The UK graduate labour market: introduction.
Mason, Geoff
The remarkable growth in annual university graduate output in the
UK within the space of a few years in the early 1990s has provided a
rich field of study for labour market and higher education (HE)
researchers. Indeed, in many ways this phenomenon came as close to
providing a 'natural experiment' as social scientists are ever
likely to get, enabling them to address questions such as: What are the
effects of a rapid transition from elite HE to mass HE on labour market
outcomes for graduates? In what ways, if any, do employers respond to
rapid expansion of the supply of graduate jobseekers? What effects, if
any, does the greater availability of highly-qualified people have on
job performance and labour productivity in British workplaces?
Research findings on these and related questions attract widespread
interest from newsmedia and policymakers, and this is hardly surprising
given the substantial public resources invested in HE and the intensity
of policy debates surrounding HE funding, organisation and
participation. In this issue of NIER we are pleased to publish four
articles which make important contributions to these debates.
The first article by Peter Elias and Kate Purcell presents new
evidence on the extent to which graduates in the 1990s were unable to
find employment that made use of the skills and knowledge they had
acquired during their university studies. Numerous previous studies have
suggested that a sizeable proportion of new graduates--roughly one in
three--may be 'overeducated' or 'underutilised' in
some way. Most of these studies were based on graduates' labour
market experiences within six months of graduation. By contrast, Elias
and Purcell's work is based on longitudinal surveys which track the
career histories of 1992 and 1995 graduates over a seven-year period
since graduation.
For the cohorts studied, they find that the proportion of graduates
working in non-graduate jobs declined steadily over a five-year period
from 33-35 per cent shortly after graduation to about 13 per cent. This
transition was much the same for 1995 graduates who entered the labour
market after the expansion of graduate output was well under way as it
was for 1992 graduates who entered the labour market near the beginning
of the supply-side expansion. Furthermore, the rate of growth of real
earnings over a period of six or seven years after graduation was found
to be much the same among 1995 graduates as it was for a national sample
of graduates who gained their first degrees in 1980, well before the
expansion in supply.
Significant proportions of graduates from the 1995 cohort were
working in new or 'niche' graduate occupations which required
use of skills developed during their university studies. This reflected
occupational restructuring, enhanced job descriptions and expanded roles
for technical and managerial specialists within many firms. The central
conclusion drawn by Elias and Purcell, therefore, is that the increased
supply of graduates in the UK has largely been matched by increased
employer demand for highly-qualified personnel.
The apparent absence of any upward trend in graduate overeducation
or underutilisation is striking and is consistent with other evidence
that the extent of mismatch between educational qualifications and job
requirements following the expansion of higher education is not greatly
different from that identified in an earlier pre-expansion cohort in the
first half of the 1980s (Dolton and Vignoles, 2000). However, further
research is needed into whether the stability of the average earnings
premium for recent graduates conceals a widening dispersion of graduate
salaries and career prospects around average outcomes. Other studies
have suggested that even an initial period of overeducation or
underurilisation for some graduates may have lingering negative effects
on their salary and career prospects (Green, McIntosh and Vignoles,
2002).
As well as seeking to increase the rate of HE participation in the
UK, the Government also aspires to widen participation to include larger
proportions of students from lower socio-economic groups. In the second
article presented here, Fernando Galindo-Rueda, Oscar
Marcenaro-Gutierrez and Anna Vignoles present new evidence on trends in
HE participation between 1994 and 2001, a period which spans the
introduction of upfront tuition fees.
Although the rate of participation by lower socio-economic groups
rose sharply over this period (from a very low base), the gap in
participation rates between children from poor neighbourhoods and those
from richer neighbourhoods widened still further. This trend began
before the introduction of tuition fees and appears to largely reflect
inequalities in educational opportunities and attainments at earlier
stages of education. These findings highlight the difficulties
confronting universities which are under pressure to meet government
targets for wider participation by lower socio-economic groups.
It might have been expected that the development of mass HE would
have a positive effect on the availability of suitably-qualified
teachers in secondary and primary education. However, in fact there is
considerable evidence of teacher recruitment difficulties and concerns
about teacher quality in specialist subjects such as maths and science,
In the third article, Peter Dolton and Tsung-Ping Chung examine one
potential source of these problems by comparing the earnings of
qualified teachers who choose to teach with the earnings of qualified
teachers who are employed in non-teaching occupations. This represents
an interesting departure from previous studies in this field which have
compared teachers' salaries against those of all other graduates in
non-teaching occupations.
Dolton and Chung's estimates of lifetime earnings for
teaching-qualified graduates suggest that, for male teachers in both
primary and secondary education, the 'rate of return on career
choice' progressively declined relative to teaching-qualified men
in alternative occupations in the period from 1975 to 2001. Indeed, this
rate of return has actually been negative for male teachers since the
mid-1990s. By contrast, female teachers' earnings remained
consistently above those of teaching-qualified women in alternative
occupations between 1975-2001. However, the estimated rate of return on
career choice for female teachers also steadily declined between 1975
and 2001 even though it remained positive throughout this period. These
findings, and especially those for male teachers, are clearly
disconcerting for policymakers seeking to attract high-quality graduates
into the teaching profession.
In the fourth article, Philip Stevens finds grounds for similar
concern about future recruitment of high-quality postgraduates to
academic teaching and research positions in Britain's universities.
He estimates that, at the age of 30, an academic earns only 72 per cent
of the average earnings enjoyed by graduates outside higher education.
By the age of 50 this differential has narrowed slightly to 86 per cent
but it is only towards the very end of working life that academics
achieve parity with non-academics. This disparity in favour of
non-academic lifetime earnings also occurs in the US. However, Stevens
finds that academics in the UK earn less at all ages than their US
counterparts, and particularly so at later stages of their working
lives. The implication for UK university recruiters is that poor
relative salary prospects for academics in the UK graduate labour market
may be compounded by salary incentives, at least for the highest-quality
staff, to depart for jobs in US universities.
REFERENCES
Dolton, P. and Vignoles. A. (2000), 'The incidence and effects
of over-education in the UK graduate labour marker', Economics of
Education Review, 19, pp. 179-98.
Green, F., McIntosh, S. and Vignoles, A. (2002), "The
utilisation of education and skills: evidence from Britain'.
Manchester School of Economic and Social Studies, 70, 6, pp. 792-811.
Geoff Mason, National Institute of Economic and Social Research.
e-mail: g.mason@niesr.ac.uk