Ludwing H. Mai: a personal memoir.
Ekelund, Robert B., Jr.
Ludwig H. Mai (March 27, 1898-April 1, 1982) was, like most of us,
an amalgam of intellectual influences. Most certainly he was partly an
Austrian "fellow traveler"--one who had deep respect for Carl
Menger and Eugen von Bohm-Bawerk as well as for his professor and
anti-statist Franz Oppenheimer (who was also an indirect influence on
Murray Rothbard). That Mai "added on" ideas learned from such
individuals as Wilhelm Ropke, and former Chancellor of West Germany Ludwig Erhard, his great friend and classmate, did not detract from a
basic "Austro-German" orientation in his thought. But I get
ahead of myself.
A number of universities were under consideration before I decided
(fairly capriciously on the basis of friends' choices) in the
summer of 1958 to attend St. Mary's University in San Antonio,
Texas. I knew no one at the University, but my father did. Many Swedes
have ties to the shipping industry and my father was no exception. He
was the CEO of an ocean freight forwarding business with offices in
Texas and throughout the Gulf Coast. He also happened to be President of
the Texas Ocean Freight Forwarders Association in the mid-1950s. At a
meeting of that group he met and became friends with the main speaker,
Dr. Ludwig Mai, then at St. Mary's. Despite my father's offer
of a "letter of introduction" to Mai, I ill-advisedly pursued
a pre-medical curriculum. When finally worn down by organic chemistry
and sobered up (slightly) from fraternity high-jinks, I took my
dad's offer seriously, met Dr. Mai, took his sage advice to become
an economist, earning a bachelor's and masters' degree in the
subject in 1962 and 1963. No mentor ever took his job more seriously. I
love and practice economics to this day thanks to the launch I received
from him.
Ludwig Hupert Mai, born in the last years of the 19th century in
Mannheim, Germany, had an interesting and intriguing life before
settling in San Antonio, Texas. Educated in Mannheim and Heidelberg (the
baccalaureate), Mai went on to study under the German-Jewish sociologist
and political economist Franz Oppenheimer (1864-1943) at Johann Wolfgang
Goethe University in Frankfurt am Main. In a day when most European
universities did not often separate the study of economics from law,
sociology and social science generally, Oppenheimer emphasized both
socio-politics and economic analysis. Most critically, Oppenheimer
expressed human want satisfaction as the aim of political economy in
ever-present environment of scarcity, all alloyed with a Ricardian
flavor. Reflecting the latter's view of the source of value,
Oppenheimer distinguished between an "economic means" of
satisfying wants by, in effect, exchanging one's labor for
another's in acquiring satisfaction and a "political
means"--which was the expropriation of the labor of others by the
state. Thus, while still in a classical mode, Oppenheimer distinguished
between an exchange economy through market forces and the necessarily
corrupting re-distributions enacted though the force of the state. This
particular teaching, not without acknowledging some necessary roles for
the state, became the foundation for the teachings and philosophy of
Oppenheimer's students in his circle at Frankfurt, including Ludwig
Mai and his classmate Ludwig Erhard. To these thinkers, with the
exception of some kind of a humane and minimum social safety net
established in either private or public manner, the state was a
parasite. (1) Mai and Erhard earned their doctorates under this carapace of ideas (in 1924 and 1925, respectively).
Both Ludwigs brought these ideas to fruition in their lives and
careers though in disparate ways. As many know, Erhard became Chancellor
of West Germany between 1963 and 1966, after years of leading the
economic reform in West Germany after World War II, when he abolished
(as Konrad Adenauer's Economics Minister) postwar price and
production controls. As Chancellor and member of the Mont Pelerin
Society, Erhard supported a market economy and free international trade
with minimal doses of state welfare provision. Ludwig Mai took a
different route but remained an economist as well. He undoubtedly
attracted attention with a book entitled Industrial Location: Its
Problems and History, published in 1923. After earning a Ph.D., Mai
married, fathered children, and became an economist specializing in
foreign trade for the I. G. Farben Company based in Frankfurt. The
Farben company was actually a cartel-conglomerate (one which included
the still-existing Bayer Company) and was a world leader in producing
industrial dyes, pesticides, chemicals, petrochemicals, pharmaceuticals
and myriad other products. It was once the fourth largest corporation in
the world, with markets and alliances in Russia, the United States,
South America and in China, where the company conducted business under
the name DEFAG. Farben made good use of Mai's talents and
dispatched him to China, where he acted as a business and development
economist for the company in China. Associated with this work were a
number of publications, including Industrial Developments in Manchuria
(Peian, 1941). Mai rose to the position of national manager of Chinese
operations for DEFAG and was scheduled to become manager of the entire
firm. He would not return to Germany to do so, however, due to his
rejection of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party. Instead, he became an
economics professor in Shanghai. Soon political events again overtook
Mai's work as Mao Zedong and communism conquered China with the
creation of the People's Republic. Mai left China forever,
immigrated to the United States to teach at St. Mary's University
in San Antonio, Texas in 1950, and remained there until his death in
1982.
