Absence of envy does not imply fairness.
Holcombe, Randall G.
I. Introduction
Berliant, Thompson, and Dunz [4, 202] accurately state, "There
now exists in economics a well-developed literature devoted to the
formulation and the analysis of equity concepts. The concept that has
played the central role is that of an envy-free allocation, that is, an
allocation such that nobody prefers what someone else receives to what
he receives." The idea that envy-free divisions are fair has been
promoted by many authors [1; 3; 8; 14] in addition to Berliant,
Thompson, and Dunz. This concept has a long history, but is still
current.(1) Even if this definition of envy is accepted, the equation of
lack of envy to fairness is fundamentally flawed because it judges the
fairness of the outcome without considering the procedure that produced
the outcome. Fair outcomes are outcomes that are produced by fair
procedures, and envy-free outcomes may not be fair, if they are produced
by unfair procedures.
A number of factors can lead to envy-free outcomes that are not fair.
Most obviously, by some measure of merit (such as working harder), some
people may deserve more than others, which would mean that fair
allocations are not envy-free, and envy-free allocations are not fair.
Furthermore, the literature on the subject shows that when the economy
includes production as well as distribution, the concept of an envy-free
outcome is not so clearly defined [12; 15]. At first it might seem that
these are complications that obscure the fairness of envy-free
divisions, and that in the absence of overruling factors, envy-free
distributions would be fair. In order to avoid these problems initially,
the next section considers an example of an unfair envy-free outcome in
a purely distributional setting without production, and where no
participant is any more deserving than any other. The problem is simply
one of fair division.
II. An Example
Consider the simplest case of a more general problem of fair division
discussed by Brams and Taylor [6]. Two people must divide a bundle of
two goods between them. The Brams and Taylor solution is for one of them
to divide the bundle in two, and then allow the other to choose which of
the two bundles he would rather have.(2) The solution is envy-free
because the chooser gets the bundle he most prefers, and the divider has
an incentive to divide the bundles so that she is not left with a bundle
she prefers less than the one the chooser takes. The conventional
wisdom, typified by the quotation that opened the paper, is that because
the result is envy-free, it is fair. A simple example can show that it
is not.
Consider two individuals, Caruso and Tuesday, dividing two goods,
bananas and coconuts. Assume that the individuals know each other so
well that they know exactly each other's utility functions. Playing
this game of division, Tuesday divides the bananas and coconuts into two
bundles and Caruso chooses the bundle he most prefers. The process is
depicted in the Edgeworth box diagram in Figure 1. Tuesday could simply
put half the bananas and half the coconuts in each pile, placing them at
point M, but there is another strategy she can follow that can make her
better off. Knowing Caruso's utility function, she knows that he
loves coconuts, whereas Tuesday relatively prefers bananas. Thus,
Tuesday divides the bundles so that one has more coconuts and the other
more bananas, like point A, such that Caruso is on the same indifference
curve as he would have been had the goods been divided equally. At point
A, Tuesday is better off than an equal division.
If Caruso were to choose the bundle Tuesday intended for herself,
that would place them at the other side of the Edgeworth box, at point
B. Point B is found by extending a straight line from point A through
point M such that the line segments AM and MB are equal in length. Thus,
given Tuesday's division, Caruso's choice is point A or point
B, and getting more utility at point A, Caruso chooses A.
If Caruso were the divider and Tuesday the chooser, he could follow a
similar strategy, giving Tuesday the choice between C and D. By the same
logic Tuesday will choose C. These are not necessarily the best
strategies for the divider, but they do illustrate that this division
procedure systematically favors the divider over the chooser.(3) If a
procedure systematically favors one participant over another, then it
could not be considered fair, in the way that the term fair is normally
used, even though it is envy-free.
III. Is This Procedure Fair?
If fairness is defined as the absence of envy, then by definition the
procedure would be fair, even though one participant is systematically
favored over the other. This reinforces the point that the absence of
envy is not an appropriate definition for fairness. As Rawls [13] uses
the term fair, it would be hard to imagine that from behind a veil of
ignorance individuals would agree to a procedure that would
systematically benefit some over others after the veil was lifted.
