Intermediate skills in the workplace: deployment, standards and supply in Britain, France and Germany.
Steedman, Hilary ; Mason, Geoff ; Wagner, Karin 等
INTERMEDIATE SKILLS IN THE WORKPLACE: DEPLOYMENT, STANDARDS AND
SUPPLY IN BRITAIN, FRANCE AND GERMANY (*)
[*] Financial support for this study was provided by the Economic and
Social Research Council, the Employment Department (formerly the
Training Agency) and the Scottish Council Development and Industry; they
are not responsible in any way for the views expressed in this article.
Introduction
This paper presents evidence on differences in the mix of skills
employed in manufacturing in Britain and two other European countries
and charts in particular the effects of national differences in the
supply of intermediate skills on the organisation of production.
Explanations for these differences in skill mix are sought by examining
the way in which intermediate skills training is provided and financed
in the three countries and the rewards accruing to individuals in the
form of skill-related wage differentials.
Previous studies of manufacturing industry carried out by the
National Institute (metalworking, woodworking and clothing production in
Britain and Germany) have found that in these sectors the typical
British firm tends to concentrate on the mass production of standardised
products while its German counterpart produces a highly differentiated
product range which allows the German firm to compete more effectively
in international markets. These differences have been held to arise in
part from firms adapting to different supplies of shopfloor skills, in
particular craft-level skills. (1)
However, craft-trained workers constitute only one part of a larger
group of trained middle-level employees in manufacturing who are
collectively important to its successful prosecution. This group we
designate as of |intermediate skill level': it is bounded at the
lower limit by the unskilled labourer and semi-skilled operator
(normally without lengthy formal training or certification in the
countries studied) and at the upper limit by university and polytechnic
graduates, normally engaged either in management or in high-level
research, design and development. A logical next step in our comparative
study of European manufacturing was to investigate, first, the way in
which the whole range of intermediate skills - in particular,
supervisory and technical skills - deployed both on and off the
shopfloor; secondly, national differences in the supplies of skills
available; and thirdly, the possible policy implications. At the same
time our comparisons were extended to a second European country, France,
which was expected to be of interest in terms of recent policy measures
designed to raise intermediate skill levels. (2)
Flows at intermediate skill level
Collectively, those at intermediate skill level are responsible for
the efficient day-to-day organisation, management and execution of
production including the provision of all the necessary technical
services required for its smooth running. In our cross-country studies
we identified three types of intermediate skill in production
distinguished by function - craft/execution, foreman/management,
technician/technical support. Table 1 shows that when flows are adjusted
for the size of the total labour force in each country, Britain produces
only a quarter as many skilled craft employees of execution as either
France or Germany. At higher technician level, both British and French
flows are substantially higher than in Germany. However, neither Britain
nor France engages in systematic training of foremen to the equivalent
of the Meister qualification in Germany. The skill mix available to
German employers is clearly more biased towards supervisory and
practical shopfloor skills than that available in either Britain or
France. [Tabular Data Omitted]
In Section 1 we investigate for the three countries chosen,
Britain, France and Germany, the way in which employees working at
intermediate skill level are deployed in production and identify
systematic differences which can be explained in terms of differing
supplies of trained and qualified individuals at intermediate skill
level. In Section 2 we examine the flows and standards reached in
supervisory and technician-level qualifications in the three countries
and in Section 3 we analyse ways in which the supply is ensured. Section
4 provides a summary and points to conclusions for policy in this area.
Methodology
The investigation reported here aims to cast light on these complex
issues with the help of (a) visits to manufacturing plants in the three
countries (approximately ten in each country) to examine the tasks on
which technicians, foremen and other skilled labour are employed; (b)
visits to colleges offering courses leading to higher technician
qualifications to compare standards in the three countries; (c)
additional analysis of Labour Force Survey data in the three countries
(German Mikrozensus, French Enquete-Emploi, British Labour Force Survey)
and (d) comparisons of relative earnings by occupational category in the
three countries.
Fieldwork was carried out in 1988-90. (3) Visits were made to
thirty manufacturing companies in the three countries, roughly two
thirds of them engaged in engineering (automotive components, small
pumps and motors) and one third in textile spinning (cotton, worsted
woollen mixtures and acrylic fibres). The former industry is based on
batch production and final assembly of components; the latter is based
on runs of variable length but is akin to |process plants' usually
working on continuous shifts in which massive banks of automated or
semi-automated machinery are fed and supervised by a limited number of
shopfloor personnel. The variation in organisation between the two
industries was intended to provide a firmer basis for analysing the
changing roles of both foremen and technicians in consequence of
technological developments.
The plants visited in each country were chosen to be as similar as
possible with respect to type of product and employment size. In view of
our limited resources it was not possible to aim at a sample which was
representative of plant-sizes in each of these industries; but the
process of matching products and keeping within a broad band of
employment sizes (mostly within the range of 100-900 employees) would,
we hoped, be sufficient to highlight any important differences between
the countries. In any case, 100 employees usually proved to be the
minimum size for gathering useful information about technician
employment. Firms below this size often employed only one or no
technicians and bought in technical services needed. Researchers - two
or more for each visit - collected data on the size of the total and
direct work-force, system of shopfloor supervision, vocational
qualifications and updating, provision of technical services and on
earnings. In addition, visits were made to the production area, and
discussions were held with foremen and technicians on the nature of
their responsibilities.
1. Deployment in the workplace
1.1 Changes in manufacturing technology and intermediate skills
Two important sets of developments have transformed manufacturing in
the three countries examined in the course of the last 30 years. In
Germany, the effects had been felt by the beginning of the 1970s; in
France and Britain, a decade later. The first set was technological: the
use of miniaturised electronic circuits enabled large amounts of data to
be processed swiftly in the office; similarly, on the shopfloor
microprocessor control systems allowed a far wider range of machining
operations to be carried out on a single machine and with much reduced
changeover times between operations. The majority of German
manufacturers introduced information-processing technology into
production-planning and integrated microprocessor-controlled machinery
into production lines in advance of those in Britain and France. (4) The
second set of developments were economic and were brought about by the
intensification of competition in global trade during the last two
decades. Successful manufacturers were obliged by international
competitive pressures to offer a wider range of higher quality goods and
more reliable delivery deadlines. Again, as our previous comparisons of
matched plants have revealed, many German firms responded with great
promptness to these market forces and, indeed, in many cases led them.
Pressures on shopfloor foremen from these two factors have greatly
enlarged and in part transformed their function. Foremen must now not
only |get the goods out of the door' but get the right goods out of
the door and within more tightly-specified time schedules. Competitive
pressure to minimise stocks of components and work-in-progress and
respond quickly to customer orders requires the planning of component
supplies to be carried out on a longer time-scale, greater liaison with
other departments and/or outside suppliers, and careful prioritising of
work to ensure that equipment and skills are combined as effectively as
possible.
New computer-controlled (CNC) capital equipment has a number of
important implications for the foreman's function. Most obviously,
he is required to plan and supervise the use of complex machines which
he may himself never have operated. To some extent built-in monitoring
functions - whereby machines monitor, for example, toolwear and operator
performance - reduce the need for detailed supervision of
work-in-progress. At the same time, however, the need for rapid
decision-making concerning the overall flow of production at shopfloor
level is greatly increased. (5)
For foremen the switch has been from a reactive role, restricted to
the immediate area supervised, to a proactive role, looking ahead,
making judgements, liaising with technical support departments and
planning to meet output and delivery targets. (6) He consequently needs
to be more than just |an experienced operative who can also read and
write' or |the man with the whip' which are the ways
older-style foremen were characterised in British factories visited.
While foremen in modern manufacturing plants are now required to
take a broader view of the production process as a whole, the
technician's tasks, especially in engineering, have become more
specialised during the last thirty years. (7) Technician occupations
responded earlier than supervisory occupations to technical innovation.
Many technical activities such as drawing and design and production
engineering have been transformed by the introduction of
microprocessor-controlled equipment. At the same time new occupations,
e.g. in CNC programming and quality control have emerged.
1.2 Supervisors and technicians: complementary, not interchangeable
In modern manufacturing the roles of foreman and technician are
complementary, the foreman coping with a wide variety of problems
arising from the need to manage ever-changing combinations of labour,
materials and equipment and the technician providing specialised
technical services which contribute to the smoother and more efficient
exploitation of the means of production.
