Are my colleagues soft on (academic) crime?
Burrus, Robert T. ; Graham, J. Edward ; Walker, Mike 等
INTRODUCTION
Most universities publish a statement addressing academic honesty.
Usually, this statement will be a centerpiece of a university honor
code; these codes hold that that the pursuit of knowledge requires
unwavering honesty among all members of the academic community. The
codes typically mention various infractions including plagiarism
(word-for-word copying, the mosaic, the paraphrase), cheating on
examinations and even various forms of bribery (buying, receiving, or
offering some material consideration to obtain a grade).
Honor codes are important in steering students toward a culture of
honor in the pursuit of knowledge. Codes at the military academies, Ivy
League schools, and such schools as UVA and Washington and Lee frame
their entire academic cultures with their honor codes, but such
ambitious foundations for academic integrity are the exception.
Nonetheless, academic honor codes have garnered interest, and some of
this interest likely derives from a perception of an increase in
academic dishonesty over the past couple of decades and from a wide
range of corporate and public ethical failures. These perceptions, and
curiosity about how those perceptions might manifest themselves at a
mid-size regional university in the Southeast, encouraged this research.
How do faculty perceive the level of academic integrity at the
university, and how might those perceptions impact faculty performance,
and expectations, in the classroom? How would those perceptions differ
across business schools and "general" colleges of arts and
science? Findings will be important to the student, faculty and
administrator.
Some background on cheating and stakeholder perceptions of cheating
is provided in the next section. The third section describes the survey
and data collected for this study. Descriptive statistics are provided.
We then conduct a traditional cross-sectional study of our data
employing a standard limited dependant variable PROBIT model - seeking
to discover the importance of faculty perceptions of cheating in
describing the detection and punishment of academic dishonesty. We
report our results, suggest and conduct a series of tests for
robustness, and examine the implications of our findings for the various
university stakeholders. We conclude the paper with a summary and a set
of encouragements for subsequent research.
BACKGROUND
McCabe and Trevino (1997) argue that institutions with formal honor
codes that "are widely distributed and understood by members of the
academic community" are "an integral part of the campus
culture," as with UVA and W and L. The converse might also be
implied: if academic honesty is not highlighted early and often for the
entering college student, it might not become a part of that
student's academic "fabric." Kidwell and Wozniak (2003)
surveyed students about cheating at a small liberal arts college and
found that over 70 percent of those surveyed reported cheating,
plagiarism or other forms of academic dishonesty; many reported multiple
violations. Other studies (Baird, 1980; Singhal, 1982; Franklyn-Stokes
and Newstead, 1995) confirm the same, with over half of students
admitting to cheating and a similar portion of faculty reporting that
they have observed cheating in their classroom (Stevens and Stevens,
1987; Stern and Havlicek, 1986). Greene and Saxe (1992) suggest that
students acknowledge cheating as typical and see "no harm, no
foul."
Other studies consider what, exactly, students consider to be
cheating and the factors associated with greater amounts of cheating.
While students are conflicted about whether many behaviors constitute
cheating, prior research generally indicates that students agree that
the most obvious cheating behaviors (such as copying answers off your
neighbor's paper during an exam) are, indeed, cheating.
Whitley (1998) and Kerkvliet (1994) find that GPA, inordinate focus
on grades as opposed to learning, greater perceived grade pressure,
fewer hours spent studying, working more hours outside of class,
membership in a fraternity or sorority, and too frequent partying and
alcohol consumption all contribute to cheating. As well, lower levels of
self reported honesty are correlated with greater likelihoods of
academic dishonesty.
Research suggests that students do not cheat because they do not
understand the nature of cheating--they cheat perhaps because of their
own perception of a low likelihood of being caught, or of only modest
consequences if they are. Expulsion from the university, a common
penalty for all offenses at the military academies, the Ivys and
Washington and Lee, is not generally enforced at other universities
except in the most egregious examples of academic dishonesty. A movement
toward certain expulsion would likely reduce the number of reported
cheating incidents and reduce actual cheating.
