Oligopolists then and now: a study of the meatpacking industry.
Dickes, Lori A. ; Dickes, Allen L.
ABSTRACT
This paper explores the hypothesis that the meat packing industry has had an evolution that, even with public policy changes, continues to
push the industry towards an oligopolistic structure (at times
monopoly). The firms today, as in years past, continue to be highly
motivated by consolidation and integration. The paper will begin by
tracing the historical development of the meatpacking industry, the
regulatory response to the industry, and finally discuss the literature
and current consolidation within the industry. After doing this, the
paper hopes to reveal that there is a common thread that runs through
the meatpacking industry and that is that economies of scale and cost
advantages of integration are the driving force in 2002 just as they
were in 1900. It appears that in the case of the meatpacking industry
history sometimes repeats itself.
INTRODUCTION
The structure of modern American industry and enterprise has been a
topic of popular and academic discussion and an issue of debate among
economists and policymakers for nearly 125 years. A.D. Chandler in his
classic 1962 study, Strategy and Structure, argues that the
unprecedented industrialization of the late 19th century led to
industrial enterprises like the U.S. had never before seen. Chandler
specifically focuses on firms like DuPont, General Motors, Standard Oil,
and Sears Roebuck and Company. However, Chandler also points to
meatpacking as an industry where structure followed strategy. Chandler
defines business structure as the organization devised to administer
enlarged activities. He concludes that the organizational structure
resulted from entrepreneurs planning and administering enterprise growth
(Chandler, 1962).
As the nineteenth century closed, firms in railroads, steel,
tobacco, sugar refining, oil, explosives, brewing and distilling,
agricultural equipment and meatpacking consolidated market power. The
structure of major U.S. industries departed rapidly from the classical
definition of competition. Beginning in the 1870s, consolidation and
integration (both vertical and horizontal) proceeded with dizzying speed
and transformed the economy. By the end of the 1890s, oligopoly, virtual
monopoly or shared monopoly characterized American industry. In many
cases, firms in oligopolistic or monopolistic industries enjoyed
economies of scale and scope, along with increased production and lower
prices for consumers. However, predatory actions and other negative
consequences of market power produced a popular clamor against the
trusts. Ida Tarbell, Frank Norris, Upton Sinclair and many others gave
voice to this protest.
As protests rose, the demand for public control of big business
became a reality. These demands for public restraints on business led to
the passage of the Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, the Sherman
Anti-Trust Act in 1890 and the Meat Inspection Act of 1891. Later the
1904 prosecution of the Northern Securities Company and the creation of
the Bureau of Corporations within the Department of Commerce occurred
and were the cornerstones of Theodore Roosevelt's "Trust
Busting" policy. The Sherman Act remains today the foundation of
United States anti-trust policy. However, neither enforcement nor
interpretation of anti-trust law has been consistent over the course of
the twentieth century. As well, anti-trust action continued to be in the
popular media in the twentieth and now the twenty-first century as
concerns over increasing concentration in a variety of industries takes
on momentum. Even though this case has now been settled, the decision to
pursue monopoly charges against Microsoft is the most publicized recent
example.
HYPOTHESIS
This paper explores the hypothesis that the meat packing industry
has had an evolution that, even with public policy changes, continues to
push the industry towards oligopoly (at times monopoly) and from all
appearances will continue to do so. While the firms today are not the
same as they were in 1890, 1945, or 1970, they continue to be highly
motivated by consolidation and integration. The paper will begin by
tracing the historical development of the meatpacking industry, the
regulatory response to the industry, and finally discuss the literature
and current consolidation within the industry. After doing this, the
paper hopes to reveal that there is a common thread that runs through
the meatpacking industry and that is that economies of scale and cost
advantages of integration are the driving force in 2000 just as they
were in 1900.
