Menke, Christoph. Reflections of Equality.
Simpson, Peter
MENKE, Christoph. Reflections of Equality. Translated by Howard
Rouse and Andrei Denejkine. Stanford, California: Stanford University Press, 2006. xii + 226 pp. Paper, $24.95--This is a hard book. It is
hard both because it deals with a hard subject, the relation between
justice and equality, and because it is written in a special
philosophical language, that of Hegelian dialectics. The first kind of
difficulty would be impossible to remove without doing injustice to the
subject; but the second kind could be removed without doing injustice to
anybody.
What Menke says about equality is that it is dialectical. The claim
that justice is equality is grounded in the appeal to individuality, for
individuals are treated as individuals when they are treated equally or
when no individual has, qua individual, more rights than another. But to
treat individuals equally is to treat them as all the same, that is, not
as individuals, who are irreplaceably unique, but as units, which are
interchangeably the same. As Menke puts it: "The modern idea of
equality and the normative obligation toward individuality are subject
to an irresolvable dialectic: they only exist in their transition into
their opposite" (pp. 7-8).
Menke's thesis is that Hegelian dialectics is as much now the
way to understand what is going on as in nineteenth century Germany. In
particular it is as much the way to understand Rawls as Derrida.
Dialectics tells us that a discussion of Derrida's about the force
of law is about how justice as law requires a foundation in a justice
that precedes law, namely the justice that distinguishes between just
and unjust laws and that, as such, takes the form and force of a
law-less decision (ch. 2). Or in short dialectics tells us how law is
founded on lawlessness. As for Anglo-American political philosophy
dialectics tells us that whether freedom is Rawls' model of a
chosen plan of life, or MacIntyre's and Sandel's participation
in a community of values that is never chosen, or the romanticists'
perfectionist experimentations (Menke means Schlegel and Nietzsche; he
should include Locke's and Nozick's self-owners), it is always
as much loss as gain. But losers become revolutionaries. So as there are
always losers there is always revolution, and Anglo-American freedom
finds itself founded on the perpetual disruption of freedom (chs. 4 and
5).
This point that Anglo-American political philosophy is a recipe not
for peace or justice or freedom but for perpetual revolution I found to
be an especially striking one. It enables Menke to give an account of
actual life in liberal societies that is better than anything I have
read in Rawls and others. This chapter 5 is the best in the book and
worth reading for its own sake alone. The contrasting point about
Derrida I found to be little more than a Hegelianized way of talking
about the necessity for natural law.
Menke ends with a discussion of Carl Schmitt's Nazi era
defense of sovereignty. This is not surprising. The disorder of
perpetual revolution must eventually invite totalitarian suppression. To
Schmitt's sovereignty of dictatorship Menke opposes his own
sovereignty of mercy. Here, however, his Hegelian dialectics no longer
helps. Whether a given sovereignty is merciful depends on what is prior
to sovereignty, namely the virtue of the sovereign. Menke's book
has nothing to say about virtue or its acquisition. Hegelian dialectics,
it appears, works best with high level abstractions where paradoxes can
be made almost to order (refer to p. 119: "by using legal and
bureaucratic procedures the welfare state claims a power of definition
with respect to something that can only be defined by individuals
themselves, that is, that which constitutes their self-determined
lives").
What then is the use of such dialectics, or what does Menke say
with it that could not be said without it? That there is a justice prior
to law, the justice that separates just from unjust laws, and a justice
posterior to law, the justice that the law determines, is an old idea
that we did not have to wait for Hegel or Derrida to understand. Even
the provocative observation that Anglo-American liberal apologies are
promoting perpetual and violent revolution, even if Hegelian dialectics
was used to bring it to our attention, can be said without the
Hegelianizing.
Moreover, many a puzzle only appears to be a puzzle because
Hegelianized. This is true of the puzzle around which Menke's book
revolves, namely that justice must treat individuals who are all
different as if they were the same. For did not Aristotle provide a
non-dialectical solution to that long ago? Justice is indeed equality,
but proportional equality (something about which Menke's book says
nothing). Justice is when each gets what accords with his deserts so
that A gets what accords with A's deserts and B what accords with
B's deserts. In this way A and B are treated the same, because they
both get what they deserve, and treated differently, because they each
get what each deserves and not what the other deserves. Thus they are
treated the same without losing anything of their individual difference.
That seems clear enough. So why conjure up dialectical paradoxes just to
say it differently?--Peter Simpson, City University of New York.