In all three countries foremen work on the shopfloor and the
management of people and materials is their primary concern. Technical
staff are mainly based in offices or in laboratories and are engaged in
activities such as research and design, sales, work planning and
scheduling, machine programming, costing and materials procurement and
quality testing. Except in the smallest companies, the foreman's
task is to recognise when it is appropriate to call on these specialist
support services and to be able to follow their advice if so required.
(8)
It became clear to us in the course of our visits that provision of
the right mix of supervisory skills and technical support is crucial to
the smooth running of production. Indeed, the ability of both foremen
and technicians to carry out their tasks properly depends to a very
large extent upon the complementary services provided by the other. This
was illustrated by the spinning plants visited in Britain. In these
plants, specialised maintenance services were provided by staff
permanently sited on the shopfloor because of the overriding need to
keep machinery in continuous operation. One of the management's
complaints was that, notwithstanding the provision of technical
services, foremen spent too much time |under the frame' i.e.
carrying out emergency repairs (a situation which appeared to have
arisen from a combination of ageing equipment, shortages of skilled
mechanics and insufficient planned maintenance); the supervision of
production was suffering as a consequence.
When, as in this case, technical support skills are inadequate or
insufficient, foremen are prevented from managing by the need to
supplement the maintenance service. Where, on the other hand, foremen
have insufficient technical expertise - as in the case of some British
engineering plants visited - technician-programmers may be obliged to
by-pass the foreman (who cannot programme) and liaise directly with
shopfloor craftsmen resulting in confusion of lines of command. These
imbalances are not easily resolved. Skills and expertise cannot always
be upgraded quickly enough - particularly where older workers are
concerned - to allow foremen to acquire the level of technical knowledge
of necessary to cope with new technology. (9)
The technical competence required of trained Meister in Germany
leads to a more effective partnership between foremen and technicians,
even though responsibilities and tasks are clearly separated. (10) The
additional technical study undertaken in Germany in order to obtain the
Meister certificate is intended to enable a foreman to discuss the
automation requirements for his production line with management as well
as production engineers and skilled workers i.e. to have an informed
appreciation of technical matters and to be able to communicate
appropriately with colleagues at all levels. (11)
Visits undertaken for this study confirm the value of the Meister
courses in Germany in ensuring that most foremen have the understanding
required to cope with the logistics of the production process and to
handle cost control. In addition, the breadth of technical knowledge
coupled with the formal training in instructional skills and the
organisation of training programmes received by qualified Meister
ensures that they are well-equipped to meet their responsibilities for
on-the-job training of shopfloor workers and apprentices.
1.3 The deployment of foremen and technicians
Important differences between the three countries arose in the range
of functions undertaken by supervisors. In Germany, in contrast to
Britain and France, foremen were routinely required to be aware of a
section's production costs, and production schedules were delivered
to them several days in advance to assist forward planning. In Britain,
foremen in both spinning and engineering frequently mentioned that
|crisis management' - chasing missing materials, rescheduling to
cope with machine breakdowns or training new staff where turnover was
very high and new employees were normally untrained - occupied the
greater part of their time. In France, |crisis management' was not
mentioned, but foremen were concerned as to whether their (craft)
training was adequate to cope with the rapidly-increasing technical
demands of their work where new technology was being introduced very
rapidly. Most of the French plants' older foremen with craft (CAP)
qualifications were working alongside newly-recruited younger foremen
with higher-technician (BTS) qualifications and the obvious difference
in levels of formal technical knowledge helped to fuel their anxieties.
We also observed marked differences between France and Britain on
the one hand and Germany on the other in the use of technician-level
skills. In British and French plants we normally found that a number of
those working in production on the shopfloor held technician-level
qualifications; in Germany we never encountered anyone holding Techniker
qualifications in shopfloor (i.e. skilled/semi-skilled) positions. In
Britain the special expertise of those holding |shopfloor
technician' positions was usually recognised (by wage
differentials) and their knowledge was put to use in, for example,
providing advice and guidance to semi-skilled production workers
(interpreting drawings, advising on assembly problems).
In France, a position of |shopfloor technician' (technicien
d'atelier) was formally established and recognised for
collective-bargaining purposes in the late 1970s and we saw and/or spoke
with techniciens d'atelier in most of the French engineering plants
visited. These shopfloor technicians would have programming and
first-line maintenance responsibilities in addition to production work,
usually on the more sophisticated CNC machinery. Although formally
recognised and institutionalised as a separate hierarchy between skilled
|craft' workers and higher-level technicians, this group's
function was similar to that of the British shopfloor workers who held
technicina qualifications, namely to supply technical expertise to
compensate for low skill levels on the shopfloor and in first-line
supervision. (12) In Germany, where adequate supplies of craft and
supervisory skills are available, we saw no cases of technicians
employed on the shopfloor, nor is there a category designated as
|shopfloor technician'.
1.4 The |match' between employment and qualification
In carrying out this investigation it has been necessary to
distinguish between the person employed as a foreman or technician and
the person holding qualifications normally recognised as |foreman'
and |technician' qualifications. In our visits in the three
countries we asked two sets of questions, the first related to those
employed and known as technicians, techniciens or Techniker (sometimes
complicated by the fact that in some British companies all technicians
were called |engineers') or foremen, agents de maitrise or Meister.
(13) For the first group ie. those designated foremen or technicians we
asked about qualifications held and department in which they worked or
tasks assigned to them. We then enquired whether significant numbers of
employees not employed as technicians or foremen nevertheless held
technician and foreman qualifications. Inevitably, nowhere were the two
groups - those employed as foremen/technicians and those holding
foreman/technician qualifications - identical.
Indeed, in the provision of certain specialised technical services,
the three countries studied had put into practice very different
solutions. For instance, the plentiful supply of trained craft workers
in Germany meant that in all but small firms craft-qualified personnel
could be deployed full-time on machine (parts) programming away from the
shopfloor. In Britain and France it was more common to employ those with
higher technician qualifications for this task. In Britain, many trained
craftsmen did have the expertise to take responsibility for programming
but were normally too scarce a resource to be removed from direct
production and a different solution (use of technicians) had to be
found. Where technical skills were in short supply (usually smaller
firms with 100 employees or less) craftsmen programmed their own
machines at the cost of lost production while the machines were idle. In
France, technical services of this nature were rarely performed by
craftsmen on the shopfloor.
Table 2 shows the qualifications structure of those groups
designated as technicians in the Labour Force Surveys of the three
countries. One striking point of contrast is that in Germany nearly all
individuals designated as technicians (92 per cent) have at least a
craft qualification whereas in Britain and France the comparable figure
is only about 70 per cent and the remainder do not possess any
vocational qualifications at all. As mentioned above, not all technical
support activities require technician-level skills. Most technical tasks
which directly service shopfloor production (such as machine-loading
schedules, inventory control, machine programming and maintenance) are,
with some additional training, best carried out by experienced craftsmen
and the large pool of craft skills created over a long period in Germany
has facilitated the allocation of these tasks to apprentice-trained
personnel. [Tabular Data Omitted]
At higher levels of qualification important differences arise
between Britain and France as well as Britain and Germany. As table 2
shows, only some 14 per cent of designated technicians in Britain
possess higher intermediate qualifications, compared to 21 per cent in
France and 36 per cent in Germany. At the same time the proportion of
British technicians with degree-level qualifications is at 12 per cent
some four times higher than in France and almost twice as high as in
Germany. As shown in table 1, there is no evidence of a relative
deficiency in the numbers acquiring higher technician qualifications in
Britain which might account for the comparatively low proportion of
British technicians with such qualifications and thus the apparent need
to deploy large numbers of graduates at technician level. On the
contrary, this mismatch between employment and qualifications appears to
result from a |drawing-down' process in British industry whereby
substantial proportions of both higher technicians and graduates are
deployed at levels which do not fully utilise their qualifications in
order to compensate for the relatively low proportion of craft-skilled
workers on the shopfloor in Britain and the absence of an intermediate
category of Meister-trained employees.
1.5 |Drawing-down' in British plants
During our British plant visits we observed several instances of such
|drawing-down' in action. In some cases, as mentioned above,
qualified technical staff had been formally designated to lower-level
occupations but more commonly a situation had arisen where, even though
they had been appointed to management and technical support positions
appropriate to their qualifications, they were liable to find themselves
caught up on a day-to-day basis with shopfloor production problems and
were thus unable to devote themselves fully to their |real' jobs.
In British spinning plants, for example, we encountered heads of
technical departments qualified to Higher National level who were
involved in a daily welter of |trouble-shooting' and
|checking-up' activities all over their factories as a direct
result of the limited competences of untrained foremen and shopfloor
workers. This scenario had few parallels in French or German plants
visited where, even if a significant proportion of shopfloor workers
lacked vocational qualifications, the majority of foremen were qualified
at least to craft level.
