Critics to enthusiasts: the Hollands discover Portugal.

Clarke, John ; De Sousa, Jose Baptista

When Lord and Lady Holland arrived in Portugal towards the end of 1808 --their second visit to the Peninsula--they found a country depressed and apathetic. The nation was divided, devastated by the recent French invasion and occupation, and abandoned by its royal family. It is hardly surprising that the first reaction of the English travellers was negative. The political backwardness the Hollands found in Portugal was compared by them to that of Turkey. The Portugal of 1808 was an unhappy nation, ruled, in Lord Holland's words, by a government in which there 'does not seem to be one man of consequence, character or abilities'. (1)

This period of political, economic, social, but mostly spiritual crisis, lasted until 1820. But Portugal then took her future into her own hands when a Liberal Revolution broke out in Oporto and ended the British administration led by the despotic William Beresford. A few years later, in 1828, following D. Miguel's usurpation of the throne and the re-establishment of Absolutism, the Portuguese nation again proved capable of rising against tyranny by organising a credible resistance, thus impressing the European powers and, above all, public opinion in Britain. The Portuguese capacity for regeneration was identified and acknowledged by Lord and Lady Holland, who decided that they must respond to a desperate plea for help. In a letter to Lord Holland, dated 18 November 1831, Pamela wrote: 'Serai-ce trop demander a Angleterre que lui demande au moins l'appui pacifique et moral en faveur de la Reine Marie 2. (a,2)

It would not be excessive to assert that Britain's support for Pedro's claim to the Portuguese throne, on behalf of his daughter Maria--timid though it was--was largely the result of Lord Holland's personal commitment to the cause of liberation. His efforts to persuade his colleagues in Parliament, and especially in the Government, were crucial to future developments favourable to the Portuguese Liberals.

The main purpose of this article is to make the Hollands and the Holland House Papers better known to the general public and to establish their significance in Anglo-Portuguese Studies. It seeks to achieve this objective by examining the Hollands' reflections on Portugal. These are identified as forming the basis of a Lusophilia, which was to be so important in the future and which was to find physical expression in the creation of the celebrated 'Portuguese Garden' at Holland House.

Largely for unselfish and ideological reasons, Henry Richard Vassall, third Baron Holland, (3) and his private Secretary and friend, Dr John Allen, (4) were strongly committed to the constitutional cause in Spain. Spanish historians have widely acknowledged the importance of their accounts of their travels to the establishment of a parliamentary regime in that country. (5) But Portuguese historians have not made a similar acknowledgement--an omission surprising in the light of the Hollands' subsequent role in the overthrow of Miguel and the re-establishment of Liberalism in Portugal in 1834. Indeed, Holland House was the centre of British support for Pedro's Liberal cause.

Perhaps the most likely explanation is that the Hollands were consciously involved in the politics of Spain in 1808 and 1809, urging that Britain follow a rather different policy to the one pursued by George Canning. In the case of Portugal, however, involvement was unintended and indirect. Holland and his travelling companions had no initial intention of embracing a 'Portuguese cause'; they responded only gradually to what they saw and then largely on the basis of the views they had formed in Spain. Thus, while it is reasonably easy to show that the Hollands played a crucial role in the establishment of a parliamentary regime in Spain, exercising considerable influence upon the first Iberian Constitution (i.e. the Cadiz Constitution of 1810)--widely acknowledged as the basis of the Portuguese Constitution of 1822--it is harder to trace their influence on Portuguese society and political institutions. The effects of the ideas formed by the Hollands about Portugal were felt only much later and then mostly indirectly through Spain. The task is made more difficult by the fact that there are few sources that shed light on the Hollands' relations with Portugal at the time of their visit--even though there is plenty of archival material from later periods.

In particular, the absence of contemporary correspondence with any Portuguese acquaintances certainly constitutes an obstacle to the study of the Hollands' influence around the time of their visit. No such correspondence is to be found in the so-called 'Papers Rel. to Portuguese Affairs' for 1801-1830 (MSS Add. 51633), included in the 'Holland House Papers'. In contrast, the large volume of correspondence exchanged between Lord Holland and his Spanish friend Don Gaspar Jovellanos--published in the Obras de Don Gaspar Melchor Jovellanos (6) --provides an excellent source for the investigation of the Hollands' influence in the establishment of a parliamentary regime in Spain.

The only relevant information is to be found in the journals kept by Lord Holland, Lady Holland and Dr John Allen during their travels in Spain and Portugal. The journals, which cover the years 1802 to 1809, are now preserved in the British Library, but they have been published only in part and are virtually unknown to the general public. A significant part of Lady Holland's manuscript was edited and published in 1910 by Lord Ilchester under the title of The Spanish Journal of Elizabeth Lady Holland, but Ilchester's text has many imperfections. Both Lord Holland's and Allen's journals remain unpublished, although a bilingual edition (in English and Portuguese) is now under preparation.

Lord Holland first visited the Peninsula in 1793. Between 1792 and 1796, Holland, who had recently graduated from Christ Church College, Oxford, made an extended Grand Tour, which included the chief capitals of Europe. As he later explained in his Foreign Reminiscences, 'in 1793 I visited Madrid, and my subsequent travels, as well as some accidental circumstances, have made me better acquainted with the events and characters connected with that court than with those of any other on the Continent'. (7)

This short visit to the court of Carlos IV made such an impression upon the young Holland that, in 1802, he returned to Spain. He was now accompanied by his wife, Elizabeth Vassal, third Lady Holland (8)--whom he had married in 1797--and their two sons, Charles, (9) whose poor health provided a pretext for seeking a better climate, (10) and Henry. (11) The party included Dr John Allen--a physician recommended by Lord Lauderdale who became a close friend of the family, and resident doctor and librarian at Holland House--Mr Frederick Howard, (12) then a young man of sixteen, and Howard's tutor, Revd. Matthew Marsh, whom Lady Holland nicknamed 'Little Marsh'. (13)

The party left Kensington for Paris in June 1802. There they spent the whole summer and were introduced to Napoleon himself. As Lord Holland noted in his Foreign Reminiscences, 'Both Lady Holland and myself were presented to him in 1802, when he was First Consul'. (14) On 19 September, they finally left for Spain, crossing the frontier on 7 November and remaining in Spain for the next two years. On 14 November 1804, they left Madrid for Portugal whose eastern frontier at Elvas they crossed on 30 November. By 7 December, the Hollands were already settled in Lisbon and remained there until February 1805. After a short excursion to Alcobaca, Caldas and Marinha Grande, they embarked for England in March and arrived towards the end of that month. A somewhat hurried departure from Portugal seems to have been prompted by Lord Holland's political agenda, as he explained in Memoirs of the Whig Party:

