Attachment to god and implicit spirituality: clarifying correspondence and compensation models.
Hall, Todd W. ; Fujikawa, Annie ; Halcrow, Sarah R. 等
This article empirically investigates two alternative, competing
hypotheses regarding human attachment patterns and attachment patterns
with respect to people's spiritual experiences of relationship with
God. The correspondence model posits that attachment patterns with
humans correspond to, or are reflected in attachment patterns in
individuals' experiences of God. The compensation model, in
contrast proposes that attachment patterns with humans do not correspond
to God attachment patterns presumably because God functions as a
substitute attachment figure for those with insecure human attachments.
Overall, the evidence has been somewhat mixed, with some findings
supporting correspondence and some supporting compensation. It is argued
here that this is due to limitations of the conceptual models, more
specifically, lack of clarity regarding the compensation model, and the
limited way in which spirituality and religiousness has been
conceptualized and measured. We propose a conceptual distinction between
implicit spiritual functioning and explicit spiritual functioning, which
reflect two separate ways of knowing and processing emotional
information: explicit knowledge and implicit relational knowledge (Stern
et al., 1998). Based on this distinction, we propose a conceptual model
arguing that correspondence operates at implicit levels of spiritual
experience, and that human attachment patterns are not associated with
explicit spiritual functioning. Results overall provided strong support
for this model.
Attachment and religion research in the past 15 years has focused
on the question of continuities and discontinuities between attachment
patterns in close human relationships and patterns of attachment with
respect to religious/spiritual beliefs and experiences. The conceptual
question at issue, proposed by Kirkpatrick and Shaver (1990), is whether
people's religious beliefs and experiences correspond to their
internal working models of human attachment figures, or, in contrast,
whether religious beliefs and experiences compensate, or substitute for
the lack of secure attachment relationships with primary caregivers. The
purpose of the present study is to offer initial empirical support for
an alternative theory to explain the differences between correspondence
and compensation at the level of implicit knowledge.
COMPENSATION AND CORRESPONDENCE: EMPIRICAL FINDINGS
On the surface, it appears that the empirical literature to date
presents a rather inconsistent picture. On the one hand, a number of
studies in the areas of attachment and object relations functioning
suggest correspondence. For example, secure attachment in current
relationships has been associated with perceptions of God as more
loving, less distant and controlling (Brokaw & Edwards, 1994; Hall,
Brokaw, Edwards, & Pike, 1998), and of one's relationship with
God as more stable and emotionally close (Hall & Edwards, 2002). In
addition, retrospective reports of secure attachment history have been
associated with higher levels of orthodox Christian beliefs (Merck &
Johnson, 1995). Two recent studies found evidence directly supporting
correspondence between anxious attachment in romantic relationships and
anxious attachment to God (Beck & McDonald, 2004; Rowatt &
Kirkpatrick, 2002).
On the other hand, several studies have provided partial support
for some form of compensation. Individuals with histories of avoidant
attachment were found to be more likely to have experienced a sudden
religious conversion during adolescence or adulthood (Granqvist, 1998;
Granqvist & Hagekull, 1999; Kirkpartrick, 1999; Kirkpatrick &
Shaver, 1990). In a four- year longitudinal study, women who reported
insecure adult attachment styles in romantic relationships (both anxious
and avoidant) were more likely to have "found a new relationship
with God" than women who reported a secure attachment history
(Kirkpatrick, 1997). In addition, women with an anxious attachment
history were more likely to have had a religious experience or
conversion during that time than women with avoidant and secure
histories. In a second longitudinal study by Kirkpatrick (1998) using
Bartholomew and Horowitz's (1991) four-category self-classification
measure of romantic attachment, individuals classified as preoccupied
and fearful exhibited a greater longitudinal increase in religiosity
relative to those reporting positive self-models. Granqvist (2002)
replicated this, finding that a significantly higher proportion (16.3%)
of those with an insecure attachment history with mother reported an
increase in the importance of their religious beliefs during their
adulthood (after age 22) than those reporting a secure attachment
history with mother (6.5%). Thus, there appears to be support for both
compensation and correspondence models.
However, results of research using other religiosity variables have
been less uniformly supportive of the compensation model. Kirkpatrick
and Shaver (1990) found that maternal religiosity moderated the
association between attachment history and, (a) intrinsic religiousness;
(b) church attendance; (c) self-report of being a "born again"
Christian; (d) belief in a personal God; and (e) experience of having a
personal relationship with God. Among those who reported low maternal
religiosity, avoidant individuals reported higher levels of
religiousness than either secure or anxious/ambivalent individuals. In
contrast, there was no effect of attachment status at the high maternal
religiosity level. Granqvist (2002) replicated the essence of this
finding; however, he found that paternal religiosity moderated the
association between attachment history with father and religiosity.
While he also found evidence for compensation at low paternal
religiosity, in contrast to Kirkpatrick and Shaver (1990), high paternal
religiosity demonstrated some evidence for correspondence, in that a
secure history with father was associated with higher levels of
religiosity.
Based on these findings, Granqvist (2002) revised the
correspondence and compensation hypotheses to what he called
"socialized correspondence" and "emotional
compensation." The socialized correspondence hypothesis suggests
that among individuals with secure attachment histories, level of
religiosity corresponds to parents' level of religiosity. Among
individuals with insecure attachment histories, however, religious
involvement is primarily used to regulate affect (interactive affect
regulation) and to maintain a sense of felt security (emotional
compensation).
In testing these hypotheses in a second study, Granqvist (2002)
found that avoidant attachment history was weakly, but positively,
associated with turning to and maintaining contact with God in order to
regulate one's affect, evidence for emotional compensation. The
correlations were slightly strengthened at low parental religiosity, and
disappeared at high parental religiosity. Granqvist (2002) also found
that participants who experienced a sudden religious conversion scored
significantly higher on ambivalent history with mother than those who
had experienced a gradual religious conversion. Among those who reported
religious change, two clusters were identified. Cluster one was high on
suddenness of change, age, compensation themes, and avoidant and
ambivalent history with mother, and cluster two showed the opposite
pattern. In another study (III), Granqvist (2002) essentially replicated
these findings with attachment in romantic relationships, although the
effects were not as strong. One noteworthy finding in this study was
that an insecure attachment history with mother was positively
associated with a decrease in religiosity over a year time period,
contradicting Kirkpatrick's (1998) finding and the longitudinal
compensation hypothesis.
Integrating these various findings, Granqvist (2002) proposed a
"two-level correspondence" model. The first level is
"socialized correspondence" in which one's religious
beliefs and values are similar to parents, but only for secure
individuals. The second level or component, referred to as a
"secondary effect," is internal working model (IWM)
correspondence, in which IWMs of self and others correspond to IWMs of
God. Granqvist also concluded that individuals with insecure attachment
histories engage in emotional compensation more than those with secure
histories.