Environmental factors that impact cheating include perceptions that
other students are cheating (Bunn et al., 1992; Mixon and Mixon, 1996;
Mixon, 1996) and whether or not clear definitions of cheating are given
(Franklyn-Stokes and Newstead, 1995; Burrus et al., 2007). McCabe and
Trevino (1993) suggest that student honor codes impact cheating
behavior, but note this impact may simply reflect widespread beliefs
that honor codes reduce overall cheating.
Mentioned above, the certainty and severity of punishment for
cheating are also important factors impacting cheating. Hollinger and
Lanza-Kaduce (1996) show that increases in the probability of being
caught cheating reduces cheating behavior. As well, Mixon (1996) and
Burrus et al. (2007) find that the severity of punishment is an
important inverse determinant of the likelihood of cheating.
Faculty perceptions of cheating have not been widely examined.
Studies by Wright and Kelly (1974), Barnett and Dalton (1981), and
Graham et al. (1994) generally find that students and faculty agree
about the most severe or obvious forms of cheating (copying from other
student's exams, using cheat sheets, and turning in research that
is not your own), but disagree concerning which other behaviors are,
indeed, cheating (plagiarism and bibliographical misrepresentation,
working with other students on homework when it has been expressly
forbidden, using an old test to study without the teacher's
knowledge, and getting questions or answers about an exam from someone
who has already taken it). Interestingly, while students do admit to
cheating, Symaco and Marcelo (2003) find that some behaviors are not as
prevalent as previously thought. These activities include remembering as
many questions as possible to share with their friends after an exam and
looking at another's answer sheet during a quiz.
While students and faculty do not necessarily agree on the
behaviors that constitute cheating, Ballew and Roig (1992) showed
student perceptions of professors' attitudes were similar to the
actual attitudes held by the professors. Professors, however, believed
that students were more tolerant of cheating than students reported
themselves to be. Smith, Nolan and Dai (1998) focused on faculty
perception of the determinants of academic dishonesty. They conclude
that classroom environment contributes to the extent and degree of
cheating, a result that matches student perceptions.
Since individual faculty are rarely in control of student-specific
and campus environmental factors that impact cheating behaviors, these
factors generally cannot be used to influence academic honesty. As
Smith, Nolan and Dai (1998) point out, however, faculty members do make
direct contributions to honor code enforcement.
Given that the certainty and severity of punishment impact student
cheating behavior, this study examines the factors that impact this
"certainty and severity." Faculty involved in the survey are
from a regional university where penalties for cheating are primarily
determined by the professor (a "private resolution"); honor
cases do not go before an official honor board unless students and
faculty cannot agree on whether cheating occurred and/or what the
punishment for cheating should be or unless the alleged incident is
egregious or pervasive. Faculty are responsible for confronting academic
dishonesty and meting out appropriate penalties.
DATA
The data for this study were collected early in 2009 in support of
the Honor Code Task Force at the University of North Carolina
Wilmington. The task force was charged, late in 2007, with studying the
UNCW Honor Code and bringing forth recommendations for its improvement.
The entire faculty (including part-time faculty) were asked to
participate in a survey that first collected demographic information and
then gathered faculty perceptions about student academic honesty at
UNCW. Two hundred thirty-eight responses from over 866 faculty members
were obtained. Excluding incomplete surveys, 213 usable observations
make up our sample.
Faculty members were asked to provide information on their age, the
number of years employed at UNCW, their gender, their academic rank, and
their academic unit. Respondents were then queried about how often they
observe and suspect academic dishonesty and about the types of behaviors
that they consider to constitute academic dishonesty.
Respondents were also asked about their perceptions of the
certainty and severity of punishment for cheating. They were asked
whether the penalties they administer for academic fraud were severe and
whether the penalties that other UNCW professors administer were severe.
