance at the 95% confidence level.
*** Denotes statistical significance at the 99% confidence level.