In several British engineering plants we observed similar (if less
extreme) situations where the demands of implementing new technology
apparently required graduate engineers to take responsibility for day to
day supervisory tasks which, in German plants, would be the sole
preserve of Meister-qualified foremen; and where production engineers
with higher technician qualifications were obliged to spend a lot of
their time dealing with equipment breakdowns arising from lack of
preventive maintenance and shortages of craft-skilled maintenance and
shopfloor workers.
In describing the ways in which highly qualified staff are
frequently |under'-employed in British factories, we would not wish
to suggest that graduates and higher technicians have nothing to gain
from shopfloor experience. On the contrary, we would argue that
practical experience and regular access to the shopfloor are important
requirements for all technical support staff if they are to carry out
their duties effectively. However, the considerable evidence of mismatch
between employment and high-level qualifications in British
manufacturing does raise important questions about whether perceived
shortages of highly qualified technical staff frequently reported by
employers could be tackled, at least in part, by increased investment in
shopfloor worker training. These issues are discussed further in Section
3 below.
1.6 Recruitment and qualifications of foremen and technicians
In all three countries only a small minority of foremen, some 20 per
cent, reach that position before their mid-thirties i.e. before they
have spent some 16-18 years in a less senior position. (14) Promotion to
foreman positions continues to be primarily from the shopfloor. (15)
From table 2 we see that in Germany more than 90 per cent of foremen
hold craft qualifications and indeed almost two thirds of them are
qualified Meister. By contrast, in Britain some 55 per cent of all
foremen hold no vocational or higher-level qualifications and in France
the equivalent proportion is 44 per cent. (16) Only in France did we
find signs of a break with the tradition of recruitment from the
shopfloor where some young graduates from higher technician schools
(holding a BTS or DUT) had been appointed to foreman positions in the
larger engineering and spinning plants visited.
In summary, all three countries continue to consider solid
shopfloor experience an essential prerequisite for the recruitment of
foremen. However, only in Germany does the large pool of skilled workers
created by the well-established apprenticeship system ensure that
virtually all foremen are qualified at least to craft level or above. At
the same time the German Meister qualification makes a strong
contribution to shopfloor supervisors' ability to maximise the
benefits of new organisational methods and technology. This contrasts
markedly with both Britain and France where no similar qualification is
available to the vast majority of supervisors. In the short term,
however, many French employers are responding to the increase
organisational and technical demands made upon supervisors by using
higher-level technicians for supervision and in the longer term they
should achieve a higher proportion of foremen with craft qualifications
as a result of the current policy of upgrading shopfloor skill levels
through greater investment in initial education and training to craft
level. No similar strategies for development of supervisors appear to
have been widely adopted in Britain and no alternatives were forthcoming
from the British firms we visited.
In contrast to foremen, those occupying technician positions in the
three countries are recruited in part from experienced shopfloor
workers, and in part from these without previous shopfloor experience
but having education with degree-level and sub-degree level technical
qualifications.
In Britain and France, as shown in detail in table 2, around three
quarters of all designated technicians have either no vocational
qualifications or hold craft or lower level technical qualifications;
those without qualifications usually work in a subsidiary role to a
qualified person. It can be assumed that most of the 75 per cent of
those engaged on technician work in Britain and France and holding no
higher technician qualifications have been recruited internally from the
shopfloor. In both Britan and France, the remaining quarter hold degree
or higher technician qualifications. In the case of both countries this
group would not normally have first acquired practical shopfloor
experience as a qualified craftsman. (17)
In Germany, the vast majority of technicians have first completed a
full craft training, passed the relevant craft examinations and then
completed a period of work in the skilled occupation for which they have
been trained. In contrast to both the other countries, skilled craft
workers in Germany then train fulltime off the job for two years in
order to obtain a technician qualification. Only a small proportion of
German technicians (at most about 7 per cent) have entered their posts
without extensive shopfloor experience; these are typically graduates
from Fachhochschule and university degree courses in engineering and
related subjects.
Several British engineering firms that we visited complained that
technicians who held higher-technician qualifications or degrees
produced designs which required much modification before they could be
put into production, and that technicians |needed to get out onto the
shopfloor'. In British engineering plants with a strong union
presence, demarcation based on |custom and practice' prevented
technicians from machining test pieces themselves on the shopfloor and
they were handicapped for the same reasons in design work. Such
restrictions were unknown in France and Germany.
The strong craft background of German technicians, and unrestricted
access to the shopfloor space, help to explain why German engineering
firms reacted differently from their British and French counterparts to
the question of whether skilled operators modified CNC machining
programmes prepared by technicians. In Britain and France the response
was usually that they did modify programmes - either with official
permission or without since it was not normal for the technician to test
his programme extensively or at all. In larger engineering plants in
Germany we were told that no modification was necessary after the
technician had prepared the programme and that machinists were required
to concentrate on production. (18)
The next section of this paper compares the numbers obtaining
foreman- and technician-level qualifications in all three countries in
more detail and assesses the levels of technical competence reached in
each case.
2. Standards of intermediate qualifications
2.1 Foremen: flows and standards
In Britain, specially-designed qualifications for foremen and
supervisors, the NEBSS (National Examinations Board for Supervisory
Studies) Certificate and Diploma, were instituted in 1964 (for details
of courses and examinations and a comparison of British and German
standards see Prais and Wagner op. cit.). Around 5000 obtained a NEBSS
Certificate in 1985; applying 1985 pass-rates to published enrollments
between 1979-89 it appears that some 50,000 certificates were obtained
in the ten-year period, most commonly by those already in foreman posts
studying principally during working hours and at the employer's
expense.
Some 40 per cent on average of all foremen in British plants
visited held craft qualifications (close to the figure derived from LFS analyses) and in almost all plants visited a majority of foremen had
been sent on short courses to learn basic management skills. In only one
British plant did we find a systematic attempt to equip all foremen with
full NEBSS training: there all foremen had been sent on NEBSS courses
with a success rate estimated at around 80 per cent.
In France a national Certificate for Supervisors, validated by
professional trade associations in an industrial branch in association
with ANFOPPE (Association Nationale pour la Formation et le
Perfectionnement du Personnel d'Enterprise) is slowly establishing
itself. In engineering, 2500 certificates have been awarded since the
inception of the scheme in 1980. The length of the French courses
(approximately 360 hours) often spread over a period of two years
part-time study is similar to the British, as is the subject matter
which covers issues relating to the organisation of work including
statistical process control, motivation of individuals, health and
safety and computer applications; as in Britain, a technical module is
available but not compulsory. In contrast to Britain, there is no final
written examination of this certificate in France; assessment is
conducted internally combined with a written project on which the
candidate is orally examined by a nationally selected board of
examiners.
Only in Germany do we find a well-established and widely-held
|supervisory qualification' the Meister certificate, open to all
skilled workers and obtained during two years of self-financed part-time
evening study. The obtaining of the Meister certificate - usually before
promotion to a foreman position - does not guarantee such promotion. A
large German engineering firm told us that several skilled workers had
obtained the certificate but would not be promoted by the company
because they did not have the right |personal attributes'. They
might decide to move elsewhere and the Meister certificate would
facilitate promotion within another company. In other companies visited,
those who had obtained the Meister certificate would continue a
craftsmen until a position as foreman |camp up'. Some 40,000 passed
the Meister examinations in Germany in 1985; in 1988 the figure was
46,000 - similar to the number of NEBSS certificates awarded in Britain
over a ten-year period. (19)
In all three countries, provision of training in supervisory skills
is not confined to National or Meister Certificates but is also provided
by a wide variety of courses, some short (as little as two days) and
intensive, some involving part-time or distance-learning study from a
multitude of providers, often originating from regional associations of
employers or from local training groups. In quantitative terms at least,
the supply of such courses in Britain was felt to be adequate in the
companies visited and experiments with distance learning study (whereby
supervisors study in their own time) by correspondence course seem to be
providing the flexibility required by smaller firms where foremen cannot
normally be spared for courses during working hours.
In the German plants visited all foremen held at least a
Berufsabschluss qualification i.e. had completed a three year
apprenticheship and the appropriate examinations. On average around two
thirds of all foremen in German plants visited held a Meister
qualification and the remaining one third held a craft qualification
(these were mainly in older age groups). It was rare to find foremen in
Germany who held Techniker qualifications and quite unknown to find any
who held degrees.