MEAT PACKING: HISTORICAL DEVELOPMENT AND REGULATION
The meatpacking industry is an interesting case study in industrial
organization and governmental response to big business enterprise. The
industry has experienced several periods of structural change and
consolidation during the past 120 years. Meatpacking was part of each of
the great merger waves, the 1890s, 1920s, 1960s and later in the 1970s
and 1980s. Each merger wave was significant to the industry and lead to
the current structure exhibited today.
In the later half of the nineteenth century, meatpacking firms
developed into a national industry, with consolidated control and a
changed market structure. Oligopoly (collusive or not) characterized the
industry in the twentieth century's first decade. The major firms
assumed position among the largest industrial enterprises in the U.S.
and world. A changing environment moved the center of the industry
westward from the Ohio River Valley to Chicago. The rapid urbanization
of the nation, coupled with the growth of herds of animals on the
western plains, the extension of the railroads, both trunk line roads to
the Eastern cities and roads to the west, and the development of
dependable refrigeration, made possible the development of a national
market.
Gustavus Swift led the development of the national industry. He
moved to Chicago in the mid-1870s and quickly set out to establish a
nationwide processing, distributing and marketing organization. His
desire to build a major national business enterprise led to vertical
consolidation. Swift & Company grew to include stockyard ownership,
slaughter, processing, distribution to branch houses, and sales at both
the wholesale and retail levels. As the twentieth century began, five
firms led the industry with Phillip Armour's, Armour & Co., and
Swift & Co. being the largest. Armour & Co. ranked number eight
among U.S. industrial firms in 1909 in value of assets; Swift & Co.
was number thirteen (Chandler, 1962). The big five controlled almost 100
percent of the refrigerated, dressed beef production in 1906 (Libecap,
1992). Swift and Armour by World War I had added major meatpacking
plants in Omaha, St. Joseph, Ft. Worth and other cities, and increased
their national market share.
At the national level, the first regulatory response to
consolidation in the meatpacking industry came in 1891. The passage of
the Meat Inspection Act of 1891 was a product of the fundamental changes
that had occurred in the meatpacking industry during the 1870s and
1880s. Libecap contends that the consolidation of market power in the
hands of four Chicago meatpackers played a prominent role in the
enactment of both the industry specific legislation in 1891 and the
Sherman Anti-Trust Act of 1890 (Libecap, 1992). In 1905 the Supreme
Court upheld the government's anti-trust pursuit of the "Beef
Trust," and used the industry to advance the stream of commerce
concept to broaden the scope of anti-trust action. However, the
difficulty involved in measuring true concentration within the industry
spared the big five the trust busting prosecutions suffered by U.S.
Steel and Standard Oil in the twentieth century's second decade.
Although, public protest over Upton Sinclair's, The Jungle, helped
spur passage of the Meat Inspection Act of 1906. This fictional
portrayal brought a genuine desire to rid the industry of abuses.
Concerns over concentration in the industry continued and led
Congress to initiate a full-scale investigation of the meatpacking
industry after World War II. This oligopolistic structure remained
intact throughout the 1950s. In 1959 Armour & Co. and Swift &
Co. were among the top 100 U.S. industrial firms based on the value of
assets (Chandler, 1962). However, structural change in the industry
occurred as union strength waned and technological improvements became
available in the 1960s and 1970s. Research by Craypo reveals that union
strength peaked in the meatpacking industry during the 1960s and through
the mid-1970's (Craypo, 1994). By the early 1970s, 95 percent of
hourly workers in multiplant meatpacking plants, operating outside the
South, were represented by the United Packing House Workers of America
and Amalgamated Meat Cutters Union. However, by 1988 unionization had
fallen to approximately half of its 1963 level, and nominal wages in the
1990s fell below the hourly wage in 1960 (Huffman & Miranowski,
1996).
The oligopolist of the first half of the twentieth century became
pawns in the wave of conglomeratization that swept the nation in the
1960s and 1970s. This conglomerate merger wave saw unrelated firms and
industries joining together in business mergers that had not been seen
before. The meatpacking industry, along with agricultural industries in
general, was not excluded from this period of conglomerate mergers.