They were asked whether they were personally vigilant in detecting
cheating and whether or not their faculty peers were vigilant.
Respondents were then asked how vigilant they were in confronting
detected cheaters and whether they believed that other UNCW faculty
members were vigilant.
Table 1 provides professor-reported demographic information and
perceptions of the cheating behavior of students in their classes.
The average faculty respondent's time at UNCW is 7.27 years,
around 40 percent of the sample respondents were females, nearly 50
percent were tenured, and 14 percent were business faculty. Table 1
indicates that only 23 percent of faculty respondents were "very
familiar" with the campus honor code, 66 percent of faculty suppose
that honor code violations were a "moderate" to
"major" problem, only 30 percent believe that violations were
becoming more frequent. Over three quarters of respondents reported a
discussion of academic honesty with their students at the beginning of
each semester.
Respondents also report two episodes of observed cheating in their
courses per semester but suspect around four academic dishonesty
offenses where the average course load was approximately three classes
per semester. Thirty-one percent of the sample reported seeing three
episodes of cheating and 60 percent suspect three or more episodes of
academic dishonesty each semester.
Survey respondents were also asked about the types of behaviors
that they considered to be cheating. Table 2 lists behaviors that might
constitute cheating and reports the percentage of the sample that
believed that the behavior represents academic dishonesty. The table is
split into two sections; the top section reports the behaviors that are
not consensus cheating behaviors while the bottom reports consensus
cheating behaviors. As well, the average number of times (out of 9) that
the faculty chose a non-consensus cheating behavior as cheating is 1.2.
The average number of times (out of 11) that a faculty member chose a
consensus behavior as cheating is 9.18.
Table 3 reports faculty perceptions about their own policing of
cheating and the policing of cheating of others. As a general rule,
faculty members believed that other professors were soft on crime while
they were not.
MODEL
Examining the factors that influence the certainty and severity of
punishment, we estimate the following equation using a probit
specification:
CER/[SEV.sub.i] = [[beta].sub.0] + [[beta].sub.1]([TIME.sub.i]) +
[[beta].sub.2]([FEMALE.sub.i]) + [[beta].sub.3]([TENURE.sub.i]) +
[[beta].sub.4]([BUSINESS.sub.i]) + [[beta].sub.5]([OBS.sub.i]) +
[[beta].sub.6]([HARSHIN.sub.i]) + [[beta].sub.7]([KNOWHC.sub.i]) +
[[beta].sub.8]([DEGREED.sub.i]) + [[beta].sub.9]([CHEATWOR.sub.i]) +
[[beta].sub.10]([DISCUSS.sub.i]) + [[beta].sub.11]([CERO.sub.i]) +
[[beta].sub.12]([SEVO.sub.i]) + [e.sub.i],
The model is run twice with the independent variable in the first
model being the faculty member's own perceptions of whether they
are "moderately" to "very" vigilant in detecting
cheating (as opposed to "slightly" or "not at all
vigilant") and, in the second, whether the penalties they assign
are "moderate" to "severe" (as opposed to
"mild"). Other variables included as independent variables on
the right hand side of the model are defined in Tables 1-3 save for
HARSHIN, which is the ratio of number of harsh definitions of cheating
to the number of normal definitions of cheating (see Table 2), CERO,
which represents the faculty perceptions of the vigilance of other
faculty in confronting cheating, and SEVO, denoting faculty perceptions
of the severity of punishment of other faculty (see Table 3).
Ex ante, faculty members that observe more cheating, have increased
knowledge of the honor code, believe that cheating is a problem and
believe that cheating is getting worse are expected to confront cheating
with increased frequency and to be more severe in the punishments meted.