Indeed, it was just this type of systematic advantage that the veil of
ignorance construct was intended to eliminate.(4)
Luce and Raiffa [10] discuss this game of fair division and note what
they call the divider's advantage. They advocate selecting the
divider by some unbiased procedure, such as a flip of a coin, in order
to analyze the properties of this method of division further. Similarly,
Crawford [7, 238] shows that an individual is at least as well off being
the divider as the chooser, yet concludes [7, 245] that this is a
process of fair division, without further addressing the divider's
advantage. Holcombe [9, 1155] also remarks on the divider's
advantage, yet the correspondence between fair outcomes and envy-free
outcomes has continued to be accepted in the literature, perhaps because
in none of these cases was the issue directly addressed.
The divider-chooser method of "fair" division focuses
directly on this issue. There is no production, and no participant is
any more deserving than any other participant. The outcome is envy-free.
Yet one participant is systematically favored over the other. Is this
fair? The division of heterogeneous bundles of land is often used to
illustrate this method of division. Assume that two brothers inherit a
tract of heterogeneous land that is to be divided between them. The land
contains some very developable land near a main road and a secluded area
with a nice fishing pond somewhere else on the tract. One brother has
expressed an interest in developing the property near the road, while
the other more contemplative brother loves to fish at the secluded pond.
If the contemplative brother were the divider, he would place more land
in the parcel with the pond, confident that his brother would pick the
land that could be readily developed, whereas if the other brother were
the divider, he would place more land in the parcel near the road,
confident that the contemplative brother would prefer to retain
ownership of the secluded lake. Would this method of division really be
considered fair when we know in advance that it is biased to favor one
of the participants over the other?
The right to be the divider could be arbitrarily determined, perhaps
by the flip of a coin as Luce and Raiffa [10] have suggested. But one
would be hard-pressed to think of even this as fair because one brother
would benefit relative to the other based on an arbitrary event. In
order to analyze this more completely, one must separate the fairness of
the coin toss from the fairness of the divider's advantage that is
assigned by the coin toss. Then one can see that an unbiased event - the
coin toss - determines which player is advantaged relative to the other.
It is the coin toss that is unbiased, and presumably fair, but the
divider-chooser algorithm still favors one participant over the other.
If one simply wants to assign an advantage in an unbiased way, then the
brothers could flip a coin and give all of the property to the winner,
leaving the other with nothing.(5) Before the coin toss, neither brother
has an advantage over the other, so the expected outcome is the same
either way.
Nobody in the literature has suggested that a fair way to divide an
estate between two individuals is to give the entire estate to one of
them based on a random event such as a coin toss. Why would this not be
fair? One reason might be that if the individuals are risk-averse, ex
ante they would both prefer a method of division that would produce a
lower variance. But if one would not want to use the flip of a coin to
assign all of the property to one of the individuals, then the same
objections should apply to using a coin toss to assign the
divider's advantage to one of the individuals. The divider-chooser
method produces an outcome that is envy-free, unlike giving all of the
property to one individual, but it is still unfair because it is biased
in favor of one of the participants.
Baumol [2, 1161] has referred to this as a philosophical and
linguistic issue, and he is undoubtedly right. For most of history,
people accepted their inherited stations in life as fair, even though
they were not envy-free as the contemporary literature defines it. It is
equally reasonable to accept envy-free outcomes as fair, even though
some people are systematically favored over others. When confronted with
an example like that illustrated in Figure 1, however, perhaps some who
were willing to accept without question that envy-free allocations are
fair will question whether they would be willing to defend that
proposition in every one of its potential real-world applications.
Certainly envy-free allocations can be fair, but the divider's
advantage in the above example illustrates that envy-free allocations
are not necessarily fair. If this is true, then freedom from envy cannot
be the criterion for determining fairness.