I left Lisbon in the spring of 1805, in consequence of the intention announced by Mr. Fox and Lord Grenville, of presenting Petitions from the Roman Catholics to the Houses of Parliament, praying to be relieved from the disabilities to which they were by law exposed. (15) The Hollands' second journey to the Peninsula (Henry Richard's third visit), began on 9 October 1808 when they left the Holland House for Falmouth. (16) The main motive seems to have been romantic idealism --though there may have been a political dimension too. After the fall of the Ministry of 'All the Talents', whose foreign policy had been determined by Charles James Fox, Lord Holland's uncle and mentor, the Tories had secured complete control of the Government. Henry Richard emerged as the natural successor to his uncle in Parliament and the hopes of his fellow Whigs to find a skilled leader in the House of Lords fell upon him. Hence, when Holland announced his decision to leave for the Peninsula, he was consciously turning his back on an opportunity to gain the leadership of the Whig party, now divided by internal conflict. In short, he appeared to be renouncing the prospect of a successful political career. Keppel suggests reasons for Holland's apparently strange decision: 'it is often difficult to equate Lord Holland's seeming irresponsibility to immediate duty but, with his obvious dedication to the great causes of liberty and justice, the answer must lie in his early Rousseau-esque training'. (17)

There can be little doubt that the very serious French threat to the Peninsula aroused a genuine sentiment of attachment to Spain in Lord Holland--a response that had its origins in his first visit to Madrid in 1793. More immediately, Holland's decision to embark on what would obviously be a quite dangerous journey was prompted by a series of direct appeals, received in the course of the summer of 1808, from several deputies in the Juntas of the Asturias and Gallicia. The Holland House Dinner Books for this period contain the names of a number of Spanish guests who had come to London specifically to seek Holland's support for the liberation cause. Especially frequent guests were the charges d'affairs of both Spain and Portugal, Augustin de Arguellas (18) and Domingos de Sousa Coutinho. (19) Lord Holland and John Allen also made several visits to the Spanish Club in London. (20)

Lord Holland hoped to use his political influence and knowledge of the Spanish language and culture to contribute actively to the liberation and establishment of a liberal regime in Spain. In particular, he saw himself as an intermediary between the leaders of the Spanish resistance and the British authorities or, as Keppel put it 'playing the part of impresario to the epic performance [...] in Spain'. (21) In addition to these naive, though genuine, chivalric aspirations--which the Spaniards were to use for their own profit and British generals to resent as inopportune and contrary to British interests--more prosaic considerations, such as political ambition and personal promotion, were also present. We should remember that Lady Holland, well known for her pragmatism, sometimes bordering on cynicism, wanted to further her husband's career. It is clear that Lord Holland's ultimate ambition was not high office in England, but to become Ambassador in Madrid--an ambition never fulfilled.

The news that Holland had made an irrevocable decision to go to Spain was not well received by the Foreign Secretary, George Canning. Although Holland's departure would rid Ministers of a powerful critic in Parliament, Canning feared that Holland would obstruct his Spanish policy and was thus reluctant to issue passports. Holland explained in his Further Memoirs:

On my applying soon afterwards for a passport to travel in Spain, he [Canning] wrote me a letter of misplaced admonition; which I answered in a way to show him that I should regulate myself by my own notions of propriety without considering his, and that I did not conceive a Secretary of State, in granting a passport to an English gentleman, had any authority or occasion to read him a lecture as to his intercourse with foreigners. (22)

Apart from Lady and Lord Holland, the party included their eldest son Charles, Dr John Allen, the sixteen-year old Lord John Russell, (23) two maids and five serving-men. They took two carriages, which Elizabeth considered insufficient but suitable for they had 'resolved to take as few persons and encumbrances as possible.' (24) On 30 October 1808, after waiting upwards of a fortnight in Falmouth, they finally embarked in the Frigate Amazon under Captain Parker, (25) and reached La Coruna at daybreak on 3 November after 'a delightful passage of five days.' (26)

This second, and final visit of the Hollands to the Peninsula included two stays in Portugal: the first, from 16 December 1808, when they crossed the Minho, to 26 January 1809, when they left Elvas for Seville; and the second, from 5 July 1809, when they re-entered Portugal through Elvas, to 19 of the same month, when the party embarked for England, which they reached on 10 August 1809. It must be said, however, that these journeys through Portugal were largely accidental and resulted from factors beyond the travellers' control. The advance of the French armies and uncertainty as to the outcome of the war made a direct journey across Spain hazardous. The fact that substantial areas were occupied by the French meant that there were only two reasonably safe ways of reaching Seville, the Hollands' ultimate destination. The first would have been to take a British vessel around the coast to Cadiz and the second, a land journey, involved a lengthy diversion through Portugal. The Holland's immediate preference was for the first option; only when this proved impossible, because no suitable ship was available, did they opt reluctantly for the second. Their reluctance arose from the knowledge that Portuguese roads were notoriously bad and a severe test of the patience and endurance of travellers. Lady Holland complained in her journal:

[...] we must prepare for a land Journey first because we wish to avoid the painful sight of witnessing the Embarkation of our fugitive army, and 2.dly because the delay may be very great, and we may be detained for the Endymion above a fortnight. (27)

Thus a journey through Portugal appeared the only fairly safe option, as Admiral de Courcy explained to Lady Holland:

What can I add?--'That the times are more tranquil than when you left Corunna!' Locally, they are certainly so. The advanced position of the British army must free Tuy from every apprehension of alarm. The roads must be open to Porto:--and if your Ladyship can reconcile such ragged travelling as your late journey attested, I know of no obstacle to your further proceeding. (28)

All three journals and other writings suggest that the prospect of leaving Spain for Portugal did not appeal to the members of Holland's party. There are only two paragraphs devoted to Portugal in Lord Holland's Foreign Reminiscences. One includes the comment, 'I know little of Portugal or Portuguese that would have the interest of novelty to English readers'. (29) But this guarded reservation is exceeded by the more forthright sentiments of Lady Holland, where the preference for Spain is unambiguous. Thus, after crossing the river Minho on 16 December 1808, she wrote: 'it was beautiful to look back upon Tuy, and bold rugged outline of the Spanish Mountains, tho' I feel convinced we shall again shortly enter that beloved country, yet to leave it without a pang was impossible'. (30)

As noted earlier, it is not easy to determine the direct effect of the Hollands' observations or of their personal influence on Portuguese society or political institutions. At best they were probably indirect and unintentional. The main purpose of the Hollands' journey to the Peninsula was to contribute to the liberation and political reorganisation of Spain, and in this they achieved a measure of success. Their visits to Portugal were fortuitous and it was definitely not part of their plans to interfere in that country's internal affairs. Yet it is certain that, in the course of their travels, the Hollands did make the acquaintance of several Portuguese gentlemen and the journals allow us to identify some of these.