British and French national qualifications for foremen appear to be
of a similar standard (as far as can be judged). The British
qualification is older and better-established than its French
counterpart and the numbers qualifying in Britain are therefore higher
than in France but still only one tenth of the numbers in Germany. The
quality of the German Meister course, soundly built on a thorough craft
training, is still far in advance of both the British and the French
qualifications. Plant visits which reveal the far wider range of foreman
responsibilities in Germany only confirm this view.
2.2 Technicians: flows and standards
The British higher-technician qualification is known as the Higher
National Certificate (HNC) or Higher National Diploma (HND) awarded by
the Business and Technician Education Council (BTEC) in England and
Wales and the Scottish Vocational Education Council (SCOTVEC) in
Scotland. As shown in Table 1, the number of awards at this level in
Britian is much the same as in France and substantially higher than in
Germany.
Most British students entering courses for Higher National
Certificates and Diplomas have previously taken an Ordinary National
qualification in the same area, and almost all of those on HNC courses
are in apprenticeship arrangements studying one day a week and receiving
on-the-job training for the remainder of the week. Most complete their
course by the age of 20-21. In engineering and technology areas in
Britain most students follow the part-time route leading to an HNC; they
outnumber the HND students who would normally be studying full time by
3:1. Access to the British courses is also open to students with GCE Advanced level or Scottish equivalent qualifications in suitable
subjects.
In France the equivalent qualification is the Brevet de technicien
superieur (BTS) or Diplome universitaire de technologie (DUT). Access to
BTS courses is normally conditional on obtaining a Baccalaureat
qualification, usually a technical Baccalaureat. They are mainly
full-time courses. A very small number in France now take the BTS
qualification while working on an apprenticeship contract four days a
week and attending one day a week at an apprenticeship centre. However,
this is a new development and numbers are at present very small: the
overwhelming majority of those taking the French technician
qualification enter the course straight from school without any previous
experience except that provided by workshop training in the practical
part of their technical Bac course. They will normally complete the
two-year course at around the age of 21 or 22, depending on the age at
which they obtained the Baccalaureat.
In Germany, study for a technician qualification leads to the award
of a State examined technician certificate (Staatlich geprufte
Techniker). In marked contrast to higher technician courses in both
Britain and France, the German Techniker course stipulates, as a
condition of access, that trainees must have completed a three year
craft apprenticeship in the area which they intend to study at
technician level and have at least two years prior experience on the
shopfloor working in production. The highest qualification from the
general education system needed by entrants to Techniker courses is only
the Hauptschulabschluss, the leaving certificate equivalent to six or
eight GCSE passes at grades D or E in Britain; however, the majority of
Techniker candidates hold school-leaving qualifications above this
level. The ages at which German employees gain Techniker qualifications
vary considerably: the aspiring technician in Germany is unlikely to be
in a position to start on the two-year full-time technician course
before the age of 20-21. Earliest completion ages are likely to be 22 or
23 and the average age of those completing the qualification is 28. (20)
Under the auspices of the Engineering Council in Britain, it is now
possible for holders of Higher National qualifications to study
part-time over a 2-3 year period for a qualification equivalent to an
honours degree which leads to |chartered engineer' status. Those
holding Higher National awards can also obtain the title |incorporated
engineer' (previously known as |technician engineer')
following two years |responsible experience'. Some 2500 to 3000
holders of HNC/HND go on to obtain this title every year. A further 1500
people holding ONC/OND qualifications apply for the title of
|engineering technician' each year after fulfilling similar
conditions.
While these schemes provide an additional professional status, they
in some ways typify the split which exists in British industry between,
on the one hand, engineering graduates and technicians with little or no
experience of shopfloor production and, on the other hand, craft-skilled
workers with limited possibilities of gaining further qualifications and
progressing to higher levels of responsibility. This is the converse of
the German system which values craft training and experience in direct
production as the foundation for technician training. The German system
also attaches important to providing craft-trained workers with routes
for vertical mobility within their professional field. Technician
positions constitute an important means (in addition to supervisory
positions) whereby craft workers in Germany can become upwardly mobile
and gain access to management positions. (21)
Comparison of examination papers suggest that British HNC
qualifications (taken by 80 per cent of students at this level) are of a
similar degree of difficulty but much less geared to specific
applications than either French BTS or German Techniker qualifications.
These comparisons are discussed in detail in Appendix 1. In summary, it
seems reasonable to consider those holding higher technician
qualifications in all three countries to be at broadly equivalent levels
of competence and technical expertise.
3. Ensuring the supply of intermediate skills
3.1 Financing of training at intermediate skill level
In this section we analyse the distribution of training costs and
examine economic incentives to individuals to invest in training at
intermediate skill level.
3.1.1 Craft In Britain employers bear nearly all the costs of craft
training (including trainee wages and the costs of off-the-job-training
and further education) with only a small contribution forthcoming in
recent years from the public authorities in the form of wage subsidies
for the first two years of training under the former YTS scheme. (22)
In France, a means-tested state grant may make a contribution to
but does not cover the whole cost of a CAP trainee's living costs,
otherwise subsistence while training is the responsibility of the
trainee and his/her parents. All costs of training tuition are met by
public authorities through the provision of training facilities free at
point of use. All employers are subject to a remissible apprentice training tax of 0.02 per cent of payroll. It is debatable whether French
employers should be considered as directly bearing any costs of
off-the-job training or further education since cash payment of this tax
to the exchequer is not earmarked in any way for training expenditure
and it can therefore be considered as part of corporate taxation to
which all firms are subject in each country.
In Germany, off-the-job tuition costs at FE colleges are met by the
public authorities. As in Britain, German firms are responsible for a
large proportion of training costs in the form of trainee wages and
other payroll costs as well as the costs of on-the-job training and
supervision. In comparison with Britain, however, trainee wages
represent a relatively small proportion of adult wages and this has
undoubtedly encouraged the much higher levels of craft training that
have taken place in Germany compared to Britain. (23) By contrast, as we
go on to show, in the case of supervisory and technician training the
main differences between all three countries concern the relative
distribution of training costs between employers, individuals and the
public authorities.
3.1.2 Foremen in Britain and France, foremen who obtain a further
qualification specifically related to foreman responsibilities normally
do so in paid working hours with the cost of college and wages during
training borne by the employer. In Germany, Meister training courses are
followed in the employee's own time, so that no wage costs fall on
the employer - at most, the employer may cooperate to the extent of
rescheduling the employee's working hours to enable him/her to
attend the required course. In contrast to France and Britain, where
both publicly provided and private institutions charge users for adult
training course costs, most courses leading to Techniker qualifications
are financed by public authorities. Meister courses are provided by
Industrie und Handelskammern (Chambers of Industry and Commerce) which
charge fees to users.
The contrast between France and Britain on the one hand and Germany
on the other is therefore striking: in France and Britain employers
directly bear almost the whole cost of supervisory training while in
Germany employers directly bear none of the cost; instead, it is shared
between individuals and public authorities. The consequences in terms of
the numbers and standard of supervisory qualifications obtained in each
country display the same degree of contrast.
In the British and French firms visited, most foremen had received
some additional training consisting in the overwhelming majority of
cases of short courses up to a week; these did not lead or even
contribute to a full foreman award of the standard of the German
Meister, or even in most cases to the level of a NEBSS certificate or
the French Certificat National de Maitrise.
A small start has been made in Britain in courses comparable to the
German Meister, these relate to tool-making and to the metal-working
industries. So far under a hundred trainees a year are involved. There
do not appear to be any similar schemes in France. It seems unlikely
that with present financing arrangements British employers will invest
the sums required to raise existing foreman training to German Meister
standards.
3.1.3 Technicians The financing of training leading to the
technician-level qualifications described in Section 2 also presents a
contrast but, in this case, between Britain on the one hand and France
and Germany on the other. Britain stands alone in that the bulk of
training leading to Higher National qualifications is provided
on-the-job with day-release for college courses and is financed almost
entirely by employers with the aspiring technician receiving a trainee
wage from the employer. The training period in Britain starts at age 16
and leads, through (Ordinary) National Certificate, to Higher National
Certificate at age 21 or 22. The employer bears all tuition costs and
the proportion of the trainee technician's wages that is not
recouped through productive work. The first year is entirely |off the
job' with no productive work. The trainee foregoes higher wages in
the interests of obtaining a qualification.
