Women in cultural captivity: British Women and the Zenana mission: in a little pamphlet outlining the work of two British Baptist women, Marianne Lewis and Elizabeth Sale: Pioneers of Missionary Work Among women, (1) Ernest Payne remarked that 1792 was a key year for two publications.

Smith, Karen E.

Fist, William Carey wrote his Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathen, (2) which would result in the formation of the Particular Baptist Society for the Propagation of the Gospel Amongst the Heathen (later known as the Baptist Missionary Society (BMS). Second, Mary Wollstonecraft (3) published her remarkable and prophetic pamphlet, A Vindication of the Rights of Women. At first glance, perhaps these two individuals had little in common with one another: Carey, a British Baptist minister calling people to a greater concern for the proclamation of the gospel in distant lands, and Wollstonecraft, an English feminist woman who by this time had all but given up on Christian faith. Yet, both, in their own ways, were concerned with freedom. Carey would not have understood Wollstonecraft's thesis. His interpretation of "freedom in Christ" was directed to evangelism while Wollenscraft's cry for emancipation was rooted in a deeply held commitment to social justice for women. Later, however, as Baptist women began to respond to the call to serve the cause of Christ in far-flung places, the two concerns would meet. Indeed, as British Baptist women organized their own missionary society and sent out women as missionaries, they began to discover in new ways what it meant to say that when Christ "sets you free you are free indeed." (4)

Early British Baptist Mission Work and the Role of Women

Initially, the BMS "officially" appointed only men as missionaries, but as early as 1796, Carey claimed that women were needed to "communicate the gospel ... in a situation where superstition secludes all women of respectability from hearing the word unless from their own sex." (5) While they were not considered to be missionaries in their own right, women who had gone to the mission field with their husbands obviously began to fill this gap because in 1805, in a document which set forth the "Principles for the Mission," the male missionaries at Serampore stated their belief that "the assistance of the females who have embarked with us in the Mission" was needed in order to converse with "the wives of native converts ... and make known the gospel to native women." (6) As the mission work grew, however, the British BMS occasionally noted the need for women to serve as teachers but did not appoint women as missionaries. While women were involved, their work was not "officially" recognized. Indeed, their work in translation, agriculture, and education, particularly in operating boarding schools, which often provided a source of income to the mission stations, was a significant part of the early British missionary effort. (7)

As the wives of missionaries began to take more responsibility for work among women, some became particularly concerned with the plight of women in zenanas. The zenanas were high-caste Hindu dwellings from which all males outside the immediate family were excluded. (8) Women living in zenanas were viewed through western eyes as those who were being held in captivity in their homes and who desperately needed the freedom that the gospel could provide. In 1854, Elizabeth Sale (9) had managed to gain admission to a zenana, and in 1866, Marianne Lewis (10) published a treatise entitled "A Plea for Zenanas." She described the condition of "imprisoned inmates and urged the women at home to form a society in connection with the Baptist Missionary Society to aid its operations amongst the female population of the east." (11)

In response to Lewis's plea, on May 22, 1867, twenty-four women and E. B. Underhill, the secretary of the Missionary Society (1849-1876), met in London at the temporary headquarters of the BMS, and together they formed the Ladies Association for the Support of Zenana Work and Bible Women in India. (The name was changed to The Baptist Zenana Mission [BZM] in 1897).

Although Underhill presided over the initial meeting of the BZM, the work of the zenana mission was supported and directed almost entirely by women until 1914 when it was amalgamated into a BMS auxiliary. In forming the zenana mission, British women believed they were working for the freedom of women who for too long had been bound by the chains of their culture. In many ways, the zenana mission displayed all the imperialistic tendencies of the nineteenth-century mission movement and rather than freeing the women from cultural captivity, they were simply transmitting or perhaps imposing the values of British culture onto others. While more could be said about British missions and imperialism, the focus of this paper is somewhat different. It will explore the liberation that British women themselves discovered as they worked among women in the zenanas. For British women engaged in this mission work soon realized the loosening of bonds that for too long had bound them.