Wilson & Co. was bought by LTV, and its assets divided into a
meatpacking firm, a sporting goods firm and a pharmaceuticals firm
(Brown, 1972). Armour & Co. became the target of Gulf & Western;
was acquired first by General Host and later became part of Greyhound
(Sobel, 1984).
Research by Ussif and Lambert reveals some of the changes that were
occurring in the industry during this time (Ussif & Lambert, 1998).
Their research concluded that monopoly power in the meatpacking industry
peaked from 1974-1978. This peak corresponded with a period of rapidly
increasing per capita beef consumption. In addition, their research
reveals that by 1978 the Lerner index in meatpacking was .14. However,
in 1979 monopoly power in the meatpacking industry fell sharply and
stabilized for a period after 1980. They additionally conclude that
monopsony power in the meatpacking industry peaked in 1962 and again in
1973.
A new generation of meatpackers emerged in the 1980s. Armour &
Co. and Swift & Co., along with Monfort of Colorado, and a host of
processing firms became part of the Omaha-based Con Agra food combine.
Iowa Beef Packers, Inc. (IBP) grew from a small firm on the fringe of
the national market into one of the largest in the industry. Cargill,
the Minneapolis agricultural product firm, moved its Excel meatpacker
into a position of prominence. The industry, as the twenty-first century
begins, is more concentrated than at any time in the twentieth century.
By the 1990s, three major firms ruled the pork and beef industry. They
replaced the big five of an earlier time. The three major firms are also
oligopsonists (perhaps exercising virtual monopsonistic prerogatives).
Thus, as history repeats itself, concerns have arisen about increasing
concentration and control within this industry.
The concern over increasing integration in the industry gained
momentum in the 1990s leading Congress to once again investigate and
attempt to regulate the meatpacking industry. The USDA was ordered, in
the early part of the decade, to investigate increasing concentration in
meatpacking. Two pieces of legislation were introduced in 1999 aimed at
controlling or preventing future mergers and other anti-competitive
behavior within the meat industry. One Senate Bill would have
temporarily prevented mergers among firms in the grain, livestock, seed,
fertilizer and food processing industries. The second Senate proposal
would have made it illegal for meatpackers to own livestock. Several
Senators argued that the U.S. meat industry once again exhibited
characteristics of monopoly power that threatened consumers and other
businesses involved. Agriculture Secretary Dan Glickman summed it up
when he argued:
It would be simplistic to say that consolidation, on the whole, is
a good or bad thing. Consolidation can lead to more efficient,
lower-cost production. But competition is the life-blood of the free
enterprise system, and the fewer options available in the marketplace,
the less innovative the economy. What's more, we should all be
concerned when the trend Toward larger and fewer agricultural operations
threatens to drive the small operator out of business. We can't
allow a system of agricultural Darwinism to prevail, with the survival
of the fittest becoming survival of the largest (USDA Backgrounder,
1999).
The importance of the industry as the twenty-first century begins
is demonstrated in part by its scope. The U.S. Meat and poultry industry
employs nearly 500,000 workers in 44 states; employing more than
aerospace manufacturing, newspaper publishing, radio and television
broadcasting, the oil and gas industry and the consumer electronics
industry. The industry operates over 2,700 livestock slaughtering
plants, which are important in the economies of such states as Kansas,
Nebraska, Texas, Iowa, Minnesota, and Virginia. In 1994 meatpackers
slaughtered 46 million head of cattle, 9.5 million calves and over 100
million hogs. Red meat production topped 42 million pounds in 1994. As
well, the total export value of U.S. meat and related products in 1994
was $9.969 billion (www.meatami.org, 2001).
The foregoing discussion of the historical development of the
meatpacking industry and its structure shows both the historical
significance of the industry and the continuing importance of the
enterprise. However, the question of why the industry quickly became
oligopolistic, and is even more concentrated today, remains important.
In addition, a significant body of research, A.D. Chandler's
Strategy and Structure to name only one, points to the value of
addressing this question and analyzing the results across industries
(Chandler, 1962).