At Vila do Conde, in addition to several Portuguese whose names are not recorded, the Hollands were visited by Joao de Magalhaes, a Colonel of Militia, and by Sr Vasconcelos, the Juiz de Fora, and his wife, Ana de Sa. At Oporto, General Bernardim Freire de Andrade accompanied Lord Holland when he visited the Bishop, who was confined to bed. At Coimbra, the Hollands were met by the General Nuno Freire de Andrade, brother of Bernardim, and were visited by some Professors of the University, including the Reader in Metallurgy, Jose Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, accompanied by his daughter. At Marinha Grande, in the absence of the owner, Mr John Stephens, they were received by D. Jose Sousa de Oliveira. (31) Fearing another French invasion, Stephens had fled to Lisbon, leaving Oliveira responsible for the celebrated glassmaking factory. At Alhandra, the last stop before Lisbon, the Hollands received a visit from an officer sent by the Capitao-Mor to offer his services. While in Lisbon, apart from a few Englishmen, mainly officers, and two Spanish diplomats, they made the acquaintance of the Barao de Quintela, a wealthy capitalist, and a Mr Setaro. In addition they dined with the eldest son of the Monteiro-Mor and visited the house of the late Duque de Lafoes. Finally, at Elvas, they were guests of Mr Travassos, a wealthy proprietor of the place.

On their return from Spain to Portugal in July 1809, near Venda do Duque, the Hollands met D. Pedro de Sousa Holstein, the Portuguese minister who was on his way from Lisbon to Seville. At Evora, the Archbishop, who had been very influential during the Government of Pombal, received them graciously in his palace. (32) At Setubal, they received visits from 'the son of the Vice-consul Mr Rigo, the Governor of the Town, the Town Mayor and other Portuguese'. (33) At Azeitao, the last stop before Lisbon, they lodged in the celebrated Quinta da Bacalhoa, where they were expected by the local Juiz de Fora. While in Lisbon, they lived in the Buenos Ayres neighbourhood, but no further references to Portuguese people are to be found in the journals.

It is not clear whether these brief contacts with Portuguese notables resulted in any effective interaction or, indeed whether the Hollands sought to convey to them their ideas on government and political systems --as they certainly did in Spain. It is striking, however, that some their Portuguese contacts either were--or were soon to be--influential in Portuguese society and politics. Several were still young and hence more likely to have been receptive to new ideas from abroad.

It must be acknowledged that, unlike Spain, in general, Portugal was not particularly responsive to foreign ideas, 'revolutionary' or otherwise. This may be attributed to the country's backwardness that had resulted from the conservative policies of D. Maria I's reign, and to the ruinous state of the country following the departure of the Royal Family to Brazil and subsequent French occupation. (34) In fact, when the Hollands visited Portugal in 1808-1809, while its leaders intrigued to secure more power for themselves, the Portuguese nation, or what was left of it, seemed in a state of complete apathy--if not acephaly--as the following passage of Dr Allen's journal suggests:

we had to day 4 Siges [sic]35 for ourselves, and a 5th, converted into a Carro Mato for transporting our luggage, by order of the Juiz de Fora, agt. the will of the proprietor, who remonstrated and petitioned in vain against this exercise of authority. But in this country as in Turkey nothing is to be obtained without the aid of the governt, and so accustomed are the people to such acts of despotism, that nothing but an order of governt will make them stir, and when issued they submit to it patiently and quietly as to a physical necessity. In no country have I ever seen the lower orders in such complete and habitual subjection to the Agents of governt as in this--In our former journey in Portugal as well as in our present we have had daily instances of it. (36)

It is worth discussing some of the Portuguese figures mentioned in the journals and considering their roles in contemporary Portuguese society and in later times. The first important figure mentioned by the Hollands was certainly General Bernardim Freire de Andrade, (37) who played an important role, alongside Sir Arthur Wellesley, in the defeat of the French at Rolica (17 August 1808) and Vimeiro (21 August). According to Lord Holland, 'my friend Bernardino Freire [...] overcame me with attentions and civilities, shewed me all the papers relating to these interesting transactions and furnished me with information and recommendations for the road. (38)

Lady Holland explained in her journal that these papers were 'the whole correspondence which took place both before, and subsequent of the battle of Vimeiro and the convention'. (39) They gave details of the differences between Freire and the British authorities. A few days later, while at Coimbra, Lady Holland recorded that Lord Holland had received two letters from Freire, written in French, and including reports of the military operations in Spain, together with Freire's own interpretation of them. (40) But Lord Holland's conversations and correspondence with the Portuguese General, and the views he formed on Freire's conduct, can have had few tangible results, because the General was soon to be ignominiously murdered. In March 1809, Freire was killed by the populace of Braga who suspected that he was in league with the French. It may be, however, that the information received from Freire did enable Holland to form a more accurate idea of the state of the country and of the military situation.

The following passage in Lord Holland's journal, written a little later in Lisbon, could well have been influenced by his conversations with Freire:

The consequences of the Convention seem to have been very bad and very lasting in Portugal and the establishment of the regency in which there does not seem to be one man of consequence character or abilities yet more prejudicial to the common interests of Portugal England and Spain--The Northern Provinces are avowedly hostile to this government and though the people of Lisbon were very averse to granting the share in Government to the inhabitants of Oporto and its environs to which they pretended they do not evince either confidence or respect or even contentment with the present Gov.t--If England interfered at all in regulating the Government she ought to have established one either entirely subservient to her own objects or calculated to call forth the energies of the country--by a paltry endeavour to avoid the appearance of interference and a dread of leaving the people rely (41) to themselves she has drawn on herself the double inconvenience of a helpless timid and unwilling government and a dispirited discontented people. (42)

The second important name in the journals is that of the Bishop of Oporto, D. Frei Antonio de S. Jose Castro, who was ill in bed at the time of his meeting with Lord Holland. (43) Holland describes the Bishop as 'ardently attached to the English interest' but does not give a full account of their conversation. (44) It is possible however, that what Holland said may have impressed the aged prelate. Since the Bishop was a member of the Council of Regency, an appointment made by the Prince Regent, D. Joao, when he left for Brazil and confirmed after the Convention of Sintra with the agreement of the English authorities, some of Holland's views may have had been conveyed to the Portuguese government. It must be admitted that at the time of his meeting with Holland, the Bishop was 'a man with a benevolent countenance of near 70 years old'. (45) It seems likely that he was too old to be receptive to new ideas or, at least, to attempt their execution.

At Coimbra, on their way to Lisbon, the Hollands met several Portuguese gentlemen who, although they did not play a significant role in political developments of the time, are still worth some investigation. The first to be mentioned in the journals is General Nuno Freire de Andrade, (46) brother of Bernardim, described by Lady Holland as 'a very agreeable lively man' (47) and who had kindly sent them 'the Manga blanca [sic] (48) and various sorts of oranges'. (49) Yet, although General Nuno Freire eventually became a Field Marshal and was created Conde de Camarino on 16 July 1822, he was not an important figure in Portuguese Society and never near to the centre of the political process. Hence, whatever influences the Hollands might have had on him, these can hardly have been decisive for the political evolution of Portugal.

