Small Differences that Matter: Labor Markets and Income Maintenance in Canada and the United States.
Marcis, John G.
The United States and Canada are as similar economically,
demographically and socially as any two countries in the world. Because
of these similarities, a program that works in one country is likely to
work in the other. Consequently, public policy debates within the U.S.
and Canada often refer to the experiences of the other country to either
support or oppose specific policy initiatives. The two countries,
however, chose different strategies for coping with the economic
problems of the 1980s. The U.S. chose a market-driven strategy while
Canada pursued a more activist social strategy.
The seven papers in this volume are research contributions from a
comparative project on the United States and Canada organized by the
National Bureau of Economic Research and supported by the William H.
Donner Foundation of New York. The papers follow a similar methodology
in that they each use detailed microdata on thousands of individuals in
Canada (Statistics Canada data) and/or the U.S. (Bureau of the Census data). The seven chapters were written independently and can be read
independently.
The editors, David Card and Richard B. Freeman, provide a solid
foundation for the papers with an "Introduction" that
emphasizes the theme that although major similarities between the United
States and Canada exist, "small differences" in labor policies
and labor institutions significantly influenced income inequality and
labor market experiences during the 1980s. The editors attribute this
finding to two phenomena. First, individuals and institutions respond in
economically significant ways to incentives. For example, subtle
differences in national immigration policies have resulted in
differences in the skill levels of those who self-select to migrate.
Second, there appears to be an "interaction" effect between
specific small differences so that the sum of the small differences is
greater than the individual small differences taken separately. For
example, differing trends in female labor force participation rates
between the two countries and differing trends in union membership rates
between the two countries contributed to the divergence in earnings
inequality between the U.S. and Canada.
Three papers begin with differences in specific policies and examine
how they have generated different economic outcomes. George J. Borjas (Chapter 1) examines and compares immigration policies of the United
States and Canada. Prior to the early 1960s, both countries used a
national-origin quota system to allocate the scarce number of visas
among the many applicants (preferring persons originating in
northwestern European countries). During the 1960s, both countries
enacted major changes in immigration policy. The U.S. began to award
entry permits on the basis of the applicant's family ties with
American residents, while Canada began to allocate visas on the basis of
the applicant's observable socioeconomic characteristics and
specific skills. Borjas's research indicates that the Canadian
approach produces a more skilled flow of immigrants than the United
States' family-unification approach because it is structured to
favor immigrants from the industrialized European countries.
Unemployment rose more in Canada than in the United States during the
1980s. Daniel Card and W. Craig Riddell (Chapter 5) investigate whether
the relatively more generous unemployment insurance system in Canada led
to higher reported unemployment in Canada. Their empirical analysis
suggests that approximately 75 percent of the difference in unemployment
rates between the two countries in the 1980s is attributable to the
manner in which nonwork time is classified. In the U.S., unemployment
insurance eligibility requires 20 weeks of employment in most states.
The Canadian unemployment insurance system allows individuals with 10-12
weeks of employment to qualify. Hence, individuals who are not working
in Canada are more likely to be classified as unemployed. Card and
Riddell report that Canadian workers have increasingly tailored their
labor supply behavior to changes in the Canadian unemployment insurance
system. This effect is more pronounced for males than for females.
Rebecca M. Blank and Maria J. Hanratty (Chapter 6) report on the
income maintenance (transfer) programs in the United States and Canada.
Canada has a tradition of non-means-tested transfer programs. The
Canadian system offers both higher benefit levels and broader
eligibility than the U.S. system. Consequently, the Canadian system
offers greater protection against poverty. Blank and Hanratty conduct an
interesting simulation exercise whereby Canada's transfer system is
applied to the U.S. (that is, Americans receive the transfers they would
be entitled to under Canadian rules and benefits, all other things
remaining the same). The authors find in the simulation exercise that
the Canadian transfer system would essentially eliminate poverty among
children in the U.S.
Three papers begin with differences in outcomes and relate those
differences to policies, economic shocks and the operation of the labor
market. Previous studies found educational earnings differentials in the
United States widened greatly during the 1980s. Richard B. Freeman and
Karen Needles (Chapter 2) examine such differentials for Canada during
this decade. The authors found that educational earnings differentials
increased less in Canada than in the U.S. Freeman and Needles contend
that the major reason for this finding is that the proportion of college
graduates in the work force experienced a greater relative growth in
Canada than in the U.S. Another interesting finding in this study was
that the gender pay differences narrowed in Canada during the 1980s.
Thomas Lemieux (Chapter 3) investigates the effects of unionization
on wage inequality in Canada and the United States. Canadian workers
were twice as likely to be covered by a collective bargaining agreement in the 1980s as were American workers. Over the same period, wages were
more evenly distributed in Canada than in the U.S. Lemieux finds that
unions in Canada are similar to those in the U.S. in that they have
similar relative wage effects and that private sector unionization rates
are highest for workers in the middle of the skill distribution.
Differences in the pattern and extent of unionism in Canada and in the
U.S. account for approximately 40 percent of the difference in wage
inequality of men between the two countries. Less significant results
are reported for women.
Between 1920 and 1960 union growth in Canada paralleled that of the
United States. Since 1960, however, the two paths have diverged and
union membership in Canada now is twice that in the U.S. The purpose of
the study by W. Craig Riddell (Chapter 4) is to investigate the
difference in union membership between the two countries. Although this
study investigates many individual hypotheses concerning differential
union growth rates, Riddell concludes that much of the difference can be
attributed to intercountry differences in the legal environment of
unions and to differences in overt management opposition to unions.
The final study in this collection is by McKinley L. Blackburn and
David E. Bloom (Chapter 7). This study investigates several general
themes concerning earnings inequality during the 1980s. Blackburn and
Bloom find that the rate of growth in average family income was higher
in the United States than in Canada and that income inequality among
families increased in the U.S. while there was no change in inequality
in Canada. Although the authors discuss the changing structure of
families as a relatively minor factor leading to differences in family
income inequality, they attribute most of the difference to the
differential rate of growth of transfer income.
Each study was well-documented and informative. Most of the studies
emphasize the role of economic incentives in altering human behavior.
The book would be useful reading for policy analysts and for labor
economists.
John G. Marcis Francis Marion University