CONCENTRATION, INTEGRATION AND MARKET STRUCTURE
There has been a significant amount of literature emphasizing the
concentration and market power in the meatpacking industry. Many of
these studies have focused on statistical analysis measuring
concentration and its significance to the industry in recent history.
Azzam and Anderson reported, based on earlier studies, that
concentration could impact the prices charged and quantities sold by
firms. Their research also noted the importance of technological
development and firm rivalry on changes within the industry (USDA GIPSA,
1996). Technological changes in this industry have been a major factor
in improving cost advantages and economies of scale. From a historical
perspective some of the most important technological changes in the
meatpacking industry have been: (1.) The development of cellulose
casings and skinless hot dogs in the 1920s. (2.) The development of the
refrigerated rail car/truck in the 1930-40s. (3.) The development of
vacuum packing in the 1950s, and (4.) The development of boxed beef in
the 1960s. These changes, along with changes in Federal regulations and
anti-trust laws, have allowed for significant structural changes in the
meatpacking industry (Food Engineering, 2000).
As these technologies improved, beef processing moved from large
cities like Chicago in the 1920s to small cities such as Garden City and
Dodge City, Kansas, and Dakota City and Schuyler, Nebraska. The move to
towns and cities in rural America was designed to replace outmoded
plants with new specialized facilities closer to supplies, and provided
the added benefit of lower labor costs. Huffman and Mirankowski confirm
that concentration in large specialized operations occurred as
refrigeration, processing and packaging for meat improved (Huffman &
Miranowski, 1996). Moreover, Ollinger, MacDonald, Handy and Nelson
confirm that in the twenty-five years from 1967 to 1992, the meatpacking
industry experienced a general shift to greater plant scale (Ollinger,
MacDonald, Handy & Nelson, 1996). Looking back on all of these
developments there is general agreement in the research that the
livestock/meat industry has witnessed substantial changes in production
processes and industry concentration (Khan & Helmers, 1997).
Barkema, Drabenstott, and Novak argue that today's changing
consumer demand, along with efforts to trim costs across the industry is
driving consolidation in meat processing (Barkema, Drabenstott, &
Novak, 2001). They contend that profit margins in the beef and pork
industries have been eroded by increased competition from a highly
concentrated poultry industry. This pressure on the beef and pork
industries results from one of the basic tenets of Supply and Demand. As
the demand for poultry increases, a substitute product for beef and
pork, more pressure is placed on the beef and pork industry to
consolidate and find cost-saving measures. Additional research confirms
that changes in consumer demand have been a significant factor in the
recent structural transformation of the meat industry (Bastian, Bailey,
Menkhaus, & Glover, 1994).
Risk aversion is the focus of Khan and Helmers discussion of
vertical integration in the beef industry. They conclude that: (1.)
Improved efficiency, (2.) Reduced uncertainty of input and output prices
and, (3.) Reductions in operations cost have moved the firms in the
industry to increased vertical integration (Khan & Helmers, 1997).
At the same time, Featherstone and Sherrick cite the integrated
firm's ability to gain market advantage, increase efficiencies,
reduce uncertainty and gain cost advantages (Featherstone &
Sherrick, 1992). Additional research focuses on the idea of
"captive supplies" and suggests that backward integration can
produce efficiency gains and reduce a firm's acquisition price for
externally supplied raw inputs (Love & Burton, 1997).
It is apparent that the meatpacking industry has undergone a number
of structural changes in the twentieth century. One way to define
structural change is change in the number and/or size of firms in an
industry (Bastian, Bailey, Menkhaus, & Glover, 1994). The number of
firms in the meatpacking industry declined in the late nineteenth
century while the size of firms increased dramatically. This process has
occurred again in the late years of the twentieth century. Structural
change is not limited to the above definition and can include many other
variables including location, extent of unionization, and level of
horizontal and vertical integration. Each of these has been a part of
the evolving structure of the industry over its entire history and
certainly over the past thirty years.