Limitations with Current Conceptual Frameworks
Correspondence and compensation conceptualizations have been
proposed as somewhat competing alternative hypotheses in terms of how
religious beliefs and experiences reflect attachment processes. Either
one's IWMs of self/other are associated with one's IWM model
of God (correspondence hypothesis) or they are not, and God functions as
a substitute or surrogate attachment figure in the context of an
insecure attachment history (compensation hypothesis). There are three
primary limitations to the conceptual frameworks of correspondence and
compensation that have been offered. First, correspondence and
compensation are not conceptually parallel hypotheses, and consequently,
they are not mutually exclusive. While Granqvist (2002) has contributed
significantly to clarifying these issues, his revised conceptual
framework could be construed as suggesting that IWM correspondence and
emotional compensation are mutually exclusive, and that IWM
correspondence is a less important "secondary" effect than
socialized correspondence. Furthermore, socialized correspondence
applies only to secure individuals, not to insecure individuals.
However, this does not appear to be the case for the conceptualization
of IWM correspondence. As with the original correspondence and
compensation hypotheses, the two levels of correspondence proposed by
Granqvist are not conceptually parallel in that one model applies to all
attachment statuses and the other does not. In addition, correspondence
has been redefined as having to do with level of religiosity matching
between parent and child, rather than the dynamics of IWM's in
human relationships paralleling experiences of God and spirituality.
Second, three different variants of the compensation model have
been proposed, at least implicitly, in the way the model is variously
operationalized. This makes it difficult to evaluate the evidence for
compensation as a general hypothesis. We need to clearly distinguish and
test particular models, rather than "compensation" in general.
The first model, explicit religious compensation, suggests that,
concurrently, insecure individuals tend to exhibit higher levels of
religiousness than secure individuals, where religiousness is typically
operationalized with explicit measures such as church attendance, belief
in a personal God, and discussion of religious matters. The second model
suggests that insecure individuals tend to use their religion for the
purposes of affect regulation more than secure individuals do, what
Granqvist's (2002) has called "emotional compensation."
We argue below that this model is actually a reflection of IWM
correspondence at a motivational level; thus, we refer to this model as
motivational correspondence. The third compensation model suggests that
insecure individuals experience religious change over time more suddenly
than secure individuals. We contend that this model is a variant of
model two in that sudden conversions and religious changes are used to
regulate affect, often in the midst of crises. We label this model as
religious change correspondence. There is growing evidence for the
second and third models; however, as noted above, the evidence for the
first model is quite mixed, and we think for good reason, which we will
discuss below. In sum, it can be seen that we attempt to define
compensation more precisely in a way that is mutually exclusive with IWM
correspondence, and to reconceptualize various "compensation"
models as correspondence when the model reflects a working out of
one's IWM's.
Third, conceptualizations of religiousness and spirituality (RS)
have focused on behavior and conscious beliefs, which we refer to as
explicit religiousness, that do not tap into motivational and
experiential components of internal working models, which we define as
implicit religiousness. For example, the primary evidence for explicit
religious compensation in the literature is sudden conversion, finding a
new relationship with God, and increased levels of religiousness,
defined as frequency of prayer, church attendance, and reading religious
literature. The underlying attachment motivation is not assessed in
these more explicit measures of religiosity. Our theory suggests that
increased (explicit) religiosity can be played out in a way that is
connected to underlying motivations that are consistent with the
respective insecure attachment dynamics. That is, we might expect
clingy, dependent and inconsistent religious involvement for anxious
individuals. After an initial sudden conversion for avoidant
individuals, likely to occur after a crisis (Kirkpatrick, 1999) which
may break through typical avoidant defenses, we might expect a focus on
conceptual theological knowledge while dismissing the need for close
relationships with God and fellow believers. This would explain
"compensatory" religious involvement in a way that corresponds
with individuals' internal working models. "We propose a
multidimensional approach to religiousness that distinguishes between
implicit and explicit modes of spiritual knowing, and links these to
implicit and explicit relational knowing based on converging evidence
from multiple fields. We will propose that implicit relational knowledge
is the foundation for the emotional appraisal of meaning in the
spiritual domain, including one's experience of relationship with
God, rather than explicit, symbolic knowledge about God or religion.
This model highlights underlying consistencies in dynamic internal
working models that resolve some of the conceptual limitations noted
above and reconcile the seemingly inconsistent pattern of findings. In
order to provide a theoretical foundation for our hypotheses, we provide
a brief overview of implicit relational knowing, internal working models
and the notion of implicit relational knowledge, within the context of a
broader theory of relational spirituality (Hall, 2004).
IMPLICIT AND EXPLICIT FORMS OF RELATIONAL AND SPIRITUAL KNOWING
There are now multiple lines of research that demonstrate that
there are two fundamentally distinct systems for processing information,
including emotional information that has to do with out well-being.
These modes of knowing have been variously termed procedural, enactive,
or implicit knowing on the one hand, and verbal, symbolic, reflective,
linguistic, rational, and explicit knowing on the other (Bucci, 1997;
Lyons-Ruth; 1999, Westen, 1998). The research literature indicates that
emotional information processing (EIP)--processing having to do with the
meaning of an event for one's well-being--follows the same
processing rules as all information processing. That is, EIP is based on
a parallel processing architecture rather than a single linear,
sequential architecture (e.g., Bucci, 1997, "Westen, 1998). This
parallel architecture is the neurobiological basis for the notion that
we process a vast amount of information outside of awareness, in
multiple parallel pathways that allow complex, and often times competing
motivations.
Support for these two modes of knowing can be found in the fields
of emotional information processing (e.g., Bucci, 1997), neurobiology
(e.g., Schore, 1994; Siegel, 1999), cognitive-developmental (e.g.,
Fischer & Granott, 1995), attachment research (Collins & Read,
1994), and relational psychoanalytic theory (Stern et al., 1998).
Bucci's (1997) Multiple Code Theory of EIP proposes three general
levels, or "codes," of emotional information processing. The
first two levels, subsymbolic and nonverbal symbolic, are what have been
referred to as implicit knowledge. This is knowledge that is carried in
the code of emotion, as viewed by current emotion theory; that is, it
includes physiological, cognitive appraisal, motor expression,
motivational, and subjective feeling components (Scherer, 1984).
Moreover, implicit knowledge does not exist in the symbolic, verbal
code, and it develops without a clear, linear articulation of how we
arrive at such knowledge.
Subsymbolic processing operates according to the principles of
parallel distributed processing (PDP), as opposed to the sequential,
single-channel mode of verbal processing (Bucci, 1997). In general, PDP
is the way we process a massive amount of information in a format, or
channel that is not in words. The PDP system processes different types
of contents, in different formats, in multiple systems or channels that
operate simultaneously in parallel (not affecting each other) and in
interaction. The PDP system processes elements of information that are
not discrete, and it does not use categories to organize information.
Furthermore, higher-level units of information are not built on discrete
lower order units of information in a linear way, and the explicit
processing rules of this system cannot be identified. Examples can be
seen in many domains of functioning. For example, it is difficult for
the professional baseball player to break down the sequence of body
movements involved in hitting a 90 mile-an-hour fast ball into distinct
units and to translate this into words. He relies on PDP processing for
this type of knowledge. Similarly, we rely on this type of information
to infer the emotional states of others in emotionally significant
relationships, just as therapists rely on this type of information in
inferring the emotional states of clients.