Cultural Captivity--Inside and Outside the Zenana

Once British Baptist women began visiting the zenanas, numerous accounts were written to women back home to tell them of what they perceived to be the appalling conditions of many women in India. For instance, while the system of purdanasheen (purda--a screen and nasheen--remaining behind or concealed) was not used in all of India, as Ellen Etherington explained in a pamphlet in 1877, it was widespread. (12) Appealing for support for the work among women she claimed that:

 The zenana, generally a gloomy, confined, and comfortless dwelling,
 is practically the world of its inmates, for they seldom leave it.
 Immured there year after year, without books, without education,
 strangers to the elevating influence of nature, with but little to
 think of or talk about, often with no occupation, and with no hope
 of change for the better, here or hereafter, they drag on a dreary
 existence, which would be intolerable were they not taught from
 childhood to believe that their condition is that for which they
 were born, and that there is nothing higher or better for them. (13)

On the rare occasion when women were allowed to leave their confinement, missionaries reported that India women were covered and women of a higher rank were even carried in a palanquin by men who were not allowed to see the occupant. (14) Given these women's lives of seclusion, male missionaries had no means by which to communicate the gospel to women of the upper classes of society. In fact, even if male missionaries came in contact with women in the market, they were not able to communicate because these women seemed to have a dialect of their own. (15) All the accounts of mission work sent back to Britain emphasized the inability of male missionaries to reach women with the good news and the terrible conditions in which women in India were kept.

British women at home were shocked at these accounts of women who were without education or medical treatment, and the Zenana Mission diligently worked to send out women teachers, doctors, and nurses. When the work was established, they also enlisted the help of Bible women--converts to the faith who had been educated and then worked alongside the missionaries. By all accounts, the British women were clear about their primary intention to proclaim the gospel, and they were firm in their approach to women in the Zenana. Etherington wrote to the home committee in 1875 that "there were several rules they did not break-they only taught needlework in homes where pupils were also allowed to learn to read. And they would not continue to teach a class where the Bible or other religious books were objected to." (16)

Later the work of the Zenana mission was expanded to include work among women in China. All who were appointed, however, had to undergo a rigorous and thorough series of interviews. Moreover, before appointment, each woman was required to attend a training school for a period of time, and once at their respective mission station, women were expected to study the language or languages and take an examination to test their linguistic skills at the end of the first year. Strict health checks were also required.

At times, the interviewing committee of the BZM concluded that certain women were up to the job. For instance, when Bessie Renaut was interviewed, the committee reported that "her quietness and self-depreciation made it difficult to decide clearly on her powers and fitness for mission work." (17) While the committee appreciated her "earnest manner and the desire for fitting herself by laying aside her earnings for training," some doubted whether she had the "strength of character and power of organising and sustaining work, that would render her suitable for the foreign field." (18) Her application was considered again at a later date and a comment was made on her "sweet disposition, self-depreciation and willingness in any way to fit herself for the work." (19)

Eventually, the committee decided that Renaut could be appointed, and despite her pastor's suggestion that she be allowed to go to a training school near her home, the committee decided she should go to Miss Gaton's Home at Glasgow. (20) Renaut went to China in the autumn of 1899 and must have proved her strength of character as the committee later received word that she along with other missionaries had been caught up in the political and social turmoil of the Boxer rebellion, and after hiding without food or water for a week, they were captured, imprisoned, and then taken out and killed by the city gate in Hsin Chow.

Numerous women were sent out by the Zenana Mission. Some toiled without any recognition, while others found themselves being feted for their work. Ellen Farrer's work as a doctor, for example, twice earned her an award for distinguished public services from the Indian Imperial government. (21)

In examining the work of the BZM, Laura Lauer has rightly pointed out that the organization came into existence for one reason: to evangelize women in India. As Lauer noted, "if there had been no special need that only women could fill, the mission probably would never have been formed as existing missionary provisions would be deemed to be sufficient." (22) Yet, her further observation that "by emphasizing the 'prison' of the zenana and the liberating power of Christian motherhood and wifehood, BZM missionaries discursively imprisoned themselves and became effectively unable to criticize gender inequalities in British society" is not quite accurate. In actual fact, women did not imprison themselves, but many had simply accepted the views of a church that was bound in its own cultural captivity. Moreover, far from keeping them silent on the issue of inequality, the opportunities afforded to women through their work with BZM gave them a chance to realize their own captivity and to speak against it. Feminism and the BZM may not have been so radically removed from one another as Lauer seems to believe, even though both the emphasis on women's domesticity and imperialism of Victorian Culture were bonds difficult to break. (23)

As their work for women gained notice, women like Ellen Farrer missed no opportunity to point out the inconsistencies of treatment of British women in England. Invited in 1891 to speak at the Baptist Assembly in Manchester, Farrer took the opportunity to point out that while women were trained and sent abroad as missionaries, they often were not allowed the same privileges for service at home. She claimed:

 most Christian people are now prepared to acknowledge that there is
 a wide field for women as medical missionaries in foreign lands,
 especially in India, where many of our less fortunate sisters must
 suffer and even die for want of medical aid worthy the name unless
 they can be attended by a doctor of their own sex, but it is not
 yet so generally recognised that there is an opening for women in a
 similar capacity at home. There is an old objection, still so
 frequently raised against the study of medicine by women, that I
 cannot pass on without a word upon it--viz., that this study must
 destroy the finer qualities which constitute true womanliness. (24)