A second figure mentioned while the Hollands were at Coimbra, was Jose Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva, who had been born in Brazil and who was now a Reader in Metallurgy and Lecturer in Mineralogy at the University of Coimbra. (50) He visited the Hollands accompanied by his daughter and, as Lady Holland recorded in her journal, showed them 'the specimens he had collected during his travels in the North, and upon hearing I had a small collection insisted upon adding a few to it'. (51) Although Jose Bonifacio is a relatively unknown figure in the history of Portugal, he played a significant role in the independence of Brazil (1822) and hence gained the affection of Pedro and was widely described as 'Patriarca da Independencia' ('Patriarch of Independence'). It is tempting to speculate that his acquaintance with the Hollands, though brief, may have had some influence on his later career in Brazil.

Finally, to conclude the roll of acquaintances at Coimbra, there is a reference to a 'numerous set of Visitas' (52) which, in addition to General Freire de Andrade and Jose Bonifacio and his daughter, also included, according to John Allen, 'several members of the Univ.y'. (53) These members, whose names are not recorded, were probably Academics, who could have taken on some of the Hollands' views and later transmitted them to their students.

The party arrived at Lisbon on 3 January 1809, where they found 'very clean and comfortable lodgings in Rua do Ferregial de Cima,' (54) 'ope do Tesoiro Velho' (55) which 'had a beautiful view of the river'. (56) Owing to poor weather, which precluded any attempt to cross the Tagus, the Hollands were forced to remain in the Portuguese capital until 21 January. Hence, they had plenty of time to meet people and become more familiar with Portuguese society. In addition to the regular company of the British, mostly officers, and a visit from two Spanish diplomats, (57) the Hollands also met the Barao de Quintela, a wealthy capitalist, and a certain Mr Setaro who, as Lord Holland explains in Further Memoirs, was a 'Portuguese merchant in charge of the victualling of the British fleet at Lisbon'. (58) They also dined with the eldest son of the Monteiro-Mor, (59) who accompanied them to the Opera at the S. Carlos Theatre, and visited the house of the late Duque de Lafes. (60)

Among all of these names, the only one worth further investigation is D. Pedro de Melo da Cunha Mendonca e Meneses, son of the Monteiro-Mor, who played quite a significant role in the political development of Portugal in the first quarter of the nineteenth century. In addition to his active part in a rebellion against Junot that broke out in the Algarve in June 1808, D. Pedro was appointed a member of the Regency established after the Convention of Sintra in the absence of the Marques de Abrantes, (61) whose whereabouts were unknown. (62) Many years later, following the vilafrancada, a partially successful reactionary coup d'etat led by the Infante D. Miguel on 27 May 1823--which ended the Portuguese first constitutional experiment (1820-1823)--he was appointed a member of a Junta established on 18 June 1823 and given special responsibility for reform of the legal system. D. Pedro de Melo was still a young man when he met the Hollands. It seems likely that, of all Hollands' Portuguese acquaintances, with the possible exceptions of Jose Valdez and D. Pedro de Sousa Holstein, D. Pedro de Melo was the most likely to have been receptive to the their political views. But there is no evidence that the meeting between the Hollands and Pedro Meneses had any direct results. Indeed, it seems that Lord Holland was not impressed. His comment that the Regency did not contain 'one man of consequence character or abilities' hardly indicates a high opinion of Pedro Meneses who was a member of that body. (63)

Finally, on 21 January, 'En depit du mauvais temps', the Hollands were able to proceed their journey towards the Spanish border. (64) At Elvas they were invited to stay, as Lord Holland records in his journal, in the 'excellent house of Mr Travassos', (65) a wealthy proprietor of Elvas, (66) who received them 'with great cordiality and hospitality'. (67) Travassos was 'brother to the geographer and a friend of Dgo de Sousa'. (68) According to Lady Holland, the family consisted 'of Wife, niece, daughter and several sons'. (69)

It seems that the Hollands became friendly with the Travassos family and a good deal of conversation took place between Lord Holland, Mr Travassos and, possibly, some of his sons, as the following passage in Lady Holland's journal suggests: 'Trabassos [sic] intends if possible to escape and get away to Brazil--Ld Hd gave him letters to Ad. Berkeley and Mr Villiers in order if possible to facilitate his scheme'. (70) Interestingly, one of the sons, Jose Lucio Travassos Valdez, afterwards first Barao and Conde do Bonfim, had interrupted his studies at the University of Coimbra in 1808 to join Sir Arthur Wellesley's army as a volunteer. (71) His later services at the Battle of Arapiles, Salamanca (22 July 1812), were to result in the award of a medal from George III. Jose Travassos Valdez, later a convinced liberal, was to play a significant role in the political development of Portugal. On 7 April 1827, he was appointed Governor and General Captain to the isles of Madeira and Porto Santo and held this post until August 1828, shortly after D. Miguel's usurpation of the throne on 11 July. Valdez and his family were then forced to flee to Britain to become members of the community of two thousand Portuguese political refugees gathered in the Plymouth Depos. (72) Valdez lived in great poverty in Plymouth until 1832; he then joined D. Pedro's expedition to the Azores and from thence returned to Portugal.

Following the progressive revolution of 9 September 1836 and the subsequent re-establishment of the constitutional regime in Portugal, Valdez was elected deputy for Leiria. During Sa da Bandeira's Government, he was appointed Minister of both Navy and War, holding these posts from 9 September 1837 to 18 April 1839. He was re-elected deputy to the legislatures of 1839 and 1840 and, from 26 November 1839 to 9 June 1841, he was President of Ministry (Prime Minister). He also held the Ministry of War and, ad interim, the Ministries of Navy and Foreign Affairs. (73) In 1842, now as a Peer of the Realm, he opposed Costa Cabral's unpopular and authoritarian policies in the Upper House of Parliament. From 1852 till his death in 1862, he was a member of the Council of Military Justice.

It is quite possible that Jose Valdez, then a patriotic and lively young man of twenty-one, who had already served under Arthur Wellesley in the battles of Rolica and Vimeiro, was present during Lord Holland's conversations with his father. It is true that none of the sons' or daughter's names are mentioned in any of the journals, but Valdez might have discussed some of his political ideas with the English Lord. If so, the influence of these conversations on Valdez's later policies and parliamentary activities can only be guessed.

The Hollands finally reached Seville and stayed there for nearly five months, although they made some excursions in the Province of Cadiz. The return journey also took the Hollands through Portugal and in July 1809 they were again at Elvas. On this occasion, they lodged in the house of a British merchant, Mr Fletcher, and no further mention is made of Travassos. On 8 July, soon after leaving Venda do Duque, the Hollands 'met the Portuguese minister on his way from Lisbon to Seville, he is a Sousa'. (74) This minister was Pedro de Sousa Holstein, afterwards Conde, Marques and Duque de Palmela. (75) Of all the Portuguese names mentioned in the Hollands' journals, this is surely the most important for our study: Palmela was one of the most significant figures in the history of Portugal in the first half of the nineteenth century and certainly one of her ablest politicians of all time.