Nonverbal symbolic processing is a mode of processing that links
subsymbolic and symbolic forms of processing. Bucci (1997) suggests that
this code is the first step in symbolizing emotional information; that
is information that has to do with our well-being. Subsymbolic
information is "chunked" into categories based on similarities
and often take the form of images. This information is not yet in the
verbal code, but it is symbolized to some extent. It is parallel to what
is variously referred to by neuroscientists and emotion researchers as
basic or categorical emotions (Siegel, 1999). For example, sadness is
emotional information--an automatic, implicit appraisal of the meaning
of events with respect to one's well-being--that is symbolized to
some extent, yet it does not fundamentally exist in the "code"
of explicit verbal information.
The third type of EIP, verbal, symbolic processing is an explicit
form of processing that is verbal and linear, and over which we have
more direct control. There is a large research literature documenting
that these implicit and explicit forms of processing and memory involve
different neural mechanisms (e.g., Bucci, 1997; LeDoux, 1996; Schacter,
1996; Siegel, 1999). In the field of emotional information processing,
there is now strong evidence that there are at least dual, and most
likely multiple codes of emotional information processing.
Implicit Relational Knowledge
Implicit knowledge exists in many domains; however, for our
purposes, we are interested primarily in implicit knowledge in the
relational domain that becomes organized as IWM's, and how this
implicit knowing translates into the spiritual domain. In the domain of
attachment relationships, implicit memory of relationships is what the
Process of Change Study Group (PCSG) has referred to as "implicit
relational knowing" (Stern et al., 1998). This is the implicit
knowledge we have about interpersonal relations, that is, "how to
be with someone" as the PCSG puts it. This type of knowing
integrates affect, cognition, and behavioral dimensions. It is typically
sub or preconscious, although not necessarily dynamically unconscious,
and exists in a fundamentally different processing system than the
symbolic, verbal system. However, implicit knowledge of relationships
can be represented verbally and consciously (although not fully) through
the verbal code in the process of "referential activity,"
which involves linking implicit knowledge and words through images
(Bucci, 1997).
Thus, it is important to highlight here that although implicit
relational knowledge fundamentally exists in a code or
"language" that is nonverbal, it is not necessarily
inaccessible to conscious awareness (i.e., dynamically unconscious).
There is significant theoretical and research support for the idea that
people can become consciously aware of and report on their implicit
relational knowledge through the translation process that Bucci (1997)
calls referential activity. Clearly, implicit relational knowing cannot
be fully captured in words or consciousness, but it can be to some
extent. The entire framework of attachment-based and psychodynamic
therapy is based on the notion that clients can become aware of implicit
relational knowledge and translate it into words. This, indeed, is a
core part of the healing process in that it gives the relational dyad
more direct access to the client's gut-level knowledge of how to be
with other emotionally significant people, which enables it to be
transformed. We illustrate this below with a case example.
Repeated experiences of "how to be with someone" that are
enacted in primary attachment relationships, and share a common
affective core, are conceptually encoded in the mind as
non-propositional meaning structures. They are the memory basis for
implicit relational knowledge; that is, our "gut-level" sense
of how significant relationships work. For example, infants experience
constantly changing appearances of the primary caregiver, which are
initially processed subsymbolically. This information is then chunked
into functionally equivalent classes (nonverbal, symbolic processing),
which enables the infant to recognize mother, predict her behavior
(Bowlby, 1969), and maximize emotional communication (Siegel, 1999).
This processing is broad and incorporates actions, sensations, and
affects that are experienced in a relational context, although they may
not be able to be verbally articulated, even in adulthood. These
functionally equivalent classes of meaning structures then form what
Bowlby (1973) called internal working models (IWM's). Others have
proposed similar concepts such as. "representations of interactions
that are generalized" or RIGS (Stern, 1985), emotion schemas
(Bucci, 1997), mental models (Siegel, 1999), and object representations
in object relations theory (e.g., Scharff & Scharff, 1998). While
there are minor conceptual distinctions between these concepts, they are
all representations of relational experiences that are encoded in
implicit memory.
These IWM's then form an adaptive filter for processing
emotional information in a particular relational context. These
"filters" are adaptive in that they facilitate goal-directed
attachment motivations such as emotional communication and felt
security. The implicit relational knowledge embedded in one's IWM
shapes the emotional appraisal of meaning and subsequent patterns of
relationships. For example, there is evidence to suggest that these
IWM's shape individuals' cognitive, emotional, and behavioral
responses to others (Collins & Read, 1994), presumably by directing
the initial orientation and elaborative appraisal-arousal
neurobiological processes in ways that maximize felt security, given
one's implicit knowledge of how an emotionally-significant
caregiver relates.
The significance of these two distinct modes of knowing for
one's sense of self and others, including God, is that implicit
relational knowledge is foundational because this way of knowing is
processed automatically, and is not under the direct control of linear,
verbal knowledge. That is, while symbolic knowledge is important, and
can become part of implicit knowledge, explicit knowledge per se cannot
directly transform implicit relational knowledge. This can only be done
through the same code of emotional information processing: experiencing
new ways of being with another. A clinical example may help illustrate
these concepts. A client of the first author (T.H.) who I will refer to
here as Chelsea (pseudonym) had a history of severe abuse by her father.
During the beginning stages of therapy, she would often become highly
anxious and scared of me during the session, and would often dissociate
during session. She was afraid I had some ulterior motive and would bait
her to trust me and then hurt her, just as her father did many, many
times. This was her implicit relational knowledge of how relationships
with male authority figures work. It also reflected Chelsea's
fearful or disorganized attachment type that acted as an adaptive filter
(for the original situation with her father) to keep her safe. At first,
she was not able to articulate why she felt seated of me. Her anxiety
and feat were the result of implicit processing of implicit memories of
abuse from her father. However, while she was not able at first to
determine how she arrived at this feeling, she was consciously aware of
feeling scared of me and she could tell me how she felt. Moreover, as
therapy progressed, she became more aware of why she felt anxiety and
fear with me at times. For example, on one occasion, there was some
confusion over my role in dealing with the insurance and she became very
upset. While her distress was partly due to my avoidance of the issue,
which we processed, on her part she was able to link this to her
experience of her father using money issues against her. So, over time,
Chelsea developed a more full-orbed awareness of her implicit relational
knowledge, and consequently, was able to verbalize to me more nuances
about it.
The reason Chelsea was able to become more aware of this knowledge
was that she had new, secure experiences with me that shifted her deep,
gut-level sense (implicit relational knowledge) of how emotionally
significant relationships work. And this (the new experiences with me)
happened in part because of her ability to more directly access her
implicit relational knowledge. So we can see her the dialectic between
new relational experiences on the one hand, and conscious access and
articulation to implicit relational knowledge on the other hand.
In one place in her journal that Chelsea shared with me, she was
writing about a particular interaction we had when she was struggling
with the effects some traumatic memories were having on her. She wrote,
"That's when Todd seemed to understand something that I
didn't at the moment. He said something like 'It would make
sense that it could take some time for me to be comfortable with him and
even myself after that memory.' I don't remember what I said
or much more of what he said; I only remember his tone of voice and the
look on his face. I can only remember being caught in the moment.