Farrer then argued that it was inconsistent for people "to hold that for a woman to be a doctor [in England] ... she must be unwomanly but [they] are willing for women to train to be shipped off to India or China either as medical missionaries or as secular practitioners." (25) Her comments highlighted the fact that women serving as missionaries and working for the freedom of women in other lands were slowly recognizing their own cultural captivity. (26)

One important, perhaps the most important, feature of the Zenana mission was the independence that it had from the BMS. Although the women had to give regular reports on finance to the BMS male leadership and the yearly meeting was always chaired by a man, the other important decisions of the BZM were made by the women alone. Moreover, women who went out on the mission field were free to take initiatives and, in connection with the home Zenana committee, to develop the work as they thought best.

The freedom of opportunity may be what appealed to so many women who initially went out to serve. In 1892, for instance, Edith Brown set sail with Farrer to begin work in Palwa. Brown found it difficult to do medical work without trained helpers, and in 1894, she called a meeting of women missionaries in North India to pray and talk over the idea of establishing a school to train workers. She then founded the first medical school for women in India at Ludhiana, known as the North India School of Medicine for Christian Women. The college opened with four Indian Christian women medical students and two dispensers. (27)

In 1911, the Indian government awarded Brown the silver Kaiser-i-hind medal, and in 1922, the government awarded her the Gold Kaiser-i-hind medal. In 1932, she was named Dame Commander of the British Empire by King George V, making her the first woman missionary to be honored in that way.

Throughout her career, Brown enjoyed a pastoral role with people. After retirement in 1948, she went to live on a houseboat in Srinagar, Kashmir, and opened a Christian reading room and taught scripture in the mission schools. She did not do this work in order to receive awards and recognition. When she died, a friend who worked with her for twenty-six years claimed that on the wall in Brown's office was a plaque that read: "My work is for a King," (28) and she was not referring to George V.

Whether they were appointed as doctors, nurses, or teachers, the BZM women were expected to learn the language(s). Some women, like Sarah Ann Paine who was first appointed by the BZM to the Kurku and Indian Hill Mission in 1899, discovered that they were able linguists. After three years on the mission field, Paine married John Drake who worked at the same mission. Much of their time was given to "pioneer touring, on foot and on horse-back, in the jungles of that region and to the acquisition of the Kurku language." (29) Together they translated the gospel of Mark into the Kurku language and later wrote a grammar for Kurku. She was also naturalist and became a regular honorary collector for the British Museum, and supplied examples of wildlife to the Kew and Calcutta museums.

Much more could be said of many notable, but often unnoted women, who served in the Zenana mission. Many lesser-known women, some of whom came from prominent Baptist families, served with the Zenana, including Lilian Edwards from Cardiff, who wrote of her work in a little book called a Welsh Woman's Work in India. (30) Edwards's father, William Edwards, was the well-known principal of the Baptist College in Cardiff, and her step-mother, Sarah, was an active social and political leader in Cardiff, an outspoken advocate on issues like temperance and women's suffrage, and a leader of BZM in Wales.

Through their work with the Zenana, British Baptist women clearly demonstrated their concern for the poor women of India and China. At the same time, their work actually allowed them to discover opportunities to work as evangelists and teachers, linguists, and doctors, careers that were not always available to them back home in England. While the women had gone to set others free, they had actually been emancipated themselves. Etherington hinted at her new freedom in her report to the Zenana committee in 1875. In describing trips of hundreds of miles during the cold season by palki and in dak carriages, she wrote: "In many places to which I have been, no European lady had ever before been seen, and I had many opportunities to give away tracts and books in villages where no missionary had been before." (31)

The women sent out by BZM were not radical feminists who were ready to assert the rights of women at all costs. Yet, Lauer rightly pointed out that "in characterizing Indian society as unjust in its organization (and thus unfair in its treatment of women), the BZM was operating within an accepted Imperial stereotype in which the Oriental other was seen as materially different from and in opposition to the English norm." (32) The insistence that the place of women was within the domesticity of the home and family continued as the norm for some time. Given this seeming acceptance of stereotypes of the role of women in the home and the separate organizational structure of the BZM, the historian Brian Stanley understandably claimed that the existence of the BZM may have made it more difficult for women to find their own role in the BMS. (33) Clearly, however, the BZM was a positive force in enabling women to recognize their own need for emancipation. While they were seeking to offer freedom to women in India, British women had the opportunity to begin to realize, perhaps for the first time, their own captivity to culture. This realization came because the BZM, an organization that was controlled by women, was willing to train, support, and send out women to proclaim the gospel at a time when the BMS was reluctant to even appoint women.