Faculty members who believe that behaviors typically not identified with
cheating are, indeed, cheating are also expected to be more vigilant at
confronting cheating and to have harsher penalties. Hence, we anticipate
positive and significant coefficient estimates on OBS, HARSHIN, KNOWCH,
DEGREED, and CHEATWOR. We also expect a positive sign on DISCUSS for the
severity of punishment model, but not necessarily for the certainty
model, as faculty usually spell out how cheaters will be punished on the
first day of class but rarely discuss how they will be detected and
confronted. We have no priors on TIME, FEMALE, TENURE, and BUSINESS, as
no earlier studies have been conducted on these variables as they relate
to faculty perceptions of cheating.
Finally, we are conflicted about whether the certainty that other
faculty members confront cheating, CERO, and the severity of the
punishments that other faculty dish out, SEVO, will have positive or
negative impacts on the self-reported vigilance of detection and
severity of punishment for the surveyed faculty. On the one hand,
faculty might be encouraged to be tougher on crime if they believe their
peers are tough on crime, or they may be tougher on crime to compensate
for the shortcomings of their peers.
RESULTS
Considering those variables about which no prior expectations were
made, female professors perceive themselves as tougher on crime than
their male counterparts, as FEMALE is positive and significant in both
the certainty and severity models. Tenured faculty persons, on the other
hand, believe that they are better at confronting classroom crime than
their untenured colleagues, but having tenure doesn't impact
self-reported severity of punishment.
Other results are generally consistent with our expectations.
Instructors who discuss academic integrity during the first days of
class are also more likely to report severity in punishments and
vigilance in confronting cheaters. Faculty members who are relatively
harsh in their definitions of cheating and those who believe that the
degree of campus cheating is high are more likely to report severity in
assigning punishments while the probability of reporting vigilance in
confronting cheating is higher for faculty who are relatively familiar
with the honor code.
Importantly, faculty members who believe that other faculty are
tough on crime report being tougher themselves. This proposition holds
except that the perception that others impose tough sentences for
cheating does not significantly impact the certainty of confronting
cheating. Our results generally show that the decisions to confront
cheating and impose severe penalties are not really related, but faculty
members are strongly influenced by the behavior of their peers.
Model results are provided in Table 4.
CONCLUSION
Most studies on student cheating find that students commit academic
infractions if they perceive that other students are cheating.
Perceptions matter. Anecdotally, some schools that trumpet their honor
codes derive benefits from an extracurricular impression that the
schools' students are cut from a different cloth; others might
enjoy similar enhancements following a similar path, with overall
improvements in the schools' reputations being one of the results.
In this paper, we find that professors are increasingly vigilant in
policing student cheating and assigning harsher penalties if they
believe that their peers are tough on crime--even though they generally
believe that they are harsher on academic crime than their peers. This
finding has important policy implications. First, while it is generally
noted that honor codes help to create a culture of academic integrity
among students, embracing that culture by faculty may encourage greater
vigilance in detecting and punishing cheaters. Second, as the literature
shows, the fostering of an academic community in which faculty are
engaged in ensuring academic integrity will likely lead to fewer
incidences of cheating. Third, the precise manner with which a
university, a school of business or an individual faculty member might
contribute to this "culture of academic integrity" is not
immediately evident, and will invite further research.
REFERENCES
Baird, J. S., Jr. (1980). Current trends in college cheating.
Psychology in the Schools 17 (4): 515-22.
Barnett, D. C., and J. C. Dalton (1981). Why college students
cheat. Journal of College Student Personnel 22 (6): 545-51.
Bunn, D. N., S. B. Caudill, and D. M. Gropper (1992). Crime in the
classroom: An economic analysis of undergraduate student cheating
behavior. Journal of Economic Education 23 (Summer): 197-207.
Franklyn-Stokes, A., and S. E. Newstead (1995). Undergraduate
cheating: Who does what why? Studies in Higher Education 20 (2):159-72.
Graham, M. A., J. Monday, K. O'Brien and S. Steffen (1994).
Cheating at small colleges: An examination of student and faculty
attitudes and behaviors. Journal of College Student Development 35 (4):
255-60.