Feeling this 'kindness' like I've never known before. I
felt overwhelmingly grateful for his kindness--gentle, sincere, 100%
kindness." (1)
You can see from her journal entry that the "therapeutic
action" here was not primarily a verbal proposition that I said to
her. Rather, it was primarily implicit non-verbal, relational
information communicated to her through my tone of voice and facial
expression. However, it is important to point out that the non-verbal
information matched my words, which then became translated into a
deeper, more integrated form of relational knowing. We hope this
illustrates two main points: 1) how and why implicit relational
knowledge is foundational for how we relate to other emotionally
significant people in our lives (including God as we propose and
empirically test below); and 2) that people can become conscious of, and
verbally report on implicit relational knowledge, even if they cannot
capture this knowledge fully. This latter point has implications for
measurement issues in research, which we address below.
Implicit Spiritual Knowledge
A number of theorists have addressed the issue of the relationship
between psychological and spiritual development (e.g., Benner, 1998;
Carter, 1974; Hall & Edwards, 1996; Pingleton, 1984; Shackelford,
1978). These authors all point to what Benner brings clearly into focus
with the concept of the "psychos-piritual unity of
personality," meaning that the internal dimension of persons is not
separable into "spiritual" and "psychological"
components. In other words, the processes (i.e., the emotional appraisal
of meaning) that govern one's experience of relationship with God,
a typical understanding of "spirituality," are the very same
("psychological") processes, outlined in the implicit
relational theory above, that govern one's relationships with self
and others. It is difficult to conceptualize "spiritual"
processes that are not mediated by the way we automatically and
nonconsciously process emotional information. Psychological processes,
on the other hand, have spiritual roots, such as the longing to
transcend one's self in relationship with God (Benner, 1998).
From this perspective, it is not possible to separate implicit
relational processes from "spiritual processes," or, stated
differently, to separate "psychological" and
"spiritual" domains of functioning. They are inextricably
intertwined. The consequence of the inseparability of these two
"domains" is that, in terms of the framework presented above,
implicit experiences form the foundation of the emotional appraisal of
meaning in any aspect of spiritual functioning, including one's
experience of relationship with God, rather than explicit, symbolic,
knowledge of God or theology. The ways in which implicit relational
knowledge is foundational in general apply to the "spiritual"
domain as well. Thus, we would expect one's internal working
models, or patterns of relationship, as defined by an implicit
relational framework, to reliably influence one's spiritual
functioning and development in predictable ways.
IMPLICIT INTERNAL WORKING MODEL CORRESPONDENCE
This theoretical perspective suggests that the dynamic motivations
underlying one's use and experience of relationship with God and
religion corresponds to, or is reflected in, one's internal working
model of attachment. We would expect that insecure individuals would use
God and religion for interactive affect regulation (Schore, 2003) more
than secure individuals would. Even though insecure individuals seek to
use God and religion to help them regulate their affect, it seems
plausible that they would continue to have difficulty regulating their
own affect (auto affect regulation) precisely because their implicit
internal working models reflect a negative sense of self and/or
emotionally significant others. In other words, interactive affect
regulation may provide temporary emotional compensation, but does not
necessarily change the structure of IWM's. Thus, IWM correspondence
still operates simultaneously with "compensatory" affect
regulation at an implicit level. Byrd and Boe's (2001) finding that
anxious attachment was associated with petitionary prayer, perhaps a
"clingy" way of relating to God to stave off underlying
feelings of rejection, provides some empirical support for this notion.
This underlying dynamic is entirely consistent with the internal working
model, and should be viewed as correspondence in our view.
Thus, we propose that IWM correspondence is the broadest conceptual
framework for understanding attachment and religion, and that this
operates at the level of implicit spiritual experience. Under the
conceptual framework of Implicit IWM correspondence, there are three
specific models. The first is experiential correspondence, in which
internal working models of self and others correspond to one's
experience of relationship with God, and of the spiritual dimensions of
relationships within one's spiritual community.
The second model is motivational correspondence, in which
individuals' motivation for affect regulation corresponds to their
internal working models. Insecure individuals tend to use their
relationship with God and religiousness for interactive affect
regulation (Schore, 2003). While secure individuals undoubtedly use
their religion for affect regulation at times, it is not the predominant
motivation behind their religious involvement and relationship with God,
as it is for insecure individuals. Secure individuals are more capable
of auto affect regulation (Schore, 2003) and thus more free and
autonomous (Main, Kaplan, & Cassidy, 1985) to pursue religion for
it's own sake. This can be viewed as an attachment perspective on
Allport's (1950) classic concepts of extrinsic and intrinsic
religious motivation.
The third model is religious change correspondence, in which the
way one comes to religion, and the stability of one's religiousness
over time corresponds to one's internal working models. Theory and
empirical findings (e.g., Granqvist, 2002; Kirk-patrick, 1997
Kirkpatrick & Shaver, 1990) suggest that insecure individuals are
more likely to experience sudden religious conversions and change,
presumably because such changes represent strategies for regulating felt
security and affect (Griffin & Bartholomew, 1994), and for coping
with crises. Explicit religious compensation as we have defined it does
not fit under the conceptual rubric of Implicit IWM correspondence, and
we believe the evidence will ultimately not support this model.
PURPOSE OF CURRENT STUDY
The purpose of the present study is to test (a) experiential
correspondence and (b) motivational correspondence in implicit
religious/spiritual (RS) functioning, and (c) explicit religious
compensation in explicit religious/spiritual functioning. To assess the
wide range of RS functioning, a number of measures of spirituality were
included. Measures were chosen on the basis of their ability to
contribute a specific, unique aspect to the entire picture of RS
functioning. Such aspects include spiritual community, prayer, religious
commitment, attachment to God, and purpose in life. Measures will be
described more fully below. Four latent factors were used to measure
implicit indicators of spiritual functioning (avoidant attachment to
God, anxious attachment to God, unforgiveness, and spiritual community).
One latent factor was used to measure explicit religious/spiritual
functioning (explicit religious commitment).
Hypotheses
Our hypotheses are as follows:
1) Experiential correspondence: We predicted that adult attachment
status (in romantic relationships) will correspond to implicit measures
of spiritual functioning. At a general level, it was predicted that
insecure attachment is associated with increased levels of spiritual
difficulties and impairment. More specifically, using Bartholomew and
Horowitz's (1991) four category model of romantic attachment, we
predicted that:
la) Preoccupied and fearful attachment statuses (negative views of
self) will be higher than secure and dismissing statuses (positive views
of self) on unfor giveness. The defensive attachment status is grouped
with secure here because dismissing individuals tend to maintain a
positive sense of self-worth by defensively denying the importance of
close relationships (Griffin & Bartholomew, 1994). Thus, it is
predicted that their lack of felt need for others leads to higher levels
of forgiveness (than negative views of self), although this may
represent a more superficial "dismissive" type of forgiveness.
lb) Secure attachment (positive views of self and other) was
predicted to be higher than preoccupied, fearful, and dismissing on
spiritual community because secure individuals are more likely to both
desire and experience close, supportive relationships with their
spiritual community.
lc) It was expected that dismissing attachment, an avoidant
strategy for regulating affect, would be higher than preoccupied and
fearful, which would both be higher than secure, on avoidant attachment
to God.
1d) We also tested for interaction effects with parental
religiosity, predicting there would be no effects, indicating that
experiential correspondence operates regardless of level of parental
religiosity during childhood.