An earlier study carried out at the National Institute suggested
that the average gross of cost of technician training in a sample of
engineering plants was some 26,000 [pounds] per trainee (1984 earnings
levels). The productive contribution of the trainee was estimated to be
worth an average 11,500 [pounds] leaving a net cost to the employer of
approximately 14,500 [pounds]. This was about 60 per cent higher than
the estimated net cost of craft apprentice training, reflecting both
higher rates of technician trainee pay and the slower development of the
productive contribution made by technician trainee compared to that made
by trainee craft workers (24).
It is at first sight difficult to understand the British
employer's willingness to finance technician training between the
ages of 16 to 18 as well as post-18 as the earlier period is the most
cost-intensive stage of the technician's training and, particularly
in the first year, devotes much time to general skills of the sort that
employers are not normally willing to finance. As the bulk of
firm-specific on-the-job training takes place in the later stages of a
technician apprenticeship, it would seem reasonable for the majority of
Ordinary National qualifications to be obtained in full-time education
before entering employment at age 18-plus, thus approximately halving
the employer's costs. Although 18-plus recruitment to technician
training programmes is not unknown in British industry, it remain
exceptional and none of the firms that we visited had seriously
considered such an option.
In our view, it would be wrong to characterise employers'
recruitment of 16 year-old technician trainees as irrational. Some
employers in heavily unionised plants and industries are
|locked-in' to this pattern of provision as a result of collective
work place agreements. More importantly, however, employers compete with
universities and polytechnics for the scarce resource of 16 year-olds
with |good' GCSE (grades A-C) maths and science (approximately 25
per cent of the age cohort). British employers, unlike their French
counterparts, cannot rely on a high status technical route to attract
able young people in sixth forms to technical careers and away from
academic A-level studies which offer the prospect of a higher education
place at the end. In order to attract a certain proportion of able
youngsters to a career as a technician, employers must |catch them
young' and offer them in the work place the technical qualification
route that the school sixth-form does not provide. If employers waited
to try to recruit A-level students to technician trainee-ships, the fear
at present is that many would reject the pay and prospects in favour of
a higher education course. Britain's failure to construct and
nurture a high quality technical track within the school system thus
places an additional burden on British industry.
In both France and Germany, the costs of technician training are
shared between the individual and the public authorities and do not fall
on the employer. In France, BTS and DUT students enter from full-time
schooling at 18 and cover their own maintenance costs either completely,
or partially with the help of a State bursary. In Germany, aspiring
technicians enter training after completing a craft apprenticeship and a
period of full-time work in their chosen trade. As in France, tuition in
publicly-provided institutions leading to technician-level courses is
free of charge to the student. The allocation of maintenance costs while
studying on full-time courses is variable as between the public
authorities (Federal Labour Office) and the individual. For unemployed
individuals and those threatened by unemployment, financial support
which amounts to around 50 per cent of last gross earnings is available
for the two-year period of full-time study, subject to certain
conditions being met both the course providers and the candidate. Since
1982, however, the majority of those undertaking technician training
have received loans from the Federal Labour Office amounting to some 58
per cent of average net income. Loans are interest-free and must be
repaid over a maximum ten year period, starting two years after the
qualifications have been obtained. In all these cases, however, the
employer bears no direct costs. Technician training in Germany contrasts
with Meister training in that most qualify through full-time study and
must thus run the risk of taking on a loan and covering subsequent
repayment; numbers qualifying annually as Techniker are less than half
those qualifying (pre-dominantly through part-time study) as Meister
(see table 1 above).
It is also instructive to compare the British situation, where
individual firms make decisions about numbers of technicians trained,
with Germany where the Federal Labour Office can (and does) |steer'
the supply of individuals for Techniker training. If there is
unemployment or under-employment in certain types of technical
occupation then the Federal Labour Office will withdraw financial
support of the type mentioned above. This form of government
intervention to influence the supply of skills at this level appears
more effective in producing a cost-effective mix of skills than reliance
on employer training decisions as in Britain.
As noted above, the numbers of those qualifying as higher
technicians in Britain are already substantially higher than those
obtaining Techniker qualifications in Germany in related fields. Yet,
where craft-level skills are in short supply, as in Britain, even an
increased supply at technician level will appear inadequate because many
of these are required to |plug gaps' at lower levels or to resolve
technical problems which elsewhere would be solved by foremen and
craftsmen. In Germany, by contrast, the well-established system of craft
training ensures that many trained to this level can be used in
technician-level work; in this way, technical functions are (and are
seen to be) more than adequately fulfilled by the smaller numbers of
German Techniker available supplemented by those holding Meister and
craft qualifications and employed in technician positions (see table 2
above).
In the light of the evidence cited above on the relative costs to
British employers of technician and craft training, the ratio of
craftsmen to technicians in British manufacturing appears to represent a
much less efficient mix of skills than that employed in Germany. The
next section investigates the ways in which the different patterns of
earnings differentials in each country affect the willingness of
individuals to share the costs of acquiring intermediate-level
qualifications.
3.2 Economic incentives to acquire qualifications
There are clear and characteristic differences between Britain,
France and Germany in the extent to which the earnings of technicians
and foremen exceed those of craftsmen and unskilled employees; and these
differentials in pay are related to - but not solely determined by -
differences in the processes and financing of training. A broad picture
of average differentials in the three countries is set out in table 3
(the estimates for France rely on a special unpublished, tabulation for
1986; data for Germany have also been shown for that year; British
figures are for 1989). It will be understood that the actual earnings of
a particular individual depend not simply on his qualifications, but
also on his experience and responsibilities; and also on whether his
particular industry is expanding and looking for additional staff (as
often in mechanical engineering in Germany), or is contracting (as
fairly generally in textiles). The range of variation in the earnings of
technicians quoted to us on our visits was considerable in all three
countries, and depended strongly on responsibility and seniority in the
management structure; but average earnings of technicians and of section
foremen were very similar. In what follows we concentrate solely on the
difference between countries in average differentials.
It is clear from table 3, and as has previously been noted, that
skill-differentials for craftsmen in France are considerably greater
than in both Britain and Germany. As between Britain and Germany, the
differences are small up to craftsmen-level, but above that - for
foremen and technicians - differentials in Britain are much lower than
in Germany. [Tabular Data Omitted]
To understand these differences it is necessary to remind ourselves
of the differences in the provision of training to craft level. The
long-standing system of quasi-obligatory vocational training in Germany
for 15-18 year-olds who have left full-time schooling ensures a greater
supply of qualified craftsmen than does the French system which relies
to a greater extent on market incentives. In France training starts for
some pupils at secondary vocational schools (Lycees professionnels)
during the period of compulsory schooling; for others it starts at these
schools after 16 and is largely self-financed; a minority enter
apprenticeships at 16 after compulsory schooling. Securing an adequate
number of qualified craftsmen with market incentives in France evidently
requires a higher wage differential - in the region of 50 per cent over
an unskilled employee - than the compulsory system of Germany which
requires a differential of only about 20 per cent.
When we come to the next higher level of qualification represented
by foremen Britain and France are closer in their differentials -
earning about 10 per cent more than skilled employees; the similarity is
perhaps not surprising since, at this level, both countries recruit
foremen from among shopfloor workers without any requirement for
additional training. Differentials at this qualification-level are
higher (40 per cent) in Germany than in France and Britain, and this can
be attributed to the need in Germany, to provide adequate economic
incentives to qualified craftsmen to undertake, at their own expense,
the training leading to Meister certification. When we come to the
higher level of qualification represented by technicians, Germany and
France are closer in their differentials - earnings about 70-80 per cent
more than unskilled employees; the similarity is explained by the fact
that, at this level, both countries rely on market incentives for
adequate recruitment.
The present-day much lower skill-differentials in Britain - only 40
per cent for a technician above an unskilled employee - thus seem
anomalous in contrast with France and Germany. As shown in an earlier
study, skill-differentials in Britain thirty years ago were as high as,
and perhaps even higher than in Germany; (26) the 1960s saw a very sharp
contraction of differentials, and only in the 1980s has there been a
widening of differentials but which, so far, has been very modest.
Incentives to undertake training have been provided in Britain by
employers paying for trainees' time while at college and paying for
their college instruction and on-the-job training; in the 1980s
government subsidies, under YTS and associated schemes, have helped to
support the early years of a technician's training (but not the
later years). In comparison with both France and Germany, an adequate
supply of qualified technicians appears to have been provided in Britain
but at the cost of failure to invest in training at lower levels of
skill. In the other two countries, by contrast, the large shares of
training costs borne by government and by individuals (with associated
economic incentives in the form of wage differentials) appear to be
maintaining a better balance of supplies at both craft and technician
level.