When the Hollands first met him in the Alentejo, Pedro de Sousa Holstein was still a young man of twenty-six, but already a skilful diplomat and therefore possibly receptive to any advice the Hollands might have offered. He was on his way to Seville to meet with members of the Supreme Junta and to discuss the terms of a possible return of the town of Olivenca to Portugal. The town had fallen in 1801, during a campaign in the Alentejo in which Godoy himself had led the Spanish forces. The campaign formed part of the conflict known to posterity as the 'Guerra das Laranjas' ('War of the Oranges'), though in reality it amounted to little more than a skirmish. But like later missions, de Sousa Holstein's attempts to regain Olivenca proved abortive and the town still remains part of Spain. Lord Holland was familiar with all members of the Junta and a close friend of some of them. Hence, it seems likely that the question of Olivenca figured prominently in discussions between Holland and de Sousa Holstein.

Yet this apparently brief and chance meeting does not seem to have resulted in a close relationship. There is no evidence that the Hollands knew Pedro before this occasion, even though he was a close friend of Mme de Stael who was also well known to the Hollands. In fact, while staying at Coppet, in the course of a journey through Italy in 1805, Pedro became de Stael's lover; her novel Corinne ou l'Italie, published in 1807, seems to have been inspired by their romance. But Lady Holland's brief and somewhat remote reference to 'the Portuguese minister', together with the fact that there is no further mention of him in Lord Holland's journal, suggests that the meeting was not especially memorable. Given the Hollands' preference for Spain, they probably did not favour the objective of de Sousa Holstein's mission.

But it is important to stress that, throughout his entire political and diplomatic career, as well as in his personal life, Pedro proved a sincere friend of Britain, even when the interests of the two countries seemed opposed. He always insisted that Portugal should remain an ally of Britain rather than of France. Like Valdez, as soon as he learned that Sir Arthur Wellesley had landed at Lavos (1-5 August 1808), Pedro immediately joined the Army of Liberation. Colonel Trant appointed him aid-de-camp and, in 1809, entrusted him with the organisation of the Portuguese militia. This was probably Pedro's earliest contact with the British authorities. It was to prove the first of many; in later years he was to be involved in many matters affecting relations between the two countries. In 1812, now as Conde de Palmela, he was appointed Ambassador to London, where he remained until 1820. In 1815, he represented his country at the Congress of Vienna, but there he faced the opposition of Wellington who was reluctant to accept Portuguese claims. In 1825, Palmela was again sent as Ambassador to London and held this post officially until 1828 and, clandestinely, until 1831.

The 1820s were marked by several convulsions in Portugal. Some had important repercussions on the international scene, and these were to preoccupy Palmela and Canning and later Wellington and Palmerston. D. Joao VI's death on 26 March 1826 led to a succession crisis whose outcome was difficult to predict. Pedro, Joao's eldest son, was regarded as a traitor because he had declared Brazil independent in 1822. Pedro's younger brother, the Infante D. Miguel, a puppet in the malevolent hands of his mother, Carlota Joaquina, appeared hardly more suitable. He had twice attempted to remove his father from the throne, and, as result, had been forced into the exile in Austria. But Pedro produced a plausible solution: learning that he had been proclaimed as D. Pedro IV of Portugal (1798-1834, r. 1826), he surprised the whole of Europe when, only a few days later (2 May 1826), he abdicated in favour of his eight years old daughter, the Infanta Maria da Gloria, afterwards Queen Dona Maria II (1819-1853, r. 1834-1853). Pedro proposed that Maria da Gloria should marry her uncle Miguel, who was to remain as Regent until she attained her majority. Even more scandalous was the Carta Constitucional that Pedro had promulgated before his abdication, a gesture regarded by 'Absolutist' Europe as provocative and which horrified Metternich.

Towards the end of 1827, after reluctantly taking the oaths to his brother's 'abominable' Carta, Miguel left Vienna for Lisbon to resume the Regency, paying short visits to Paris and London on the way. As soon as he landed in Portugal, on 22 February 1828, Miguel began a series of manoeuvres intended to lead to the restoration of the ancien regime and, on 11 July, he was eventually crowned as absolute monarch. When Palmela heard of this, he promptly resigned the Embassy, but remained in London as an emigre. His house in South Audley Street became the Head Quarters of the liberal resistance, which Palmela organised with the financial support from the Brazilian Ambassador, the Visconde de Itabaiana. During the years between 1828 and 1832, Palmela was a regular habitue of Holland House and was joined by other Portuguese liberal emigres and by the Visconde de Itabaiana. This clearly indicates the Hollands' support for the Liberal cause in Portugal. There are also a large number of letters and notes from Palmela to Lady and Lord Holland, now in the British Library, which reveal the Hollands' inclination, not to say commitment, to find 'une resolution prompte sur les affaires du Portugal et a prendre le parti qui me parait a la fois le plus simple et le plus Digne de l'Angleterre'. (76)

On 13 September 1832, before leaving for Portugal to rejoin Pedro's 'Bravos' (77)--who had entered the city of Oporto on 9 July with little resistance from Miguel's forces--Palmela wrote to Lady Holland: 'Je vous ecris au moment meme de mon depart. [...] D. Pedro est decide a se defendre et la Ville de Porto j'espere sera le boulevard de la Liberte portugaise'. (78)

Palmela's hopes--which were obviously shared by the Hollands, the best English friends and supporters that the Portuguese liberal cause could ever aspire to--were shortly to be realised. On 24 July 1833, the liberals led by the Duque da Terceira captured the city of Lisbon from the miguelistas. A few days later, Dr John Allen wrote effusively in the Holland House Dinner Book: 'Lisbon declared for Dona Maria'. (79)

Palmela was never again Ambassador to London, except for a short period when he came to attend Queen Victoria's coronation on 28 June 1838. While he regretted this, he certainly kept in contact with his English friends, at least until 1846. Palmela played an important role in Portuguese politics until 1848, when he finally retired to spend the last two years of his life at his Quinta do Lumiar. He was three times President of Ministry (Prime Minister), though only for short periods (1834-1835, 1842 and 1846) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (1832, 1835). During his time in government, Palmela never betrayed his English friends. This was in sharp contrast to the record of his predecessors; as Charles Wesbster acknowledged 'until Palmela came in [1834], the Portuguese Ministers had shewn little gratitude to Britain'. (80)

In 1809, after taking leave of Palmela, the Hollands proceed to Evora. They arrived soon afterwards and, as Lady Holland recorded, 'were most kindly received and lodged by the Archbishop in his Palace'. (81) D. Francisco de Melo do Cenaculo Vilas Boas, the Archbishop, had once been extremely influential. (82) He had gained the confidence of Pombal who appointed him 'preceptor to late Prince of Brazil.' (83) Pombal had been on bad terms with the Infanta D. Maria, afterwards D. Maria I (1734-1816, r. 1777-1816), D. Jose's daughter and heir. He sought to safeguard his own position by attempting to exclude her from the throne. He wanted the King to be succeeded by the Infante D. Jose (1761-1788), D Maria's son and D. Francisco's pupil. But Pombal's plans to alter the succession were frustrated when D. Maria became Queen in 1777. The Minister fell in disgrace and was exiled to Pombal, where he died in obscurity in 1782. Pombal's fall affected D. Francisco, especially since the Infante D. Jose died prematurely in 1788. D. Francisco do Senaculo was compelled to resign from all public posts and to return to his duties as Bishop of the comparatively humble diocese of Beja. In 1802, he managed to achieve substantial rehabilitation when he was appointed Archbishop of Evora; thereafter he dedicated himself to cultural and academic activities.