2) Motivational correspondence:
2a) We predicted that preoccupied and fearful attachment statuses
(negative views of self) will be higher than secure and dismissing
statuses (positive views of self) on anxious attachment to God. It was
predicted that the groups with negative views of self would use their
religion more to regulate their affect as reflected in the subscales
comprising Anxious Attachment to God. In addition, due secure
individuals' higher levels of felt security with God, and due to
dismissing individuals defensive denial of the value of close
relationships, which is theoretically associated with less anxiety,
these two groups are predicted to score lower on Anxious Attachment to
God.
2b) Again, we tested for interaction effects with parental
religiosity, predicting there would no effects, indicating that
experiential correspondence operates regardless of level of parental
religiosity during childhood.
3) Explicit religious compensation: In general, our hypothesis was
that attachment status would not predict explicit religious
commitment/involvement as measured by the latent explicit religious
commitment factor. Given the mixed findings in the literature regarding
explicit religious compensation, and that interactions with parental
religiosity have been found, we tested for interaction effects with
parental religiosity with no specific hypotheses.
METHOD
Participants and Procedures
The sample consisted of 483 undergraduate students from a
protestant university. The mean age of participants at was 18.06, SD =
1.45, range = 16-48. There were 69% female participants and 31% male.
The sample was predominantly Caucasian (84.5%), with Hispanics, Asian
Americans, and African Americans representing 8.5%, 9.1% and 1.2%,
respectively. The sample was almost entirely protestant Christian (91%)
with the single largest denomination being non-denominational (39%).
During the beginning of fall 2003, data was collected from students
in general education courses as one option for class participation
credit. Participants were informed of the confidential and voluntary
nature of the study. Questionnaires were handed out by instructors at
the beginning of class and were completed in class. Completed
questionnaires were then returned to instructors at the end of that same
class session and later collected by research assistants.
Measures
Factor analyses with this population were conducted on all of the
measures discussed below. In each analysis, we used the extraction
method of Principal Axis Factoring and an oblique (Oblimin) rotation
method with Kaiser Normalization. The criterion for minimum pattern
loading was .30.
Attachment classification. The Experiences in Close Relationships
(ECR), a 36-item measure of adult romantic attachment, was selected to
categorize subjects into one of four attachment styles (Brennan, Clark,
& Shaver, 1998). The measure was developed from a factor analysis of
more than 1,000 participants who completed over 300 items drawn from
self-report measures of adult attachment. Based on the analysis, two
orthogonal dimensions were suggested, Anxiety and Avoidance. Each
dimension is measured with 18 items and uses a 7-point, anchored
Likert-type scale (1 = disagree strongly, 4 = neutral/mixed, 7 = agree
strongly). Subscale scores for anxiety and avoidance are obtained by
reverse scoring a number of items so that high scores indicate greater
anxiety or avoidance. Subjects are instructed report the degree to which
they agree or disagree with statements regarding their feelings in
relationships, beliefs about relationships, the feedback they receive
from those with whom they are in close relationship, and their social
behavior.
We followed Brennan et al's (1998) discriminant function
procedures for classifying subjects into one of four categories
according to their level of avoidance and anxiety. Low levels of
avoidance and anxiety indicate secure attachment, while low levels of
avoidance and high levels of anxiety indicate preoccupied attachment.
High levels of avoidance and low levels of anxiety indicate dismissive
attachment, while high levels of avoidance and anxiety indicate fearful
attachment. Significant correlations in the expected directions with
other measures of adult attachment provide evidence for validity
(Brennan, et al., 1998; Brennan, Shaver, and Clark, 2000). Brennan et
al. (1998) reported that subscales' internal reliability
(coefficient alpha) was .91 for Anxiety and .94 for Avoidance. Brennan
et al. (2000) reported that both subscales' retest reliabilities
were .70.
Indicators of Implicit Spiritual Functioning. Spiritual Assessment
Inventory (SAI; Hall & Edwards, 1996, 2002). Four subscales from the
Spiritual Assessment Inventory designed to measure 1) disappointment
with God (Disappointment), 2) instability in relationship with God
(Instability), 3) awareness of God's presence and communication
(Awareness), and 4) capacity to work through difficult experiences with
God (Realistic Acceptance) were included as self-report indicators of
implicit spiritual functioning in this study. Coefficient alphas of .89,
.71, .82, respectively, demonstrated good internal consistency for the
first three scales. The coefficient alpha for RA was slightly low at .61
Factorial and construct validity has been demonstrated in numerous
studies (Hall & Edwards, 1996, 2002).
Transgression-Related Interpersonal Motivations Inventory (TRIM;
McCullough, Rachal, Sandage, Worthington, Brown, & Hight, 1998). The
TRIM, a five-point Likert scale, is actually a measure of unforgiveness
with two factors: revenge (5 items) and avoidance (7 items). We
conceptualized forgiveness (or the direct measure of unforgiveness) as
an indicator of implicit spiritual functioning since one's
experience of forgiveness is based on one's implicit relational
knowledge. All 12 items loaded on these two theoretically-derived
factors in our sample, each with high internal consistency reliabilities
(.84 for revenge and .85 for avoidance).
Tendency to Forgive (TTF; Brown, 2003). This four-item Likert scale
(5-point) all loaded on a single factor. The alpha coefficient was .80
in our sample, demonstrating good internal consistency. The measure
focuses on the tendency to ruminate or hold grudges. When combined with
the TRIM, it remained a separate factor, thereby producing three
forgiveness factors: revenge, avoidance, and rumination.
Purpose in Life (PIL; Crumbaugh & Maholick, 1964). This
well-known 20-item Likert (7-point) measure of the degree to which a
person possesses a will to meaning in life was retained as a single
factor, though five items did not load at the .30 level. Due to its wide
use, all 20 items were used, producing a moderately high alpha
coefficient of .81 in our sample. We conceptualized one's sense of
purpose and meaning in life as an indicator of implicit spiritual
functioning, since it reflects an implicit, automatic appraisal of the
meaning of events on a global level, and thus is not under the direct
control of explicit processes.
Attachment to God Inventory (AGI; Beck & McDonald, 2004). This
scale resulted in a two-factor structure that exactly replicated the two
theoretically-derived factors of anxious and avoidant attachment to God
statuses. The alpha coefficients in our sample were .86 for anxious and
.83 for avoidant attachment to God, demonstrating good internal
consistency. Based on our discussion above, we conceptualized attachment
as an indicator of implicit spiritual functioning as it clearly reflects
implicit relational knowledge applied to one's relationship with
God.
Congregational Items (Fetzer Institute/National Institute of Aging
Working Group, 1999). Two items from this multidimensional measure were
used to assess perceived level of congregational support, resulting in
one factor. This brief Congregational Support factor demonstrated good
internal consistency in our sample with an alpha coefficient of .81 We
conceptualized congregational support as an indicator of implicit
spiritual functioning because it reflects one's implicit relational
knowledge within a community context.
Spiritual Community Scale (SCS). This eight-item scale was
developed for this study and resulted in two factors: a six-item
spiritual friendship factor (coefficient alpha = .73) and a three-item
spiritual participation factor. Only the spiritual friendship factor
loaded clearly in the higher order factor analysis and was used in the
study. As with congregational support, we conceptualized the two factors
of spiritual community as indicators of implicit spiritual functioning
for similar reasons as noted above for the congregational support scale.