The Zenana Becomes an Auxiliary: The Reluctant Loss of Freedom

Over the years the Zenana committee worked tirelessly to encourage the support of the work of women missionaries, and they developed many methods of raising funds for the work. Leaders of the Zenana committee were the wives of prominent ministers and women whose husbands were noted Baptist leaders. (34) Many of the daughters of prominent Baptist leaders were appointed by the BZM to serve as missionaries. However, by the beginning of the twentieth century, Marie Kerry, the home secretary of the Zenana, suggested that it was becoming harder to attract some young women to the work of missions. Kerry lamented:

 The atmosphere in the women's colleges in Great Britain is not
 favorable to the growth of the missionary spirit, nor is the home
 life of our leisured classes helpful in this respect. The love of
 ease and pleasure and the pursuit of amusement are the chief
 characteristics of the gifted girls who might be such splendid
 leaders on the mission field.... Our recruits for the mission
 field are drawn almost exclusively from the noble army of women
 who work for their living. A large proportion of these are
 teachers--women whose vocation fits them to a large extent for
 successful work as missionaries. (35)

As the Baptist work developed at home and abroad, Baptist leaders eventually decided that financial support for the work of home societies and separate women's organizations could not be sustained. A series of meetings were held, at which the leaders concluded that with the increasing pressure put on churches for funds for the minister's sustentation fund, (36) the continuation of separate operations for the BZM and BMS was no longer viable. Given that the financial situation, particularly the addition of the sustentation fund, was mentioned as the primary reason for bringing the BZM under the auspices of BMS, it is important to note that the Baptist Women's Home Auxiliary had been formed in 1908. This auxiliary in 1910 was re-named the Baptist Women's league (BWL). Women in the BWL had provided much of the fund-raising assistance for the sustentation fund. (37) Arguably, the leaders of the BMS may have felt that their support was threatened by two separate women's organizations, because both were extremely effective and efficient in their ability to raise money.

Many Baptists resisted the decision for Zenana to amalgamate with BMS. The women were obviously reluctant to give up their independence, but apparently, many of the women whose husbands were active in the BMS called for the transition of the BZM from an independent group to an auxiliary of the BMS. In 1914, with great reluctance on the part of many of the women, the BZM became the Women's Auxiliary of the BMS (incorporating the Baptist Zenana movement). Provision was made for women to serve on the general committee of the BMS, but obviously most leaders assumed that the main control of the mission organization would now rest with the male leadership. In a report on the work of the BZM, the accomplishments of women were highlighted, and obviously, the work had spread far beyond simply making visits to women in the zenanas. The report claimed that twenty mission stations existed, and new methods were being employed, including:

(1) Medical work in four stations with women's hospitals and eight dispensaries. Nurses were being trained in each hospital.

(2) Industrial schools had been established in two areas with about 150 women being trained in various industries and taught, to read.

(3) Day schools and Sunday Schools for girls had been established.

(4) Evangelistic work had been established, and workers had traveled by boat and camped out in various areas during suitable times of the year. (38)

While the work of missions may have been assisted by the consolidation, British women relinquished some of their freedom when they allowed the BZM to become an auxiliary of the BMS. Yet, their experience in leadership and proven ability to run an effective organization meant that they would never simply be subsumed back into denominational life in the same way. Through the Zenana mission movement, many women experienced emancipation from some aspects of cultural captivity that meant that they would never fit again into old patterns of denominational life. As they had given themselves to the task of freeing women in India and China with the gospel, they had discovered something of the truth of what Wollstonecraft had written in 1792: "Let an enlightened nation then try ... allowing them [women] to share the advantages of education and government with man, see whether they will become better, as they grow wiser and become free." (39)

(1.) Ernest Payne, Marianne Lewis and Elizabeth Sale: Pioneers of Missionary Work among Women (London: Carey Press, n.d), 4.

(2.) William Carey, An Enquiry into the Obligations of Christians to Use Means for the Conversion of the Heathens (1792 facsimile edn, London, 1961).

(3.) Mary Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Women; with Strictures on Political and Moral Subjects (Boston: Printed by Peter Edes for Thomas and Andrews, Faust's statue, no.45, Newbury-street, 1792). See www.bartleby.com/144/26/1/2006. For a summary of Wollstonecraft's life, see Barbara Taylor, 'Wollstonecraft, Mary. (1759-1797),' Oxford Dictionary of National Biography (Oxford University Press, 2004), http://www.oxforddnb.com/view/article/10893, accessed February 1, 2006.