Greene, A.S. and Saxe, L. (1992). Everybody (else) does it:
Academic cheating. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the Eastern
Psychological Association, Boston, MA.
Hollinger, R. C., and L. Lanza-Kaduce (1996). Academic dishonesty
and the perceived effectiveness of countermeasures: An empirical survey
of cheating at a major public university. NASPA Journal 33 (4): 292-306.
Kerkvliet, J. (1994). Cheating by economics students: A comparison
of survey results. Journal of Economic Education 27 (2): 121-33.
Kidwell, L., K. Wozniak and J. P. Laurel (2003). Student reports
and faculty perceptions of academic dishonesty. Teaching Business
Ethics, 7(3): 205-214.
McCabe, D. and Trevino, L. (2001). Cheating in academic
institutions: A decade of research, Ethics and Behavior, 11(3): 219-232.
McCabe, D. L., and L. K. Trevino (1997). Individual and contextual
influences on academic dishonesty: A multicampus investigation. Research
in Higher Education, 38 (3): 379-96.
McCabe, D. L. and L. K. Trevino (1993). Academic dishonesty: Honor
codes and other contextual influences. Journal of Higher Education, 64
(5): 522-38.
Mixon, Franklin G., Jr. (1996). Crime in the classroom: An
extension. Journal of Economic Education, 27 (3): 195200.
Mixon, F. G., Jr., and D. C. Mixon (1996). The economics of
illegitimate activities: Further evidence. Journal of Socio-Economics,
25 (3): 373-81.
Nowell, C., and D. Laufer (1997) Undergraduate student cheating in
the fields of business and economics. Journal of Economic Education, 28
(1): 3-11.
Roig, M. and C. Ballew (1992). Attitudes toward cheating by college
students and professors. Paper presented at the Annual Meeting of the
Eastern Psychological Association, Boston, MA. 1992.
Singhal, A. C. (1982). Factors in students' dishonesty.
Psychological Reports 51(December): 775-80.
Smith, J., R. Nolan and Y. Dai (1998). Faculty perception on
student academic honesty. College Student Journal, 32(3): 305-310.
Stern, E., and L. Havlicek (1986). Academic misconduct: Results of
faculty and undergraduate student surveys. Journal of Allied Health, 5
(2): 129-42.
Stevens, G., and F. Stevens (1987). Ethical inclinations of
tomorrow's managers revisited: How and why students cheat. Journal
of Education for Business, 63 (1): 24-29.
Symaco, L. and E. Marcelo (2003) Faculty perception on student
academic honesty. College Student Journal, 37(3): 24-29.
Whitley, B. E., Jr. 1998. Factors associated with cheating among
college students: A review. Research in Higher Education, 39 (3),
235-74.
Wright, J. C., and Richard Kelly. 1974. Cheating: Student/faculty
views and responsibilities. Improving College and University Teaching,
22 (1): 31.
Robert T. Burrus, UNC Wilmington
J. Edward Graham, UNC Wilmington
Mike Walker, UNC Wilmington
Table 1: Demographic Variables and Perceptions of Cheating
Variable Definition Average or
Name Proportion
Time Time at Institution. 7.28
Female Dummy variable: 1=female; 0=other 0.42
Tenure Dummy variable: 1=tenured; 0=other 0.50
Business Dummy variable: 1=professor in business 0.14
school; 0=other
Obs Number of observed episodes of cheating per 1.99
semester.
Knowhc Dummy variable: 1=professor knows honor code 0.23
very well
Degreed Dummy variable: 1=professor believes that 0.66
honor code violations are a moderate to major
problem on the campus
Cheatwor Dummy variable: professor believes that 0.30
cheating behaviors are getting worse
Discuss Dummy variable: professor discusses the honor 0.78
code on the first day of class.