In fact, as detailed below, these two measures loaded together on a
second-order factor.
Indicators of Explicit Spiritual Functioning. Religious Commitment
Inventory (RCI-10; Worthington et al., 2003). A two factor solution
emerged from the 10-item Religious Commitment Inventory: a three-item
Religious Centrality factor (RC) and a three-item Reflection on Faith
(RF) factor. Adequate internal consistency was demonstrated in the
coefficients alphas (.75 for religious centrality and .70 for reflection
on faith). We conceptualized these two factors as indicators of explicit
spiritual functioning since people have more direct, intentional control
over the degree to which they reflect on their faith and make it central
to their lives. (We would not argue that people have full control over
these aspects, but certainly more than for implicit relational knowledge
as reflected in the scales above.)
Spiritual Practices Scale (SPS). This 6-point Likert scale was
created for this study and consists of a six-item Spiritual Comfort
Seeking subscale and a four-item Spiritual Practices Frequency subscale.
These two subscales emerged as independent factors. Only the Spiritual
Practices Frequency subscale was used in this study because the
Spiritual Comfort Seeking subscale did not load in the higher order
factor analysis of all the scales. The coefficient alpha for Spiritual
Practices Frequency was .68. For similar reasons as those noted above
for the Relgious Commitment Inventory, we conceptualized the spiritual
practices frequency scale as an indicator of explicit spiritual
functioning.
Second order factors. In order to reduce the number of dependent
variables and to create more robust and empirically distinct criterion
measures, we conducted a second order factor analysis on all the
subscales, using a principal axis factoring extraction, and an oblique
(oblimin) rotation method. Based on the Scree Test (Cattell, 1966)
applied to the eigenvalues and the interpretability of the factor
structure, five factors were extracted. Table 1 reports the pattern
matrix for the five factors. The cutoff for pattern loadings used was
.30. The eigenvalues for the first five factors were 4.11, 1.85, 1.19,
1.13, and 1.03, respectively. The five factors accounted for 58.2
percent of the total variance.
The first factor was labeled Avoidant Attachment to God, and
consisted of the SAI-Awareness, AGI-Avoidant, and SAI-RA subscales (the
second sub-scale produced a negative loading because it is scored in the
opposite direction). Factor two was labeled Unforgiveness, and was
comprised of the three unforgiveness subscales: TRIM-Avoidance,
TRIM-Revenge, and TTF-Rumination. The third factor, labeled Explicit
Religious Commitment, was comprised of all the explicit religiousness
measures: the RCI-Reflection on Faith, Spiritual Practices-Frequency,
and RCI-Religious Centrality subscales. Factor four was labeled Anxious
Attachment to God, and included the AGI-Anxiety, SAI-Instability, and
SAI-Disappointment subscales. Factor five, Spiritual Community, was
comprised of the Spiritual Friendship (from the Spiritual Community
Scale), PIL, and Congregational Support (from the Fetzer
Multidimensional Measure of Religiosity). The higher order factor
analysis corroborated the conceptual distinction between explicit
religiousness measures, which all loaded onto one factor, and the
implicit religiousness measures, which loaded onto four conceptually
distinct factors.
It is important to explain here our choice of the terms
"indicators of implicit and explicit spiritual functioning,"
rather than the term "implicit measures," which is connected
to our use of self-report measures. By implicit we do not mean that
these measures are methodologically implicit measures, such as the
Implicit Association Test (Greenwald, McGhee, & Schwartz, 1998) or
the Adult Attachment Interview (George, Kaplan, & Main, 1996), but
rather that they are self-report measures that tap into implicit
relational knowledge. The use of the term implicit also conveys the
essential aspect of spirituality that we seek to investigate: the
experiential components, separate from explicit and behavioral
components, that are processed non-consciously but can become
consciously accessible as we discussed above and illustrated with the
case example.
While self-report measures are not traditionally designed to assess
implicit functioning, self-report measures can be seen as indicators of
implicit aspects of experience. Shaver and Mikulincer (2002) argue that,
social psychologists and others who use self-report measures view
them as convenient surface indicators of differences in
attachment-related cognitions, emotions, and behavioral tendencies which
are partly unconscious, indicators that can be examined in relation to
more direct measures of unconscious processes to see whether those
processes work the way attachment theory leads us to expect, (p. 137)
(Italics in original)
TABLE 1
Pattern Matrix for Second Order Principal Axis Factor Analysis of
Implicit and Explicit Religiousness Subscales
Factor
Avoidant Unforgiveness Explicit RS Anxious Spiritual
God Commitment God Community
Attachment Attachment
SAI-A 0.67
AGIAVOID -0.62
SAI_RA 0.36
TRIM_AV 0.80
TRIM_REV 0.41
TTF_RUM 0.39
REFLECT -.93
SPS_FREQ -.54
RELCENTR -.46
AGIANX 0.65
SAI_I 0.49
SAI_D 0.45
sCS_SF 0.64
PIL -0.31 0.35
CONGSUPP 0.34
Note: Extraction Method: Principal Axis Factoring.
Rotation Method: Obimin with Kaiser Normalization.
Therefore, self-report measures can be seen as valid indicators of
implicit processes if their relationship to implicit measures can be
empirically supported. Such support comes from a study by Berat,
Mikulincer, Shaver, and Segal (2005) investigating the convergence of a
self report measure of attachment (similar to the ECR which we use) and
the Rorschach, widely considered a valid measure to of
unconscious/implicit processes. Their findings "support the
contention that self-reports of attachment anxiety and avoidance are
associated with theoretically predictable implicit aspects of attachment
psychodynamics" (p. 77). This provides initial justification for
the use of self-report measures as a means to tap implicit processes.
Additional studies are needed to further validate the adequacy of other
self-report measures of attachment and spirituality.
While Mikulincer et al. (2005) provide support for the use of the
ECR by way of association, they did not empirically test the convergence
of self-report indicators of implicit spiritual functioning with
implicit measures of spiritual functioning. This is partly because there
are currently no established implicit measures of spirituality, although
initial work in this area has begun (Granqvist & Main, 2004; Proctor
et al., 2009; Teal 2006). Until the field advances, we must extrapolate
from self-report measures since they are the only available means of
accessing implicit aspects of spirituality. Several of the authors are
currently working on an implicit measure of spirituality based on the
coherence analysis used in the Adult Attachment Interview. Thus, while
we acknowledge the measurement limitations of our study, we believe the
results advance the field given the current state of measuring implicit
spiritual processes, and we hope others will build on this study in
future research using implicit measures of spirituality.
RESULTS
A 4 x 2 x 2 between-subjects multivariate analysis of covariance
was performed on five dependent variables: Avoidant Attachment to God,
Anxious Attachment to God, Unforgiveness, Spiritual Community, and
Explicit Religious Commitment. Independent variables were attachment
status (secure, fearful, preoccupied, and dismissing), maternal
religiosity in childhood (low and high) and paternal religiosity in
childhood (low and high). Covariates included gender and religious
denomination. MANCOVA was used to conduct the analyses. The total N was
416 for the MANCOVA.