Within the industry one of the easiest ways to measure degrees of
monopoly power, or divergence from perfect competition, is to examine
concentration ratios. Admittedly, concentration ratios have several
limitations. For example, some industries appear to have low
concentration levels nationally, but in fact exert significant market
control locally and/or regionally. As well, industries can exhibit high
degrees of concentration even though the four or eight largest firms
have significant levels of interfirm competition. Despite these
limitations, concentration ratios are an important tool of analysis in
determining the level of monopoly power in an industry or market.
Table One, on the following page, presents initial data on the
concentration ratios within the meatpacking industry. SIC (Standard
Industrial Classification Index) codes 2011 and 2013 represent several
different categories of meat industrial firms including canned meats,
meat extracts, and meatpacking plants. As the data indicates, SIC firms
classified under 2011 have much higher concentration ratios than those
under 2013. SIC code 2011 includes meatpacking firms. Based on these
figures, it can be argued that this industry exhibits at least a
moderate measure of concentration. This is further supported by the data
which reveals that this industry has almost 1300 firms, of which the
eight largest firms account for less than 1 percent of this total but
account for 66 percent of the value of shipments.
Table Two, below, looks specifically at the beef packing industry.
Overall, the trend from 1980 to 1995 is increasing concentration. In
fifteen years, significant increases in four firm concentration ratios
have been exhibited in the steer/heifer, cow/bull, cattle and boxed beef
segments of the beef industry. In fact these four firm concentration
ratios have been climbing since the early 1960s. For instance, the four
firm concentration ratios in beef slaughter were 26 and 25 for 1967 and
1977 respectively (Ollinger, MacDonald, Handy & Nelson, 1996). By
1995 the four firm concentration ratios were 79.3, 23.5, 67.3 and 84.3
respectively in the steer/heifer, cow/bull, cattle and boxed fed beef
markets. This establishes that not only is there moderate to substantial
concentration in the industry, but that concentration has been
increasing.
The Herfindahl-Hirshman Index (HHI) is another useful measure of
concentration and overcomes many weaknesses of the concentration ratio
measurement. This measurement is considered superior to concentration
ratios because it takes into account the number of firms and the
relative distributional shares of the market held by all firms, not just
the largest. The HHI is calculated by taking the sum of the squares of
each firm's percentage share of the market. Thus, if 200 firms have
a 1-percent share, the HHI will equal 200. If 1 firm has 100 percent of
the market, the HHI equals 10,000. The Department of Justice and Federal
Trade Commission have set guidelines using the HHI to determine whether
mergers in an industry will have anti-competitive results. Below, Table
Three reveals the guidelines set by the Department of Justice and the
Federal Trade Commission. The basic guidelines set by these agencies
reveal that both for moderate and high concentration industries there
are potential competitive concerns when mergers occur.
The HHIs illustrated in Table Four reveal the significant increase
in market concentration that has occurred in the beef-packing industry
over the fifteen-year period from 1980-1995. All segments of the
beef-packing industry have exhibited a significant increase, with
Steer/Heifer, Cow/Bull, and Cattle exhibiting the largest percentage
change in the HHI. (See Table IV below.). The HHI for the Steer/Heifer
and Boxed Beef segments indicate a level of concentration such that the
Department of Commerce would likely deny a request for further mergers
within that segment of the industry. As well, the Cow/Bull segment would
be considered moderately concentrated and would warrant further
research. In 1995 216 plants slaughtered 27 million heads of steers and
heifers. The vast majority (80%) were slaughtered in 22 plants. The same
was true for cows and bulls; 71% of the 6.5 million cows and bulls were
slaughtered at 26 plants (USDA Packers and Stockyards Statistical
Report, 1995).