Lord Holland's account of his meeting with the Archbishop describes him as already 'a venerable man of 85 or 6'.84 He was probably none too receptive of new ideas and, in any case, he was far removed from the centre of politics. Yet Holland knew that the Archbishop had played an heroic role during the French invasion. He had been one of the leaders of a rebellion that broke out at Evora on 13 July 1808; this had almost cost him his life when Loison had suppressed the rebellion. The Archbishop's patriotism meant that he was now highly regarded by the Portuguese authorities. But his conversations with the Hollands seem to have been confined to cultural matters, such as the history and antiquities of Evora, and to the old man's reminiscences of Pombal's character and achievements. According to Lord Holland's journal, the Archbishop told him of the improvements the Romans had made in the town and gave him 'a present of a book on the antiquities and ancient divisions of Lusitania--by Resendius (85)--and Renatius Vasconcellus--Cologne 1613' (86) while Lady Holland, 'was anxious without absolutely asking to know some particulars respecting the character and death of that Prince accordingly we found him very willing to dwell upon the subject, and also about the character of Pombal'. (87) But apart from historical issues, the journals make no reference to any discussion on contemporary politics. The Hollands set off from Evora in the afternoon 9 July and arrived at Setubal on 11, after spending the night at Vendas Novas. Sadly, at this point we lose contact with Lord Holland's journal, which ends unexpectedly on 11 July. For some unknown reason, he stopped writing his journal, leaving many blank pages to fill. Allen's journal ceases at Lisbon on 13 January 1809. Thus we have to rely solely on Lady Holland's journal for the remainder of the journey. She explains that, as soon as the Hollands arrived at Setubal, they were visited by Captain Smith of the frigate H.M.S. Comus. Smith was accompanied by 'the son of the Viceconsul Mr Rigo, the Governor of the Town, the Town Mayor and other Portuguese'. (88) On the following day, the party proceeded to the town of Azeitao, the last stop before Lisbon. They had been expected by the local Juiz de Fora at the celebrated Quinta da Bacalhoa. They spent the night at the Quinta, which Lady Holland notes was owned by D. Antonio de Noronha. (89)

The Hollands arrived in Lisbon on 13 July, but 'by some unaccountable Mistake instead of landing at the Place de Commerce the usual point, went to Belem. (90) Now they were lodged at Buenos Ayres neighbourhood, in a 'very small, but clean and airy' house.91 They remained in Lisbon until 19 July and then embarked for England aboard H.M.S. Lively. (92) There are no references in Lady Holland's journal to any Portuguese the Hollands may have encountered in their last days in Lisbon. On 10 August, they finally 'got into St Helens and landed in a most boisterous gale and high sea at Portsmouth' and reached Holland House two days later. (93) Lady Holland does mention Portugal on a few occasions in the closing pages of the journal after she had returned to England.

Although it is not possible to ascertain, at least from the travel journals, whether the Hollands' visits to Portugal in 1808-1809 resulted in any substantial influence, intentional or otherwise, on Portuguese society or political developments, it would be wrong to exclude this possibility. At very least, we may argue with some confidence that these journeys did change Lord Holland's views on Portugal and increased his knowledge of the state of the country. Many years later, this knowledge made him a strong and significant supporter of the Portuguese liberal cause.

Despite the Hollands' apparent dislike of Portugal during their journeys in 1808-1809, only a few years later, in 1812, they commissioned Bonaiuti to design a 'Portuguese Garden' for them at Holland House. (94) This suggests that the travels in Portugal had made a significant impression. Many years later, long after the deaths of Lord and Lady Holland, when Britain's diplomatic relations with Portugal deteriorated, the Portuguese Garden was renamed the 'Dutch Garden'.

To conclude, it is worth repeating that the Hollands' support for the Portuguese liberal cause in 1828-1832 represented real confidence in the Portuguese nation. Lord Holland truly believed that the Portuguese had a capacity to reject tyranny and to decide their own future. This confidence underlies his brilliant speech to the House of Lords on 19 June 1829 --in which he denounced what he regarded as the hypocritical policy of 'non-interference' or 'let things as they are' currently advocated and practiced by the Wellington government: 'Away with all the nonsense as to non-interference in the internal affairs of Portugal. The whole history of the transactions of this country with Portugal was one of interference'. (95)

Of course, Holland's support for intervention in favour of the liberal cause depended upon a conviction that the Portuguese could make a success of a free government. His travels some twenty years earlier may have helped him to come to that conclusion.

University of Buckingham Universidade Nova de Lisboa

(1) British Library, Holland House Papers (henceforward abbreviated to HHP) MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 21r (1808-1809).

(2) BL, HHP MSS, [Papers Relative to Palmela and others] Add. 51632.

(3) Henry Richard Vassall Fox (1773-1840), third Lord Holland.

(4) John Allen, M.D. (1771-1843). Political and historical writer. Son of James Allen, a Writer to the Signet and the owner of the small estate of Redfoord who became bankrupt, John Allen was born on 3 February 1771 at Redfoord, in the parish of Colington, near Edinburgh. He was apprenticed to Mr Arnot, an Edinburgh surgeon, in whose house he completed his education. In 1801 Lord Lauderdale recommended him to Lord Holland, who was seeking a young doctor to accompany him to the Peninsula. He became an habitue of the Holland House and, eventually, its resident doctor, secretary and librarian. In addition to a few articles published in the Edinburgh Review, Allen was the author of Suggestions on the Cortes (London: Blackader, 1809), Inquiry into the Rise and Growth of the Royal Prerogative in England (London: Longmam, 1830) and A Short History of the House of Commons, with reference to Reform (London: James Ridgway, 1831).

(5) The Hollands' influence on the establishment of a parliamentary regime in Spain has been stressed by several Spanish authors. Recently it has been assessed by the Andalusian historian Manuel Moreno Alonso, mainly in La generacion espanola de 1808 (Madrid: Alianza Universidad, 1989) and La forja del liberalismo en Espana: los amigos espanoles de Lord Holland 1793-1840 (Madrid: Congreso de los Diputados, 1997) and also in articles such as 'Lord Holland y los origenes del liberalismo espanol' and 'Las <<insinuaciones>> sobre las Cortes de John Allen' published respectively in the Revista de Estudios Politicos (no. 36, 1983) and the Revista de las Cortes Generales (no. 33, 1994). Also crucial to the understanding of the extent of the Hollands' influence on Spanish political institutions, is John Allen's Suggestions on the Cortes, published for private circulation in 1809. This valuable historical source reveals the importance of the Hollands' role in the establishment of the Cortes of Cadiz (1810).