Multivariate normality was investigated by computing expected
normal probability plots for the criterion variables. The plots
indicated a normal distribution for all the criterion variables. An
index plot of the leverage values of the dependent variables revealed
four cases with leverages substantially larger than the rest of the
cases. These four cases were deleted. Box's test of equality of
covariance matrices [Box's M = 43.12; F = .937 (45, 3788.68) ns]
indicated that the assumption of observed variance-covariance matrices
of the dependent variables being equal across groups was met. Bivariate
scatterplots among the dependent variables suggested the linearity
assumption was met. Multicollinearity among the dependent variables was
evaluated by examining intercorrelations, tolerances, and condition
indices. Intercorrelations ranged from .20 to .45, and tolerances ranged
from .72 to .80, well above the recommended cutoff of .50 (Pedhazur,
1997) (see Table 2). There were no high condition indices strongly
associated with the variance of two or more variables (Tabachnick &
Fidell, 2001).
The attachment groups differed significantly on a linear
combination of the DV's (Wilks' Lambda = .796, F(15, 1046.65)
= 6.01, p < .0001). Table 3 reports the mean self-report ratings of
the criterion indicators of implicit and explicit spiritual functioning
across attachment groups. As shown in Table 3, univariate ANOVAs
indicated significant differences among attachment groups for three of
the four indicators of implicit spiritual functioning: unforgiveness,
F(3, 383) = 13.44, p < .0001, Anxious Attachment to God, F(3, 383) =
22.18, p < .0001, and Spiritual Community, F(3, 383) = 4.69, p <
.003. Contrary to prediction, no differences between attachment groups
were found for Avoidant Attachment to God. As predicted, no differences
between attachment groups were found for the indicator of Explicit
Religious Commitment. Neither interaction term (attachment group with
maternal and paternal religiosity, respectively) was significant for any
of the five criterion measures.
A priori planned comparisons were examined to test hypothesized
differences between attachment groups on each criterion measure. Posthoc
Tukey pairwise comparisons were conducted to provide a more conservative
protection against Type I error. As shown in Table 1, planned
comparisons revealed that, as predicted, fearful and preoccupied
attachment groups scored higher than secure and dismissing groups on
unforgiveness. As predicted, the secure attachment group scored higher
on spiritual community than fearful, preoccupied, or dismissing groups.
The latter three groups did not differ from each other. Results
indicated that as predicted, fearful and preoccupied attachment groups
scored higher than secure and dismissing groups on Anxious Attachment to
God. Also as predicted, no differences among attachment groups were
found on Explicit Religious Commitment.
TABLE 2
Dependent Variable Intercorrelations, Means, and Tolerances
Avoidant God Unforgiveness Explicit RS
Attachment Commitment
Avoidant God Attachment I
Unforgiveness .20 ** I
Explicit RS Commitment -.45 ** -.29 ** I
Anxious God Attachment .23 ** .40 ** -.23 **
Spiritual Community -.42 ** -.27 ** .39 **
Mean 2.13 2.99 4.05
SD 0.59 0.70 0.66
Tolerance 0.72 0.79 0.73
Anxious God Attachment Spiritual Community
Avoidant God Attachment
Unforgiveness
Explicit RS Commitment
Anxious God Attachment I
Spiritual Community -.28 ** I
Mean 3.01 4.20
SD 0.89 0.47
Tolerance 0.80 0.74
Note. ** = P < .01
TABLE 3
Mean Factor Scores of Implicit and Explicit Religiousness Across
Attachment Groups
Model Secure Fearful Preoccupied Dismissing
Self Positive Negative Negative Positive
Other Positive Negative Positive Negative
n. 100 125 103 88
Measures
Implicit Religiousness
Experiential Correspondence
Unforgiveness [2.73.sub.b] [3.20.sub.a] [13.22.sub.a]
Spiritual Community [4.35.sub.a] [4.15.sub.b] [4.11.sub.b]
Avoicant Attachment to God 2.03 2.16 2.18
Motivational Correspondence
Anxious Attachment to God [2.64.sub.b] [3.21.sub.a] [3.38.sub.a]
Explicit Religiousness
Explicit Religious
Compensation
Explicit Religious 4.06 4.07 4.06
Commitment
Implicit Religiousness Univariate [Eta.sup.2]
Fs (3, 383)
Experiential Correspondence
Unforgiveness [2.76.sub.b] 18.54 ** 0.12
Spiritual Community [4.19.sub.b] 5.68 * 0.04
Avoicant Attachment to God 2.14 1.51 ns 0.01
Motivational Correspondence
Anxious Attachment to God [2.73.sub.b] 19.04 ** 0.12
Explicit Religiousness
Explicit Religious Compensation
Explicit Religious Commitment 4.04 0.04 ns 0.000
Note Means with different subscrips differ significantly at p < .05
** = P < .0001
DISCUSSION
The goal of our study was to address the question of the
association between attachment patterns with humans and attachment
patterns with God, and more generally, spiritual experiences. As we
noted, early research proposed two alternative, competing hypotheses:
compensation, in which attachment patterns with humans do not correspond
to God attachment patterns presumably because God functions as a
substitute attachment figure; and, correspondence, in which attachment
patterns with humans corresponds to, or are reflected in attachment
patterns with God. Overall, the evidence has been somewhat mixed, with
some findings supporting correspondence and some supporting
compensation. We believe this is due to limitations of the conceptual
models, more specifically, lack of clarity regarding the compensation
model, and the limited way in which spirituality and religiousness has
been conceptualized and measured.
We suggested that a conceptual distinction needs to be made between
implicit spiritual functioning and explicit spiritual functioning. This
distinction draws on robust research findings from multiple fields
delineating two separate ways of knowing and processing emotional
information: explicit and implicit relational knowledge (Stern et al.,
1998). Implicit spiritual functioning focuses more on automatic,
presymbolic, emotional information processing, whereas explicit
spiritual functioning focuses more on symbolized beliefs and behaviors.
Based on this distinction, we proposed a model of Implicit IWM
Correspondence, and Explicit Religious Compensation. Under the rubric of
Implicit IWM Correspondence, we defined three distinct models, two of
which have essentially been considered compensation models in the past.
We argued that these models, emotional compensation and longitudinal
compensation, are better understood as reflections of the underlying
dynamics of internal working models, and thus represent correspondence
at their core. We proposed and tested two models of Implicit IWM
Correspondence: experiential correspondence, and motivational
correspondence. In addition, we conceptualized one compensation model,
explicit religious compensation, in such a way as to be orthogonal to
IWM correspondence.
Our overall results provided strong support for this theoretical
model of implicit IWM correspondence and explicit religious
compensation. We found group differences on three of the four measures
of implicit spiritual functioning, and as predicted, no differences
between attachment groups on the indicator of explicit spiritual
functioning. Furthermore, the specific hypothesized group differences on
the three indicators of implicit spiritual functioning were supported.
Thus, we found predictable differences between attachment groups in
terms of the manifestation of spiritual functioning on indicators that
tap into implicit relational and spiritual knowledge.
The specific group differences present some interesting patterns.