Summary and conclusions
Summary
This investigation has been concerned with the adequacy of
Britain's supply of skills at the intermediate level, comprising
craft workers, foremen and technicians, in comparison with France and
Germany. Organisational and technological changes in manufacturing have
transformed the functions of foremen and technicians, and the
requirement for foremen today is for more sophisticated skills of
planning, communication and organisation within an advanced
technological framework. Technical skills need to be broad and flexible
and based upon practical shop-floor experience.
In the manufacturing plants visited, the first-line supervisor on
the shopfloor, in charge of people and materials and responsible for
output remains an important and essential pivot of the production
process. Because demands have changed and new priorities (control of
inventory, |right first time' production, meeting deadlines and
delivery dates) have emerged, foremen need, in addition to the more
traditional supervisory skills, the ability to plan ahead, prioritise carefully and communicate with customers. They must achieve higher
levels of technical understanding in order to liaise with programmers
and maintenance staff. All this requires longer periods of both initial
and continuing training - both on- and off-the job - to higher levels
and the challenge to firms is either to ensure that trained individuals
are appointed or provide adequate training.
The comparison with France reveals that Britain is not alone in
neglecting the further professional development of foremen; the
present-day situation in France is broadly similar to that in Britain
although in some respects it is improving more rapidly. Germany stands
out as benefiting from its tradition of Meister training: German foremen
take on logistical tasks and responsibilities in relation to, for
example, cost control which are not tackled by the great majority of
foremen in Britain and France. The latter often require an additional
tier of intermediate management for these tasks. The additional
technical and organisational training acquired by the German Meister
enables them to work closely and effectively with technical support
services such as work-scheduling, machine-programming and liaison with
customers.
Although short training courses for those promoted to foremen are
frequently provided in Britain and France, what is presently offered by
most firms is not adequate to fulfill the needs set out above and not in
any way comparable to the depth and breadth of the Meister course. We
concluded that very few British firms had developed a feasible strategy
for upgrading foremen capacities. In France, innovative strategies to
upgrade skills at this level were noted in half of all firms visited;
the French strategy is to solve the immediate problem by appointing
highly-qualified technicians to supervisor positions, and to hope that
the current rapid upgrading of work-force qualifications (as analysed in
a recent Institute study) (27) will provide a satisfactory source for
foreman recruitment in the future. Other strategies encountered include
the introduction of cell-structures and team-working. Changes in French
firms appear to have been facilitated by substantially greater
foreman/unskilled pay-differentials than in Britain, and greater
flexibility in redefining structures of responsibility and providing
rewards appropriate for more highly-qualified staff.
In Britain, fear of disturbing the hierarchy of differential
payments appears to be holding back medium-sized and larger firms from
paying technically-qualified staff sufficiently to attract them to
supervisory positions. Not surprisingly, we frequently heard that
newly-trained technically-qualified staff in large firms had left for
smaller firms which were more flexible in their approach.
Employer-financing of foreman training in Britain has not produced
skills at the appropriate level, in contrast to the very adequate supply
of Meister in Germany where public authorities and the individual share
the direct costs. Understandable fears of poaching of highly-trained
staff have held many British and French firms back from investing
heavily in their own staff. French firms seem often to have decided that
it is more cost-effective to appoint those who have qualified with the
equivalent of a Higher National Diploma (their BTS) to foreman posts,
than to bear the heavy costs of upgrading existing foremen to similar
levels. The options in Britain seem to be either for firms to pay more
for high levels of skill and encourage individuals to make their own
investment as in Germany, or for greater government subsidies to firms
to finance the continuing training of some of their employees to higher
levels. The first of these options is more likely to lead to a response
in accord with market pressures for skills as is demonstrated by the
case of Germany. However, the much lower numbers of British foremen with
craft qualifications must also be borne in mind. The pool of likely
candidates who might put themselves forward for self-financed further
training is consequently much smaller in Britain than in Germany and the
second solution (public subsidies for employer financing of foreman
training) might be necessary for some time to ensure an adequate supply.
In the case of technicians, the situation on standards and supply
looks very different from that of foremen. British standards of training
stand up well in comparison to France and Germany, and the current
annual supply of higher-technician skills is somewhat greater in
Britain. Of concern to Britain is the lengthy training process and the
proportion of costs carried by employers in comparison to France and
Germany. Germany appears to satisfy the needs of a technologically
advanced economy at technician level by using craft-trained employees on
many technician-level tasks and providing for a small proportion of
skilled craft workers to receive an additional technical training on top
of that undertaken during their initial apprenticeship; their system
produces a very different and more practically-oriented mix of skills
than exists in Britain.
In Britain, almost all the training at the levels considered in
this investigation is carried out as a result of decisions made by
individual firms to invest in their employees' skills. Our analysis
and visits for this investigation confirm that, with few exceptions, the
present arrangement provides an inappropriate mix of skills at
intermediate level in Britain when the outcomes are compared, in
particular, with Germany but also, to a lesser extent, with France. The
greatest deficiencies in Britain are at craft and foreman level. This
deficiency not only has serious consequences for shopfloor skills but
also lowers standards of firstline supervision and inhibits the
efficient provision of technical services. Our study makes clear that
good craft skills make an important contribution to the competence of
foremen and can form the basis for carrying out a range of technical
tasks and for technician training.
Signalling of skill-needs to individuals by the adjustment of wage
differentials together with public support for training courses and the
trainee's investment of his own time in the financing of
intermediate skills training as in Germany appear to result in closer
matching of training to skill needs.
Conclusions
British employers bear a higher proportion of the costs of technician
training than do employers in France and Germany. Even so, Britain
produces proportionally as many technicians as France and considerably
more than Germany while neglecting the cheaper craft training. Lack of
sufficient craft skills increases the demand for technicians to |plug
the gaps'. Our study suggests that British employers could easily
shift part of the cost of technician and craft training to colleges of
Further Education and to the individual by recruiting trainee
technicians and craft workers at 18 (instead of at 16) after they have
obtained a BTEC or SCOTVEC (Ordinary) National qualification by
full-time study in a FE college. Employer funds at present devoted to
training 16 to 18 year olds could be switched to the (cheaper)
craft-training area to provide flexible training and upgrading to craft
level to employees of all ages where the deficiency in Britain is
particularly acute. Increased supplies of craft-level employees would,
in turn, allow the more effective deployment of technicians on technical
support functions instead of (as at present) on shopfloor
|trouble-shooting'.
The implication for government policy in Britain seems to be that
the current exclusive reliance on employers to diagnose and meet skill
needs in a cost-effective manner needs to be reconsidered. Current
arrangements result in an underproduction by firms of much-needed craft
skills relative to the production of more costly technician skills. A
strategy for creating a more appropriate mix is urgently needed; the
evidence from this comparative study is that the sum of employers'
training efforts will do no more than provide the skills to |plug the
gaps' in British manufacturing. Deep-rooted, nationwide
deficiencies require a strategic response formulated and applied
nationally. Training and Enterprise Councils are well-equipped to
respond to local deficiencies but not to national ones. Government and
individuals should bear a larger share of the cost and reap larger
returns to training in order to achieve the training effort which can
lead to the comprehensive upgrading of skills required for economic
survival.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
We would like to acknowledge first the companies in all three
countries whose managers and other employees gave so generously of their
time to assist us in our enquiries. In addition, we are grateful for
advice from: M Bailey, Watford College; A Richards, Bolton Institute of
Higher Education; T Wilson-Hooper, N Burgess, Bromley College of
Technology; R Whittaker, B Peerless, Middlesex Polytechnic; H Ringhandt,
Staatliche Technikerschule Berlin; H Strey, Techniker Fachschule,
Munchen; I Drexel, Institut fur Sozialwissenschaftliche Forschung,
Munchen; J P Henri, Centre de Perfectionnement des Cadres, Roubaix; M
Lemoine, Mecagim, Paris; J L Lepinary Centre AFORP-Drancy, Paris; B
Vandeputte Comite Intertextile d'Apprentissage, Roubaix.
J-C Rabier, Laboratoire de Recherche en Economie Appliquee,
Universite de Paris X and U Adler, IFO, Munchen acted as consultants to
the project. Their help in arranging visits and providing guidance and
advice was invaluable. We have greatly benefited from the advice and
encouragement of colleagues, in particular S J Paris, Ray Barrell and
other colleagues at the National Institute. We also gratefully
acknowledge the comments and suggestions from two referees and of the
Training Agency. Two seminars organised by the European Centre for the
Development of Vocational Training (CEDEFOP) provided valuable
opportunities for discussion with European colleagues engaged in similar
work.