(6) Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, 'Correspondencia com lord Vassall Holland', in Obras de Don Gaspar Melchor de Jovellanos, Biblioteca de autores espanoles desde la formacion del lenguaje hasta nuestros dias, 86 (Madrid: Atlas, 1956), vol. iv, pp. 354-479. The original manuscript letters are kept in the British Library (HHP MSS Add. 51618-20).

(7) Henry Richard Vassall Fox, third Lord Holland, Foreign Reminiscences, ed. by his son Henry Edward Lord Holland, 3rd edn. (New York: Harper & Brothers, 1855), p. 53.

(8) Elizabeth Vassall (1770-1845), third Lady Holland, formerly Lady Webster.

(9) Charles Richard Fox (1796-1873). British General and Archaeologist. The Hollands' eldest son, though born before their marriage and therefore illegitimate.

(10) Other reasons have been advanced to explain the Hollands' decision to leave for Spain. According to Sonia Keppel, ever since his first visit to Madrid in 1793, '[...] Lord Holland had intended to return there to seek material for a life of the sixteenth-century Spanish dramatist, Lope de Vega', published in 1806 and entitled Some Account of the Life and Writings of Lope Felix de Vega Carpio (Sonia Keppel, The Sovereign Lady: A Life of Elizabeth, third Lady Holland, with her family (London: Hamish Hamilton, 1974), p. 122).

(11) Henry Edward Fox (1802-1859), afterwards fourth Lord Holland.

(12) Frederick Howard (1785-1815), British officer. Third son of Frederick, fifth Earl of Carlisle, by Lady Margaret Graville-Leveson, daughter of the first Marquis of Stafford. He was killed at Waterloo whilst gallantly leading the last charge. He was buried at Waterloo, afterwards brought home and buried at Sreatham and, in 1879, translated to the family mausoleum at Castle Howard, Yorkshire.

(13) Elizabeth Vassall, third Lady Holland, The Journal of Elizabeth Lady Holland (1791-1811), ed. by the Earl of Ilchester, 2 vols (London: Longmans, Green, 1908), vol. i, pp. 148-49; see also The Spanish Journal of Elizabeth Lady Holland, ed. by the Earl of Ilchester (London: Longmans, Green, 1910), p. [1].

(14) Fox, Foreign Reminiscences, p. 127; see also Keppel, p. 120. Lady Holland was a loyal admirer of Napoleon and sent him presents after his final defeat and exile to St Helena. Napoleon himself did not forgot her, bequeathing to her an antique cameo which Pope Pius VI had given him at Tolentino.

(15) Henry Richard Vassall Fox, Memoirs of the Whig Party during my time, ed. by his son, Henry Edward Lord Holland, 2 vols (London: Longman, Brown, Green, and Longmans, 1852), vol. i, p. 193.

(16) BL, HHP MSS, Dinner Books Add. 51951, fol. 78r (1806-1812).

(17) Keppel, pp. 148-49.

(18) Don Augustin de Arguelles (1777-1844), Asturian politician and diplomat.

(19) D. Domigos de Sousa Coutinho (1765-1833), first Conde and Marques do Funchal. He spent many years in London as Portuguese Ambassador, where he died in 1833. Like Palmela, who was himself Portuguese Ambassador to London, Sousa Coutinho was very attached to Britain and an habitue of the Holland House.

(20) BL, HHP MSS, Dinner Books Add. 51951, fols. 71v-78r (1806-1812).

(21) Keppel, p. 147.

(22) Henry Richard Vassall Fox, Further Memoirs of the Whig Party 1807-1821: with some miscellaneous reminiscences, ed. by Lord Stavordale, 2nd ed. (New York, Dutton, 1905), p. 14.

(23) Lord John Russell (1792-1878), British politician and MP and Prime Minister. He was the third son of sixth Duke of Bedford, who sent him to the Peninsula with the Hollands to complete his education.

(24) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fol. 72r (1808-1809).

(25) Sir William Parker (1781-1866). Admiral of the Fleet, Royal Navy. Parker commanded the Amazon for a period of eleven years. In 1844 he was created a Baronet for his services in the Opium War against China.

(26) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fol. 72r (1808-1809).

(27) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fol. 53r (1808-1809).

(28) BL, HHP MSS, Spanish Papers Add. 51624, fols 154r-155v (1806-1808).

(29) Fox, Foreign Reminiscences, p. 108. Although his son, Henry Edward, fourth Baron Holland, published this work in 1850, several years after the third Lord Holland's death, the manuscript was obviously written much earlier.

(30) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fol. 59r (1808-1809).

(31) John Stephens (?-1826), brother of William Stephens (?-1802), the founder of the celebrated glass-making factory.

(32) Sebastiao Jose de Carvalho e Melo (1699-1782), First Conde de Oeiras and Marques de Pombal. He was Portuguese Ambassador to London in the period 1739-44 and first Minister and favourite of king D. Jose.

(33) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fol. 64r (1809-1810).

(34) Spain, on the other hand, which had seen its Royal Family detained in France and replaced by the usurper King 'Jose Botellas', proved strong enough to unite around a Supreme Junta and to rise against its common enemy: the French invaders.

(35) Sege (Port.; from the Fr. siege), chaise.

(36) BL, HHP MSS, Foreign Journals Add. 52200, fols 78v-79r (1808-1809).

(37) Bernardim Freire de Andrade e Castro (1759-1809). Portuguese General. Son of D. Fernando Martins Freire de Andrade e Castro, Lord of the Morgados (Manors) of Ribeira do Sado and Bom Despacho, and D. Joana Isabel de Lencastre Forjaz, was born in Lisbon on 18 February 1759. He was ignominiously murdered by the mob in the city of Braga, in March 1809, because he was suspected of favouring the French.

(38) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fols 2v-3r (1808-1809).

(39) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fol. 69v (1808-1809).

(40) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fols 78v-79r (1808-1809).

(41) In the original Ms. the author wrote 'really' rather than 'rely', which appears to have been a lapse.

(42) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fols 21r-21v (1808-1809).

(43) D. Frei Antonio de S. Jose de Castro (?-1815), Bishop of Oporto.

(44) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 21r (1808-1809).

(45) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 21r (1808-1809).

(46) Nuno Freire de Andrade e Castro de Sousa Falcao de Figueiredo (1765-1845). First Conde de Camarino. Portuguese General, son of Fernando Martins Freire de Andrade e Castro, Lord of the Manors of Ribeira do Sado and of Bom Despacho, and of his second wife Dona Joana Isabel de Lencastre Forjaz, was born on 1 May 1765. He married on 6 June 1802 D. Maria Isabel Correia de Melo e Brito de Alvim Pinto, maid of honour to the Queen D. Carlota Joaquina and daughter and heir of Jose Correia de Melo e Brito de Alvim e Pinto, Lord of the Manors of Sinde and Carreira, and his wife D. Maria Rita Leitao de Sousa Napoles de Meneses. He died on 9 April 1845.