IV. What Is the Problem with That Definition?
If one is willing to question whether freedom from envy implies
fairness, then it is worth analyzing why that is not a good definition
of fairness. The example above helps illustrate the problem. In most
cases, envy-free allocations are likely to be fair, unless some
individuals deserve more than others. But in some cases, like the one
above, an envy-free allocation can be generated that treats some people
(the choosers) unfairly. The reason is that the process that generated
the outcome was unfair. In most real-world distributional issues, the
concept of fairness will be obscured if one tries to judge fairness only
by looking at the outcome, without examining the process that leads to
the outcome.
Assume that one watches a football game in which the outcome is 48-7.
Was the game fair? One would naturally be inclined to look beyond the
score to see if the officiating was fair, if both teams wanted to play
the game, and so forth before passing judgment. Is the distribution of
income fair? Is the burden of taxes fairly distributed? Are the prices
of goods and services fairly determined? Again, one cannot judge the
fairness of the outcome without judging the fairness of the process.
This principle is illustrated by showing that envy-free outcomes are not
necessarily fair.
The idea that fair outcomes are the result of fair processes has been
discussed before. Rawls [13] developed his well-known device of the veil
of ignorance to represent a fair procedure. Rawls goes further, to
suggest some fair outcomes, such as the maximin rule (which would
maximize the well-being of the least well-off individual), that he
believes would be the result of fair procedures. Nozick [11] is critical
of Rawls on this count, and develops a pure procedural theory of
justice, where the fairness of the outcome is strictly judged by the
fairness of the procedure. Rawls and Nozick consider more complex
environments where individuals differ in their productive abilities, and
where merit can play a role in the fairness of outcomes. The
divider-chooser example discussed above shows that even in a very simple
purely distributional environment where there is no production and
nobody deserves any more than anyone else, the fairness of an outcome
still cannot be judged without looking at the procedure that produced
the outcome. This is especially relevant to an ongoing literature that
uses the characteristic of freedom from envy as a criterion for
determining whether an outcome is fair.
The problem with using freedom from envy as a criterion for fairness
is that the criterion examines only the outcome of the process rather
than the process itself. Any equity criterion that proposes to look only
at an outcome will suffer the same flaw. One cannot judge the equity of
an income distribution by looking at a Gini coefficient or a Lorenz
curve, for example, because those measures of income inequality look
only at the outcome, without considering the process that produced the
outcome.(6) Similarly, one cannot judge the fairness of prices without
considering the process that created those prices.(7) Fair outcomes are
the result of fair processes.(8)
V. Conclusion
The processes that produce prices or income distributions are complex
and involve aspects of luck, hard work, and differing initial
endowments, among other factors, and one might be tempted to conclude
that these complicating factors obscure the merits of using freedom from
envy as an equity criterion. For that reason, the study of the
divider-chooser game examined above is especially illuminating. In the
divider-chooser game nobody deserves more than anybody else, and nobody
produces anything, so merit and effort - important factors in most
real-world distributional issues - are irrelevant. Still, in a purely
distributional context, the distributional process can be unfair, as in
the divider-chooser game, leading to an envy-free but unfair outcome.
As the quotation at the beginning of this paper states, there is a
well-developed literature on equity concepts that uses freedom from envy
as its criterion for fairness. However, freedom from envy is neither
necessary nor sufficient for fairness. It is not necessary because in
many circumstances some people deserve more than others. The
divider-chooser game shows that it is not sufficient for fairness even
when merit is not an issue. The absence of envy does not imply fairness.
Randall G. Holcombe Florida State University Tallahassee, Florida
The author gratefully acknowledges helpful comments from Bruce
Benson, Steven Brams, Steven Caudill, Barry Hirsch, David Macpherson,
David Rasmussen, Kevin Reffett, Tim Sass, Russell Sobel, and an
anonymous reviewer of this Journal.