Economics was a small department, then in the School of Business at
St. Mary's, and it was left to Ludwig Mai to teach many courses in
the curricula at both undergraduate and graduate levels. Mai taught
history of economic thought, microeconomics, economic development,
international trade, a course with the old fashioned title of
"value and distribution," and what he called "social
economics." I enrolled in all of these courses. History of economic
thought was Mai's favorite course at both the undergraduate and
graduate levels, a passion which I have always shared. In fact, he later
constructed a surprisingly complete manual of "briefs" on
economists from all nations called Men and Ideas in Economics: A
Dictionary of World Economists Past and Present (Littlefield, 1975)
which is still an extremely useful reference.
This accounting suggests, correctly, that Mai was a man of broad
practical experience who consistently emphasized the efficacy of markets
in all of his teaching, modified by a "social economic"
perspective particularly as espoused by Wilhelm Ropke. Ropke, who was
partly influenced by Ludwig von Mises but with a Christian orientation,
was starkly anti-centrist and advocated an unfettered market, so long as
human rights were protected and government-sponsored monopoly was
prohibited. (Mai was also vehemently anti-monopoly and anti-cartel, a
position I remember thinking strange from a former manager and possible
future director of the Farben Company). Mai's ideas were
promulgated in two important books: Approach to Economics (Littlefield,
1965) and On the Formation of Political Economy (Astra Center for Social
Science Studies, 1969), the latter which I read in draft form at the
time. Both books demonstrate a broad understanding of the currents of
economic thinking in both historical and then-contemporary times,
although it was Mai's tendency to bring the history of economic
thought to bear on everything. Mai had read Keynes, technical and
institutionalist literature, Austrian economics (both the older
economists and Ludwig von Mises) and, importantly, was quite aware of
the interconnectedness of developed economies and the impact of modern
technology. (2) His books reflect this stew of ideas, including the
"dehumanization" potential of technology and the necessity for
the market to contain a moral dimension. Mai was at base an
individualist of the Misesian stripe, tempered by a Christian moral
philosophy as espoused by Ropke. Consider his comments in Formation:
Man does not live by bread alone and economic reasoning which does
not take the complete man into account must lead to imperfect and
incomplete results and possibly to rude awakenings. Yes, scarcity
can be evaded only if demand is not inflated by artificial means
[e.g., government spending or "conspicuous consumption"], if
distribution of wealth and income assures the participation of all
in affluence, if wars and defense expenditures do not destroy or
reduce man's achievements, and if all involved have sufficient
sense of responsibility to take part in the production process ...
(p. 81)
Mai's prescience extended (in 1969!) to the possible inability
of human values and choices to survive a "computerized" or
directed economy. He noted that "through the whole development of
political economy man has been fighting for the rights of the
individual, and has opposed individual men and groups in dominating
power positions who tried to make men into serfs or slaves. Should this
fight be lost at a time of affluence, lost to man-made organizations and
machines, or to traitors who use their own expert-position to secure
supreme dictatorship of power?" (p. 82). The answer to Ludwig Mai
was to understand economics as both a positive and a normative endeavor.