NOTES
(1) A Daly, DMWN Hitchens and K Wagner, |Productivity, machinery and
skills in a sample of British and German
manufacturing plants: results of a pilot enquiry', National
Institute Economic Review, no. 111 February 1985. H
Steedman, K Wagner, |A second look at productivity, machinery
and skills in Britain and Germany', National Institute
Economic Review, no. 122 November 1987. H Steedman, K Wagner,
|Productivity, machinery and skills: clothing
manufacture in Britain and Germany', National Institute
Economic Review, no. 128 May 1989. (2) This report constitutes the
third in a series of studies of intermediate skills in Britain, France
and Germany. The first
study dealt mainly with quantitative comparisons of flows of
technically-qualified manpower and the international
matching of qualifications. SJ Prais, |Qualified manpower in
engineering: Britain and other industrially advanced
countries', National Institute Economic Review, February
1989. The second reported on special analyses of the French
and British Labour Force Surveys in terms of the stocks of
different categories of intermediate skill and different
qualification levels - foremen, technicians and shop-floor
workers. H. Steedman, |Improvements in workforce qualifications:
Britain and France 1979-88', National Institute Economic
Review, August 1990. (3) The field-work for this study was carried out
between November 1988 and November 1990. Throughout this report
|Germany' should be taken as referring to the former
|Federal Republic of Germany'. (4) For survey evidence of the
extent of use of microelectronics-based technology in British, German
and French
manufacturing industry in 1983, see J Northcott et. al.,
Microelectronics in Industry, Policy Studies Institute, London,
1985, pp 53, 67, 68. The German lead over both Britain and
France appears to be greatest in the use of CNC machine
tools and the implementation of advanced machine and process
control systems. For a detailed appraisal of survey
evidence relating to the age and technical sophistication of
machinery in the metal-working industries of the leading
industrial nations, see SJ Prais |Some international comparisons
of the age of the machine-stock', The Journal of
Industrial Economics, Vol XXXIV, No. 3, March 1986. More
recently the Amdahl Executive Institute claims that |West
German companies have the advantage over their British, French
and Italian competitors in using information
technology (IT) for competitive advantage', |Clues to
success: Information Technology Strategies for Tomorrow', 1990.
(5) In all the spinning plants we visited where CNC automated machinery
had been installed, supervisors were required to
make very quick decisions about orders of priority when several
machines required attention or adjustment at once.
Similarly, in many engineering shops the very different
production speeds of CNC and conventional machines coupled
with moves towards greater product variety and smaller batch
sizes clearly made substantial demands upon the
organisational capacities of shopfloor supervisors. (6) This
change is confirmed by a recent British survey of supervisors in 16
industrial and commercial organisations. The
level of skill required of supervisors was found to be
increasing in (i) checking, assessing, discriminating (ii) complex
procedures (iii) ordering, prioritising planning (iv)
diagnosing, analysing, solving (v) adapting to new ideas, systems. R
S Kandola, N A Banerji, M A Greene of Pearn Kandola Downs, |The
Role of Supervisors in Human Resource
Development' Training Agency 1989. (7) C Smith, Technical
workers: Class, labour and trade unionism, Macmillan 1987 p.91. It is
related there that in the
decade 1963-73 the |typical occupations' occupied by TASS (technicians union) members expanded from around 50
to some 400. However, Smith also documents the impact of
technical change on engineering technicians, the decline of
occupations such as tracers, rate-fixers and the rise of
part-programmers and CAD/CAM designers. (8) During our visits we
observed this distinction between supervisory and technical roles
everywhere except in a small
number of French plants where some programming and first-line
maintenance functions had been explicitly merged
with shopfloor supervisory responsibilities. In some German
plants Meister-qualified foremen worked closely with
specialist programmers and work planners but did not themselves
carry out these tasks; even this level of technical
involvement depended on the more routine supervisory tasks being
delegated to charge-hands (Vorarbeiter). (9) The consequences of low
levels of technical knowledge and skills for foremen's performance
in a high-technology
environment were highlighted in the French spinning plants we
visited. Considerable efforts had been made to help the
foremen acquire the level of technical expertise necessary to
|speak the same language' as the maintenance
technician in charge of the |state of the art' CNC
machinery then being installed. Despite updating courses, some
foremen in the French plants had been unable to cope and
alternative (to shopfloor) recruitment to foreman posts from
those with higher technician qualifications had been introduced
by the management as a consequence. In the German
spinning plants the very thorough training of the
Meister-qualified foreman resulted in his having the technical
background necessary to remedy machinery faults. However, it was
considered inefficient to require him to carry out
maintenance tasks which would have interfered with effective
supervision; his training equipped him to localise faults
correctly, to call the appropriate maintenance team, to estimate
the time of repair and plan and change the production
schedule accordingly. (10) The apprenticeship training for
maintenance workers in Germany in spinning (textile) starts with
training as a machine
operator (e.g. Textilmaschinenfuhrer-Spinnerei) for two years.
They can then continue with a third year to become
Textilmechaniker (eg. Spinnerei) so that all skilled mechanics
have worked as skilled operators. Consequently, the
Meister who have gone through the three year apprenticeship have
a strong background in both maintenance and
machine operation even before they undertake further technical
training at Meisterschule. (11) See SJ Prais, K Wagner, |Productivity
and Management: the Training of Foremen in Britain and Germany',
National
Institute Economic Review, no. 123, February 1988. (12) In H
Steedman, 1990, op cit, it was pointed out that the proportion of
workers and foremen qualified to craft level was
higher in France than in Britain and that the supply of such
skills was increasing faster in France than in Britain. However,
both France and Britain can be seen to have lower levels of
skill in the manufacturing labour-force relative to
Germany. (13) In Germany, it is important to distinguish further
between those employed as foremen (Meister) and those holding
Meister certificates ie. who have taken and passed Meister
certificate examinations. (14) In both Britain and France the age
structure of foremen engaged in manufacturing is similar: only 23 per
cent are under
35 (compared to 40 per cent under 35 for total over 15
population in France, and 36 per cent under 35 for total over 16
population in Great Britain). The corresponding figure for
Germany is 20 per cent. The mean age of foremen as recorded
in the censuses is 43 for France, 44 for Britain and 47 for
Germany. Census 1981, Economic activity in Great Britain
Table 13, 4A, OPCS 1984. Recensement general 1982, Formation,
Table 07 INSEE, 1984, Statistisches Bundesamt,
Fachserie 1, Reihe 4 1.2, 1987. (15) In the two British
case-study firms analysed by Thurley and Wirdenius, all foremen had been
internally promoted from
the shop-floor. K Thurley, H Wirdenius, Supervision: A
Reappraisal, Heinemann 1973. Similar patterns for the
recruitment of foremen in manufacturing industries have been
reported for France. A study carried out in 1986-7 of 26
plants drawn from engineering, chemical, pharmaceutical and
construction industries noted that an average of 70 per
cent of all foremen in the plants investigated had been promoted
from the shopfloor. F Eyraud, A Jobert, P. Rozenblatt, M
Tallard, Les classification dans l'Enterprise, Centre
d'Etudes de l'Emploi/IRIS-Travail et Societe/LEST, October
1988.