1. Steinhaus [14] refers to an envy-free solution to a fair division
problem that is centuries old, and Baumol [3] gives some additional
history to the idea. The history of problems of fair division that build
on the concept of freedom from envy is covered well by Brams and Taylor
[6].
2. This solution was not devised by Brams and Taylor, but has a long
history. This divider-chooser method is exactly the one analyzed by many
others [7; 10; 14]. Brams and Taylor [6] place this problem in a more
complete context, both by illustrating its shortcomings and by analyzing
other methods of fair division.
3. By looking at the diagram, one can see that it would be possible
for the divider to choose points A and B such that the chooser would be
worse off at either point than if the two goods were equally divided.
That is really beside the point, however. The important thing is that
the procedure systematically favors one of the participants (the
divider) over the other (the chooser).
4. This reference to Rawls only refers to his procedure of obtaining
agreement from behind a veil of ignorance, and not to the outcomes, such
as the maximin criterion, that Rawls conjectured would be agreed to from
behind the veil of ignorance. The distinction between procedures and
outcomes in Rawls is discussed further below.
5. Giving all of the property to one party easily solves another
problem dealt with in this literature. Ideally, economists would like
the division to be Pareto optimal in addition to fair, and giving all
the property to one party is Pareto optimal. In many circumstances, such
as dividing up property among heirs, a fair outcome is probably more
important than a Pareto optimal outcome because after a fair division
participants can trade to make the outcome Pareto optimal.
6. Certainly one would be justified in looking at Gini coefficients
and Lorenz curves as suggestions that the process that produced the
income distribution might not be fair, but looking at those outcome
measures alone would not be sufficient to judge the fairness of the
distribution of income.
7. Baumol [2] applies the criterion of freedom from envy to evaluate
the fairness of prices and rationing schemes.
8. In order to concentrate on the problem with freedom from envy as a
definition of fairness, this paper suggests no alternatives other than
the general one of selecting a process that all participants agree is
fair. Brams and Taylor [6] discuss a number of interesting alternatives
in problems of fair division that are not biased toward one participant,
and extend their discussion to problems involving division among more
than two individuals.
References
1. Baumol, William J., "Applied Fairness Theory and Rationing
Policy." American Economic Review, September 1982, 639-51.
2. -----, "Applied Fairness Theory: Reply." American
Economic Review, December 1983, 1161-62.
3. -----. Superfairness: Applications and Theory. Cambridge, Mass.:
MIT Press, 1986.
4. Berliant, Marcus, William Thompson, and Karl Dunz, "On the
Fair Division of a Heterogeneous Commodity." Journal of
Mathematical Economics, 1992, 201-206.
5. Brams, Steven J., and Alan D. Taylor, "An Envy-Free Cake
Division Protocol." The American Mathematical Monthly, January
1995, 9-18.
6. -----, and -----. Fair Division: From Cake Cutting to Dispute
Resolution. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.
7. Crawford, Vincent P., "A Game of Fair Division." Review
of Economic Studies, June 1977, 235-47.
8. Foley, Duncan K., "Resource Allocation and the Public
Sector." Yale Economic Essays, Spring 1967, 45-98.
9. Holcombe, Randall G., "Applied Fairness Theory:
Comment." American Economic Review, December 1983, 1153-56.
10. Luce, R. Duncan, and Howard Raiffa. Games and Decisions: An
Introduction and Critical Survey. New York: John Wiley & Sons, 1957.
11. Nozick, Robert. Anarchy, State, and Utopia. New York: Basic
Books, 1974.
12. Pazner, Elisha A., and David Schmeider, "A Difficulty in the
Concept of Fairness." Review of Economic Studies, July 1974,
441-43.
13. Rawls, John. A Theory of Justice. Cambridge, Mass.: Belknap,
1971.
14. Steinhaus, Hugo, "The Problem of Fair Division."
Econometrica, January 1948, 101-104.
15. Varian, Hal R., "Equity, Envy, and Efficiency." Journal
of Economic Theory, September 1974, 63-91.