In the latter, Mai always emphasized a Christian perspective while
extolling the role of entrepreneurship and market competition. (3) Big
government and big corporations, which received their power from
government, only contributed to reduced "growth" in the broad
sense of the social economy. (4) Institutions change, but the underlying
goals of human beings always contain a moral element. Economics may
become scientific in the sense that positive economics may predict
"what is" but analysts must also consider the moral
consequences of the market. (5) While short on explanations of just how
social justice could be achieved, Mai believed that economics as a
positive or mathematical science could never be considered totally apart
from it. (6)
Ludwig Mai's legacy, as with many scholars, consists of both
literary leavings (some of them mentioned above) and their students and
associates. An untold number of students came under Mai's
influence, many of them later entering university teaching positions and
positions in private industry. (7) Additionally, he was a founding
member of the Association for Social Economics (formerly the Catholic
Economic Association), a co-founder of the journal Forum for Social
Economics, and a co-founder (at St. Mary's) of the Institute of
International Relations (which survives today as the Institute for
Diplomacy, Strategic and International Studies). At St. Mary's he
served as Chair of the Economics Department, Dean of the Graduate School
and as an editor and frequent contributor to the Review of Social
Economy. In 1983 the Ludwig Mai Service Award was instituted and is
being presented annually to those who render exceptional service to the
Association for Social Economics. In the end, however, it was his open
and ever-Germanic personality that marks his legacy. He loved and
cultivated students, often having them to his home for "informal
seminars" powered by plenty of German wine and Lone Star beer, and,
way into the night, he loved discussing economic policies in the United
States and abroad. In December 1963, less than a month after John
Kennedy's assassination, Lyndon Johnson called a "Bar-B-Que
summit" with then-Chancellor Erhard of West Germany at LBJ's
ranch in the school gymnasium in Stonewall, Texas. Johnson planned every
detail (Texan Van Cliburn performed in the gym) and asked Erhard who, in
America, he wanted to be invited to the event. Erhard had only one
request other than the usual diplomatic corps--to invite Ludwig Mai. Mai
arrived at the fete via helicopter sent by LBJ, and never forgot the
wonderful reunion with his dear and famous old friend. Through different
routes, both had pursued and promulgated market solutions to achieve a
market oriented but humane economy. For Mai, Austrian economics was a
clear ingredient for analyzing and achieving such goals. I and the
battalion of his friends and former students will never forget him or
his profound influence on their careers and ideas.
(1) Oppenheimer's thesis was adopted by anarchist social
critic Albert Jay Nock (1870-1945) who, according to Hans-Hermann Hoppe
(in Anarcho-Capitalism: An Annotated Bibliography), was a formative
influence on Murray Rothbard.
(2) I clearly recall Mai's emphasis on the subjective value
theories of Menger and (especially) Bohm-Bawerk in his "value and
distribution" class. His students were taught that equilibrium was
merely a logical construct, not to be observed in the "real
world" and that valuation was a recursive process, all of this
coming directly from Austrian economics.
(3) How "social justice" might be addressed was always an
issue in Mai's classes. Ayn Rand's view of competitive and
market outcomes was rejected by Mai (and Ropke) but he did believe that
private charity played a big role in a "just" but market
oriented society. Private charity, however, could not cover all
requirements, for it was uneven in its application (J. S. Mill's
view) and Mai (and Ropke) definitely did not rule out a role for
government in these areas.
(4) For example, a government restriction that redistributed income
away from consumers (such as a tariff or tax) would not increase
welfare-adjusted GDP despite possibly increasing nominal GDP.
(5) Even at this late date I am struck by Mai's prescience
against the concept of computerized knowledge wielded by government or
any malevolent force. More than four decades ago, he spoke of the
"dictatorship of the machine," noting that "Today people
speak of the third or the fourth generation computer though only a few
decades have passed since the conception of the binary calculator or the
analog system. Where may the next decades lead us to in the development
of computer hardware? Is it conceivable that in the ages to come the
machine will be developed to duplicate not only man's deductive but
also his intuitive reasoning powers? Is it conceivable that the
'black box' will, through use of a total data bank have access
to the sum total of man's knowledge and through appropriate input
devices be in a position to procure its own new data as required? Is it
not within possibility that robots will come of age?" (Formation,
p. 82). Mai would plainly see the government's current use of
technology to monitor citizens as antithetical to human values.
(6) This view certainly explains his love (and assignment to his
students) of Ropke and his affinity for the writings of Heinrich Pesch
(1854-1926), a Jesuit priesteconomist who wrote of social justice in
works such as (the untranslated) Liberalismus, Sozialismus und
Christliche Gesellschaftsordnung (1896-1899) and of whom Mai often
spoke.
(7) His influence on others was profound and not confined to
academics. As recently as 2006 Walter Fritz, a friend of Mai's from
China in the 1940s, acknowledged his influence on Fritz's work on
artificial intelligence, who dedicated a book on this subject to him.
(See Fritz, Intelligent Systems and Their Societies, New Horizons Press,
2006).
Robert B. Ekelund, Jr. (bobekelund@prodigy.net) is Eminent Scholar
in Economics (emeritus) at Auburn University. He is grateful to Mark
Thornton, to Joseph Salerno, to Dr. H. Palmer Hall, director of the St.
Mary's University Library and to Dr. Martha Starr of American
University and an editor of the Review of Social Economy for assistance
with this biography.