p.94. In a study of French, British and German foremen carried
out between 1977 and 1979 in 9 plants in the three
countries, |In all countries, practically all the personnel in
supervision have come up through the works'. M Maurice, A
Sorge, M Warner, |Societal Differences in Organising
Manufacturing Units: A comparison of France, West Germany
and Great Britain' in Organization Studies 1980 p.76. (16)
This finding for France and Germany is confirmed by the contrast
identified by Konig and Muller |It is also characteristic
of the category of foreman that in France it can be reached not
only from the skilled worker category as in Germany, but
also from that of semi-skilled workers'. W Konig and W
Muller |Educational systems and labour markets as determinants
of worklife mobility in France and West Germany: a comparison of
men's career mobility, 1965-1970', European
Sociological Review Vol. 2, No. 2. September 1986 p.87. (17) In
France, all those undertaking higher technician (BTS, DUT) training
spend a three-month period in work placement,
but are unlikely to acquire craft skills. A very small number
follow BTS or DUT courses on day release. In Britain, most of
those obtaining an HNC qualification study on day release while
in employment as technician trainees. However, their
training route is differentiated from that of craft trainees and
most practical work is likely to be in technical support
departments rather than in direct production. (18) This finding
is consistent with Sorge et. al. who found a greater tendency in large
German plants to promote craft
operators to staff status as programming technicians to avoid
machine downtime because of lengthy programming. A
Sorge, G Hartmann, M Warner, I Nicholas Microelectronics and
manpower in manufacturing, Gower 1983 chs.5 and 8. (19) For a detailed
analysis see S J Prais and K Wagner, 1988, op cit. (20) T Clauss, |Zur
beruflichen Situation von Meister und Technikern', Berichte zur
Beruflichen Bildung, Heft 113, 1990. (21) The contrast between France
and Germany with respect to access to technician posts in the two
countries has been
analyzed by Drexel in terms of a pattern of vertical access in
Germany (from the shop-floor) and horizontal access in
France (from full-time education). The analysis sought to
determine whether access to German technician positions
was moving towards the French model thus restricting the career
prospects of craft workers in Germany. Drexel
concludes that there is very little evidence that this change is
taking place in Germany. I Drexel, Der Schwierige Weg zu
einem neuem gesellschaftlichen Qualifikationstyp, in Journal fur
Sozialforschung, Heft 3, Campus Verlag 1989. (22) Recent government
initiatives have modified this situation in some limited respects. The
Youth Training Scheme (YTS)
subsidy was allowed to offset first and second year apprentice
wages in industries such as engineering until its abolition
in 1991. Reduced amounts are now available to TECs (Training and
Enterprise Councils) to subsidise employer training
of young people and vouchers made available to young people to
cover off-the-job training costs are Being piloted. (23) See I Jones,
|Skill Formation and Pay Relativities' in GDN Worswick, Education
and Economic Performance, Gower,
1985. (24) Estimates of average technician training costs
derived from I Jones, |Apprentice Training Costs in British
Manufacturing
Establishments: Some New Evidence', British Journal of
Industrial Relations Vol. xxiv, No. 3 1986, pp. 349-350. The
findings of a large differential in net costs between technician
and craft training programmes is broadly in line with surveys
of training costs carried out by the Engineering Industry
Training Board in the 1970s (Jones, 1986, pp. 354-5). More
extensive and up-to-date work in this field is urgently needed.
(25) For earlier analyses see L Needleman. |The Structure of industrial
earnings in seven Western European countries', in
Controlling Industrial Economies: Essays in Honour of C T
Saunders (ed. S F Frowen, Macmillan), 1983; C Saunders
and D Marsden, Pay inequalities in the European Communities
(Butterworth), 1981; and S J Prais, K Wagner, op. cit. (26) S J Prais,
K Wagner (1988), op, cit. p.40. (27) H Steedman (1990) op. cit.
APPENDIX I COMPARISON OF TECHNICIAN QUALIFICATIONS: BRITAIN,
FRANCE AND GERMANY
Full-time technician courses in all three countries last for a period
of two years. In all cases part-time study can also lead to a technician
qualification. In Germany, part-time study for a Techniker qualification
extends over a period of four years, double that of the full-time
qualification. In France, the very small numbers who take the
qualifications with part-time study still manage to take the same
examinations as the full-time students while studying only part-time;
however, they work throughout the year without the benefit of academic
vacations. In Britain the part-time HNC qualification has the same time
duration as the full-time HND (two years); however, it is recognised in
Britain that the HNC does not cover as much ground as the HND whereas in
both France and Germany the full-time routes lead to identical
qualifications. (a)
In all three countries all formal instruction for technician
qualification is college-based, in France and Britain in institutions of
higher education and in Germany in institutions which operate within the
vocational field. All three countries insist on a number of written
examinations as a condition for the award of a technician qualification.
Although all courses include elements of general education, requirements
vary markedly: in Germany, 400 out of 2400 hours are spent on English,
German and economic and social issues, in France, 4 out of 34 weekly
study hours are spent on French and a foreign language. In Britain,
courses in English and a foreign language are offered in many colleges
but are not compulsory for the HNC qualification. Although these
subjects are examined in France, it is possible to obtain the BTS while
not reaching pass marks in the general subjects. The same is not true of
Germany where passes in general subjects are included among the
requirements for the award of Techniker qualifications.
Final examination papers from the three main qualifications
described above, the French (BTS), the German (Techniker) and the
British Higher National Certificate and Higher National Diploma were
obtained from colleges in the three countries. These were then
translated as necessary and discussed with lecturers in engineering in
colleges in the three countries. In each case lecturers were asked to
give an opinion as to whether their own students either would be able to
tackle a paper from the two other countries as it stood, or
alternatively whether their students would be able to answer such
questions if their course had covered that ground. One of the
difficulties of comparing qualifications at this level is that the three
courses vary in the degree of specialisation that is required in
particular technologies. In particular, lecturers in both Britain and
Finance considered that the British HNC and HND qualifications were more
general and theoretical, that is, were less narrowly specialised on
particular technologies and less practically oriented than the
respective French and German qualifications. In the three countries all
discussants felt that level of technical competence aimed at in
technician courses was fairly similar. None of the three qualifications
considered was felt to be |out of line' with those in other
countries although, inevitably, there was no exact correspondence
between papers. For example a control technology theory paper from a
Munich technical college, forming part of their examinations for the
Techniker qualification, contained some questions which British
lecturers considered could be answered by students on the lower level
Ordinary National Diploma courses, whereas other questions were
definitely at the Higher National level. Some rather specific questions
on this paper were considered to be the sort of topic that would be
studied at first or second year degree level; German and British experts
commented that the German papers concentrated on a narrower range of
technical competence and consequently went more deeply into certain
topics than did similar British courses which were broader and less
geared to a single set of technical applications.
On French BTS courses most examination papers tended to be narrowly
focussed on practical applications in the same way as the German papers
were. However, the BTS mathematics papers were of a more general nature
and were universally agreed to be making somewhat greater demands than
the equivalent British and German papers. Those British students who had
taken mathematics courses over and above the bare minimum required for a
Higher National award might be able to cope with the French papers.
However, the mathematics taught for the German Techniker qualification
is very much geared to practical applications (algebra, exponential functions, geometry and trigonometry) and German experts were of the
opinion that French mathematics papers would be too theoretical for the
German students.
Several points need to be borne in mind when considering the
contrast between the greater German specialisation on practical
applications and the greater British breadth and theoretical content at
higher technician level. Firstly it was pointed out to us that the
mathematics content in Britain (as in France) took account of the fact
that some students aim to continue their studies at degree level;
consequently much of the mathematics was of the sort that would be
required if they were to be able to follow a degree course. German
students would not normally be able to go straight onto a degree course
after completing a Techniker qualification but would be required to
follow additional bridging courses; for this reason it is not necessary
for the mathematics to be so geared towards further study at degree
level. Another difficulty put to us by lecturers in British colleges
concerning specialisation on specific applications was related to the
number of different industries from which HNC and HND students in one
British college might be drawn. An expert from a German technical
college considered that those completing the German technician courses
were likely to be quicker in adapting themselves to their tasks in the
workplace than the British Higher National students i.e. would require a
shorter initial training period in the company. However, the broader
theoretical grounding received by higher technicians in Britain should
benefit them when they were subsequently required to adapt to changes in
technology and in the range of tasks that they performed.
All the technician-level qualifications mentioned are recognised as
being at sub-degree level in all three countries. In Britain and France
the courses are recognised as falling within the general field of higher
education; in Germany they are recognised as part of vocational (Fach)
training rather than as part of higher education. For a number of
students in both Britain and France, technician level study is used as a
stepping stone to degree level study. In Germany, progression from
technician-level courses to higher levels of study, e.g. degree-level
engineering courses, requires a bridging course of between four and six
months additional study of German, English, maths and social science;
examinations must be passed in all these subjects as a condition of
entry.
In summary, the balance struck between general and specific
technical knowledge in higher technician qualifications differs between
the three countries. The German qualification concentrates on specific
and practical applications within a general framework laid down
nationally. The French qualification, although following a fairly
detailed nationally laid-down syllabus, also contains a great deal of
practical applications; mathematics tends to be more theoretical in the
French BTS and of a higher degree of difficulty than the science and
physics required. In both France and Britain higher technician courses
are much more oriented towards subsequent degree-level study than in
Germany where the emphasis is on progression from craft to technician
levels.
NOTE
(a) For a detailed comparison of formal qualifications at this level
in five European countries see G. Rothe, Berufsbildingsstufen in
mittleren
Bereich, Materialen der Berufs-und Arbeitspadagogik, Bank 9,
Villingen, 1989.