Both the secure and dismissing attachment groups reported higher levels
of forgiveness than fearful and preoccupied groups. Individuals with
preoccupied attachment in Bartholomew and Horowitz (2001) classification
system are thought to maintain a negative sense of self, but positive
view others. In the AAI tradition, these individuals tend to become
flooded with negative affect when discussing emotionally significant
relationships (Hesse, 1999). Thus, when processing perceived
interpersonal injuries, these individuals are prone to become
overwhelmed with negative affect, which would clearly hinder the
forgiveness process. The fearful attachment category in Bartholomew and
Horowitz classification system reflects negative views of self and
others. While it is not clear how this classification maps onto the AAI
classifications, the underlying negative views of self and others would
clearly seem to be a barrier to the forgiveness process. As predicted,
the dismissing group reported higher levels of forgiveness than
preoccupied and fearful, but were not significantly different than the
secure group. This makes sense based on their deactivating affect
regulation strategy and disavowal of need for others. In other words,
our findings may suggest a type of deactivating forgiveness that may
represent more of a lack of felt need for others than true forgiveness.
This might be more aptly conceptualized as a type of
"pseudoforgiveness." Further research with implicit measures
will be needed to corroborate and elaborate on this notion.
The secure group reported the highest levels of spiritual community
on indicators of spiritual friendship, sense of support from one's
spiritual community, and a sense of purpose in life. This supports our
hypothesis that the secure group both desires close relationships more
and tends to have more positive relational experiences than the other
three attachment classifications. An interesting direction for future
research would be to explore the dynamic patterns and mechanisms of
experiences in spiritual community for the various attachment groups.
The preoccupied and fearful groups reported higher levels of
anxious attachment to God than the secure and dismissing groups, which
generally replicates numerous previous studies (e.g., Beck &
McDonald, 2004; Brokaw & Edwards, 1994; Hall & Edwards, 1996;
Rowatt & Kirkpatrick, 2002). It is noteworthy that the dismissing
group does not report higher levels of anxious attachment to God than
the secure group, which makes sense; however, they also do not report
higher levels of avoidant attachment to God, which we would expect. In
much of our data, and in numerous other studies (e.g., Beck &
McDonald, 2004), the avoidant attachment to people and God dimension
does not seem to discriminate on various outcomes. Further research will
need to explore possible measurement issues indicated here.
At a more general level, these findings support the notion that the
dynamics inherent in the various IWM's do correspond to individuals
spiritual functioning at an implicit level. Furthermore, our results do
not support a compensation model at the implicit level as we predicted.
Moreover, compensation is also not supported when it is defined more
precisely as insecurely attached individuals exhibiting concurrent
higher levels of spiritual functioning in the explicit domain. We found,
as predicted, no association between human attachment and explicit
spiritual functioning. Our results also indicated that the
correspondence findings hold across levels of parental religiosity.
Although we used different indicators of child religiosity than
Granqvist (2002), these findings do not lend support to the socialized
correspondence model.
Stated differently, our findings suggest that implicit relational
knowing in general predicts implicit knowing with respect to "how
to be with" God, as well as "how to be with" a spiritual
community. This supports the theoretical notion, argued previously by a
number authors (e.g., Benner, 1998; Hall, 2004) of the inseparability of
the psychological and spiritual domains of functioning. This is the
essence of the correspondence hypothesis as we have conceptualized it,
which we believe to be consistent with attachment theory: that
individuals' implicit, "gut-level" knowledge of how to be
with human attachment figures also governs their automatic appraisals,
or implicit knowing, of God and spirituality.
On the flip side, although compensation as we have defined it
cannot be ruled out based on the lack of a significant effect, our
findings add one more piece of evidence suggesting that implicit
relational/spiritual knowledge embedded in IWM's does not reliably
predict explicit aspects of spiritual functioning over which people have
more direct control. Our findings suggest that being religiously
committed and engaging in certain religious/spiritual practices, by
themselves, simply do not tell us much about a person's implicit
relational-spiritual dynamics and maturity level. This is supported by
the work of Lyons-Ruth (1999) who argues that the development of
"enactive relational representations" comes not in the form of
linear stages, as in Piagetian theory, but rather through "varied
and context specific 'skills' (p. 597) that are increasingly
complex and integrated ways of being. She states: "development is
viewed as a process of developing concurrently along a number of
pathways that may be only loosely or not at all coordinated by level of
articulation achieved" (p. 597). Thus, the pathways of spiritual
practices and symbolized knowledge may not be coordinated with deeper,
implicit representations.
However, when placed in a broader theoretical context, spiritual
behaviors and practices are tremendously important because they have to
do with intentionality. Intentionality is a more explicit form of
functioning similar to Emmons & Crumpler (1999) notion of strivings.
Strivings represent mid-range goals--things people are consciously and
actively trying to do. As such, these intentional spiritual strivings do
not have a direct influence on implicit (spiritual) functioning, but
rather an indirect one. Spiritual practices or strivings influence
one's relational environment and context, which in turn directly
influence implicit relational knowledge. Our contention based on this
theoretical framework is that spiritual practices moderate the
association between attachment dynamics and implicit spiritual outcomes.
There are a number of possibilities for what this moderation might look
like (sec Hall, 2004) and there is some preliminary evidence supporting
this notion (Hall & Hill, 2003). Our hope is that future research
will elaborate on IWM correspondence at the implicit level, and the role
of explicit RS beliefs, behaviors and intentionality within a broader
"relational spirituality" theoretical model.
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Authors
HALL, TODD W. Address: Biola University, Rosemead School of
Psychology, 13800 La Mirada, CA 90638; E-mail: todd.hall@biola.edu;
Titles: Associate Professor of Psychology; Director, Institute for
Research on Psychology and Spirituality. Degrees: Doctoral
specialization, MA, University of California, Los Angeles; PhD, MA,
Biola University. Specializations: Attachment theory, relational
psychoanalysis, spirituality.
FUGIKAWA, ANNIE. Address: 13800 Biola Ave. La Mirada, CA 90639.
Degree: M.A. in Clinical Psychology. Specializations: Attachment and
psychodynamic therapy, integration.
HALCROW, SARAH. Address: NIH P.O. Box 529 Poolesville, MD 20837.
Degree. M.S. Specializations: Attachment and developmental psychology.
HILL, PETER. Address: Rosemead School of Psychology, 13800 Biola
Avenue, La Mirada, California, 90639. Title: Professor of Psychology,
Rosemead School of Psychology, Biola University. Degree: Ph.D. in Social
Psychology. Specializations: Religious/spiritual measurement, religious
fundamentalism, positive psychology.
DELANEY, HAROLD D. Address: University of New Mexico, Department of
Psychology, Logan Hall MSC03 2220, Albuquerque, NM 87131; E-mail:
hdelaney@unm.edu; Title: Professor of Psychology. Degrees: PhD, MA,
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill; A.B., Asbury College.
Specializations: Quantitative methods, psychology and religion, history
of psychology.
TODD W. HALL, ANNIE FUJIKAWA,
SARAH R. HALCROW, and PETER C. HILL
Rosemead School of Psychology
Biola University
HAROLD DELANEY
University of New Mexico
This study was supported by a generous grant from the Metanexus
Institute. Correspondence regarding article can be sent to Todd Hall at
todd.hall@biola.edu.