(47) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fol. 75v (1808-1809).

(48) Manjar Branco (Port.), a traditional dish from the Province of Beira Litoral.

(49) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fols 78v-79r (1808-1809).

(50) Jose Bonifacio de Andrada e Silva (1763-1838). Brazilian scientist, Reader in Metallurgy and author. He was born at Santos, Brazil, on 13 June 1763, and died on 6 April 1838 at Niteroi. He

returned to Brazil in 1819, when the first signs of an independence movement began to appear. He was strongly committed to the Brazilian cause and became an important figure in the early days of the young empire.

(51) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fols 78r (1808-1809).

(52) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51934, fol. 79r (1808-1809).

(53) BL, HHP MSS, Foreign Journals Add. 52200, fol. 77v (1808-1809).

(54) BL, HHP MSS, Foreign Journals Add. 52200, fol. 86v (1808-1809). Now Rua Victor Cordon.

(55) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 20v (1808-1809).

(56) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 20v (1808-1809).

(57) Mr Lugo, the Spanish Consul General, and Don Pasqual, the charge d' affaires.

(58) Fox, Further Memoirs of the Whig Party, p. 10.

(59) D. Pedro de Melo da Cunha Mendonca e Meneses (1784-1844). Second Marques de Olhao, second Conde de Castro Marim and tenth Monteiro-Mor (Grand Veneur). Son of D. Francisco Jose de Melo da Cunha Mendonca e Meneses (1761-1821), first Marques de Olhao, first Conde de Castro Marim and ninth Monteiro-Mor, and his wife D. Joaquina Teles da Silva. He was a descendant of D. Francisco de Melo, first Monteiro-Mor. He married D. Mariana de Meneses, on 26 August 1804, daughter of the first Marqueses de Valada, D. Francisco de Meneses da Silveira e Castro and D. Ana Teresa de Almeida.

(60) D. Joao Carlos de Braganca Sousa Ligne Tavares Mascarenhas da Silva (1719-1806). Second Duque de Lafes and eighth Conde de Miranda do Corvo. He was the second son of the Infante D. Miguel and of D. Luisa Casimira de Nassau e Sousa.

(61) D. Pedro de Lencastre da Silveira Castelo Branco Sa e Maneses (1771-1828). Marques de Abrantes and Conde de Vila Nova de Portimao.

(62) Joaquim Verissimo Serrao, Historia de Portugal: a instauracao do liberalismo (1807-1832), 3rd ed., 12 vols (Lisboa: Verbo, [n.d.], printed 1994), vol. vii, pp. 56-57.

(63) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fols 21r-21v (1808-1809).

(64) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51935, fol. 15v (1809).

(65) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 24v (1808-1809).

(66) Jose Bento Travassos da Silveira Araujo. A wealthy proprietor of Elvas and Knight of the Order of Christ, married to D. Antonia Eufrasia de Sousa Godinho Valdez, his cousin, and daughter of Luis Godinho Leitao and of D. Jeronima Teresa Forjaz Vahia de Sa Valdez.

(67) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 24v (1808-1809).

(68) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51862, fol. 24v (1808-1809).

(69) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51935, fol. 24v (1809).

(70) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51935, fol. 25r (1809).

(71) Jose Lucio Travassos Valdez (1787-1862). First Barao and first Conde de Bonfim. Portuguese deputy and statesman.

(72) His name was recorded in a manuscript list of refugees who came to Britain from Madeira aboard the British brig Jane, which landed in the Port of St Ives on 18 September 1828. This document, included in the papers of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, is kept in the Portuguese National Archives. That is the 'Relacao Nominal e circunstanciada das pessoas emigradas da Ilha da Madeira que vierao no Brigue Inglez Jane chegado do Porto de S. t Ives, em 18 de Setembro de 1828', IAN/TT, MNE MSS, Cx. 161, M. 34 (22 Set. 1828).

(73) A. H. Oliveira Marques, 'A Conjuntura', in Nova historia de Portugal: Portugal e a instauracao do liberalismo, coord. A. H. de Oliveira Marques, 13 vols (Lisboa: Presenca, 2002), vol. ix, pp. 600-01.

(74) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fol. 53v (1809-1810).

(75) D. Pedro de Sousa Holstein (1781-1851), afterwards first Conde, Marques and Duque de Palmela.

(76) BL, HHP MSS, [Papers Relative to Palmela and others] Add. 51632.

(77) Palmela had left Britain for France towards the end of 1831 to join Pedro's fleet stationed at Belle Isle. He was present at the landing at Midelo (Areosa de Pampelido) and at the capture of Oporto. In 1832 he was sent to London to seek further financial support. This letter was written after his mission had ended and he was about to leave for Oporto.

(78) BL, HHP MSS, [Papers Relative to Palmela and others] Add. 51632.

(79) BL, HHP MSS, Dinner Books Add. 51955, fol. 51v (1831-1838).

(80) Charles Webster, The Foreign Policy of Palmerston 1830-1841, 2 vols (London: G. Bell & Sons, 1951). vol. i, pp. 405-06.

(81) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fol. 54v (1809-1810).

(82) D. Francisco Manuel do Cenaculo Vilas Boas (1724-1814), Archbishop of Evora. Son of a locksmith he was born in Lisbon on 1 February 1724 and died at Evora on 26 January 1814.

(83) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51861, fol. 4v (1809).

(84) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51861, fol. 4v (1809).

(85) Andre de Resende (1498-1573). Portuguese humanist who has been described as the founder of Portuguese archaeology. The book mentioned here is the Deliciae lusitano hispanica. inquibus continentur de magnitudine Hispanici Imperij Relatio ... Ab Andrea Resendio Collectae (Coloniae Agrippinae: apud Gerhardum Greuenbruch, 1613), of which there is a copy in the Biblioteca Nacional, Lisbon (RES. 715 P.).

(86) BL, HHP MSS, Travel Journals Add. 51861, fol. 8v (1809).

(87) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fols 59r-59v (1809-1810).

(88) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fol. 64r (1809-1810).

(89) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fol. 65r (1809-1810).

(90) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fol. 67r (1809-1810).

(91) BL, HHP MSS, Journals Add. 51937, fol. 67v (1809-1810).

(92) HMS Lively (1804-1810), a 5th-rate Frigate, 1,076 tones (vd. T. A. Heathcote, The British Admirals of the Fleet 1734-1995: A Biographical Dictionary (London: Leo Cooper, 2002) p. 296).

(93) From this point onwards, Lady Holland's journal was included in The Journal of Elizabeth Lady Holland (1791-1811).

(94) Derek Hudson, Holland House in Kensington (London: Peter Davies, 1967), p. xiii.

(95) Henry Richard Vassall Fox, '[Speech on the] Foreign Relations', in Hansard's Parliamentary Debates (London: Baldwin and Cradock, 1829-1891), vol. xxi, p. 1802 (19 June 1829).