Table 2: Behaviors that are Considered Cheating by Faculty
Variable Definition Proportion
Name
AskH Asking for help from a classmate on the 0.05
assigned homework, paper or project
Backex Writing formulas or other information on the 0.075
back of an exam as soon as it is received
Comhw Comparing homework answers 0.10
Oldt Studying from old exams 0.24
Chpaper Having someone else check over a written 0.03
paper
Manip Visiting a professor to influence a grade 0.24
Study Studying with another student for and exam 0
Badcite Using only citations that confirm your point 0.08
of view
Text Text messaging during a lecture 0.37
TotalHarsh Number of times a faculty member confirmed a 1.19
minority cheating behavior (less than half (average)
of the respondents also consider the
behavior as cheating)
Excuse Using a false excuse to get out of taking an 0.80
exam or turning in an assignment
Glance Looking at another student's exam 0.94
Allgla Allowing a student to look on an exam 0.97
Askth Asking a student about a take home exam 0.54
Askin Asking about the content of an exam from a 0.69
student who has already taken it
Givein Giving information about an exam 0.81
Falcites Adding citations to a bibliography when 0.77
those cites don't appear in the paper
Nocites Failing to properly cite a source 0.87
Cheat Using a cheat sheet 0.95
Calc Programming formulas into a calculator 0.88
Attend Signing an attendance sheet for someone who 0.96
is not in class
TotalNorm Number of times a faculty member confirmed a 9.19
consensus cheating behavior (more than half (average)
of the respondents also consider the
behavior as cheating)
Table 3: Attitudes Toward Severity of Punishment and Certainty of
Punishment
Variable Definition Proportion
Name
Vvconfp Professor is very vigilant in detecting and 0.45
confronting cheating
Mvconfp Professor is moderately vigilant in detecting 0.36
and confronting cheating
Snconfp Professor is either slightly vigilant or not 0.19
vigilant in detecting and confronting cheating
Sevp Professor inflicts severe punishments for 0.20
cheating
Msevp Professor inflicts moderately severe 0.54
punishments for cheating
Mildsevp Professor inflicts mild punishments for 0.26
cheating
Vvconfo Others are very vigilant in detecting and 0.15
confronting cheating
Mvconfo Others are moderately vigilant in detecting 0.44
and confronting cheating
Snconfo Others are either slightly vigilant or not 0.41
vigilant in detecting and confronting cheating
Sevo Others inflict severe punishments for cheating 0.02
Msevo Others inflict moderately severe punishments 0.28
for cheating
Mildsevo Others inflict mild punishments for cheating 0.70
Cer Vvconfp+Mvconfp 0.81
Sev Sevp + Msevp 0.74
Cero Vvconfo + Mvconfo 0.61
Sevo Sevo + Msevo 0.30
TABLE 4: Probit Results
Model 1 (Y=CER) Model 2 (Y=SEV)
Variable Coefficient b/St.Er. Coefficient b/St.Er.
Constant -0.83 -2.06 ** -1.88 -4.49 ***
TIME -0.04 -0.98 0.05 1.49
FEMALE 0.55 2.08 ** 0.46 1.95 **
TENURE 0.62 1.90 * -0.15 -0.53
BUSINESS 0.27 0.84 0.22 0.71
OBS 0.03 0.40 -0.02 -0.40
HARSHIN 0.37 0.48 1.36 1.75 *
KNOWHC 0.76 2.07 ** 0.47 1.37
DEGREED 0.20 0.73 0.70 2.74 ***
CHEATWOR 0.14 0.46 0.12 0.45
DISCUSS 0.48 1.65 * 0.84 3.21 ***
CERO 1.63 5.77 *** 1.16 3.46 ***
SEVO -0.21 -0.71 0.84 3.37 ***
Log likelihood -75.012 -84.9804
Restricted 104.33 -122.705
Pseudo R-sq 0.281011 75.44912
* significant at the 10% level ** significant at the 5% level ***
significant at the 1% level