If Philip Armour came back today to see his industry he would revel
in the changed technology and production methods. However, the number of
competitors in the industry would not surprise him. He would possibly
only be surprised by their names. In 1890, Armour, Swift, Morris and
Hammond, the 4 largest Chicago meatpackers, slaughtered 89 percent of
the cattle in Chicago and by 1904 these firms controlled 50 percent of
the national meatpacking market (Libecap, 1992). In order to maintain
and improve this market share the Chicago meatpackers were entrepreneurs
in the use of refrigeration and large centralized slaughterhouses. By
1917, the major Chicago packers controlled 93 percent of the total U.S.
market for the storage and distribution of dressed beef, as well as
refrigerator cars to transport the beef around the country (Libecap,
1992). By several estimates, the U.S. meat industry was the first or
second most valuable U.S. industry for the thirty-year period, from
1880-1910. While the meat industry today is certainly not the most
valuable U.S. industry, it is still significant and more importantly,
provides commodities that consumers need and want. Meatpackers today, as
those before them, have been able to increase their market share through
changes in technology, plant scale, and merger activity. As a result,
the four largest firms across the different sectors of beef packing
control between 24 percent and over 80 percent of their respective
markets. Thus, just as in 1910, this industry is characterized by its
high levels of concentration with a few large firms controlling the
market.
CONCLUSION
It is acknowledged that all firms across all industries seek to
minimize cost and improve their market share. This is an enduring
feature of our capitalist economy and the drive for profits. However,
this research reveals the possibility that some industries may
experience this pressure to a greater extent than others may. If this is
the case, then some industries may have a natural drive or push towards
oligopoly and monopoly structure.
Meatpacking was a significant national industry as the twentieth
century began and remains a major economic force at the start of the
twenty-first century. In 1900 concentration, vertical integration and
oligopoly characterized the industry. The structure of the industry in
2002 also features concentration, vertical integration and oligopoly. In
fact, the level of concentration has increased. The industry's
structure then and now has been driven by a national market strategy, by
the necessity to minimize costs, and an aversion to risks. As well,
firms within the industry continue to pursue economies of scale and
scope. It appears that in the case of the meatpacking industry,
especially beef and pork, history sometimes repeats itself.
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Table I: Concentration Ratios by SIC Code
Percentage of Value
Number of Shipments of Shipments Accounted
SIC Code Companies Millions $ for by Largest Firms
4 8 20 50
2011 1296 6958.7 50 66 79 88
2013 1128 5478.3 25 33 46 62
Source: U.S. Census Bureau. Manufacturing Concentration Ratios.
Economic Census, 1992.
Table 2: Four-Firm Concentrations: Beef Packing
Year Steer/Heifer Cow/Bull Cattle Boxed Fed Beef
1980 35.7 9.7 28.4 52.9
1985 50.2 17.2 39 61.5
1987 67.1 20 54.2 79.5
1990 71.6 20.4 58.6 79.3
1993 79.8 24 66 82.7
1994 80.9 26.3 67.8 85.7
1995 79.3 23.5 67.3 84.3
Source: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Packers and Stockyards
Statistical Report: 1995 Reporting Year, GIPSA 97-1, September 1997,
Tables 27, 28, and 29.
TABLE 3: DOJ and FTC Merger Guidelines
Post-Merger HHI below 1,000 This is considered unconcentrated
Post-Merger HHI between 1,000-1,800 This is considered moderately
concentrated
Post Merger HHI above 1,800 This is considered highly
concentrated
Source: USDA, Concentration Measures for the Beef Packing Industry.
TB-1874, 1996.
Table 4: Herfindahl-Hirshman Index
Year Steer/Heifer Cow/Bull Cattle Boxed Fed Beef
1980 561 89 361 1,220
1985 999 160 617 1,527
1987 1,435 206 946 1,981
1990 1,661 223 1,118 1,988
1993 2,052 276 1,393 2,236
1994 2,096 320 1,460 2,340
1995 1,982 293 1,437 2,208
Source: U.S. Department of Agriculture, Packers and Stockyards
Statistical Report: 1995 Reporting Year, GIPSA 97-1, September 1997,
Tables 27, 28, and 29.