(4.) John 8:36 NRSV.

(5.) Periodical Accounts Relative to the Baptist Missionary Society (1792-1799), 1:347. Carey to BMS, 'Houghly River,' December 28, 1796, as cited by E. Daniel Potts, British Baptists in India, 1793 1837: The History of Serampore and its Mission (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1967), 18. See also Brian Stanley, The History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 1792-1992 (Edinburgh: T & T Clark, 1992), 227-32.

(6.) Form of Agreement Respecting the Great Principles Upon Which the Brethren of the Mission at Serampore Think it Their Duty to Act in the Work of Instructing the Heathen (Serampore: n.p., 1805), 7.

(7.) See Karen E. Smith, "The Role of Women in Early Baptist Missions," Review and Expositor 89 (1992): 35-48.

(8.) Stanley, The History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 228.

(9.) Elizabeth (Geale) Sale (1818-1898) was born in the south of France but brought up in Devonshire. Her parents were members of the Church of England, but she became a convinced Baptist in her teens. She was sent by her parents to London to be the companion to the daughter of Lady Harriet Mitchell. While in London, she attended the church at Blandford Street in Marylebone and was baptized. In 1848, she married John Sale, a native of Wokingham and a student preparing for ministry at Horton Academy. They went to Calcutta and then moved to Barisal. Later, they went to Jessore, where after four years, she gained entry into a Zenana. See Payne, Marianne Lewis and Elizabeth Sale, 8-13. See also Olive Mary Coats, "Elizabeth Sale," in Great Baptist Women, ed. A. S. Clement (London: Kingsgate Press, 1955), 56-63.

(10.) Marianne Lewis was born in Bristol, where her father, George Gould was a tradesman and a deacon at Counterslip Baptist Church. Her older brother, George, was the widely known minister of Norwich. She was baptized on July 6, 1839, and became a Sunday School teacher. She married Charles Bennett Lewis, and they set sail in 1845 for Ceylon. He was transterred to Bengal in 1847 to do translation work. She took on "the promotion of female education," and in 1852, she undertook oversight of the mission school. See Payne, Marianne Lewis and Elizabeth Sale, 4-7.

(11.) Mrs C. B. Lewis of Calcutta, "A Plea for Zenanas," in a 1866 bound volume of BZM documents in the Angus Library.

(12.) [Ellen Etherington], Mrs Etherington, of Benares, Zenana Mission, The Purdanasheen System in India (London, Hutchings and Crowsley, 1877).

(13.) Ibid., 5.

(14.) Ibid., 6.

(15.) Ibid., 9.

(16.) A letter from Ellen Etherington in a report from Benares on February 21, 1875, in Report of the Ladies Association for the Support of the Zenana Work and the Bible Women in India in Connexion with the Baptist Missionary Society for 1874-75 (London: Yates and Alexander, 1875).

(17.) Minutes of BZM Committee Meeting, October 12, 1897, Minute Book, no. 8, in Angus Library, Regent's Park College, Oxford, 80.

(18.) Ibid.

(19.) Minutes of BZM Committee Meeting, November 10, 1897, 87.

(20.) Glasgow became a center for the education of middle-class women in the 1830s and 1840s with the formation of young Ladies Institutes. See Eleanor Gordon and Gwyneth Nair, Public Lives, Women, Family and Society in Victorian Britain (London and New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003), 137ff.

(21.) Ellen Margaret Farrer, the daughter of William Farrer, was born at Hampstead on September 20, 1865. Originally a member of Grenville Congregational Church, she was baptized on June 10, 1891, at Heath Street Baptist Church in Hampstead. Educated at South Hampstead High School for gifts and Bedford College, London, Farrer then trained at the London School of Medicine for Women and the Royal Free Hospital. She became the first woman doctor for the Baptist Zenana mission. She died at Rickmansworth on October 14, 1959, at the age of ninety-four. Baptist Union Handbook, 1961, 347.

(22.) Laura Lauer, "Opportunities for Baptist Women and the 'Problem' of the Baptist Zenana Mission, 1867-1913" in Sue Morgan, ed., Women, Religion and Feminism in Britain, 1750-1900 (Basingstoke, Hampshire: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 218.

(23.) See Susan Thorne, "Missionary-Imperial Feminism," in Gendered Missions: Women and Men in Missionary Discourse and Practice, eds. Mary Taylor Huber and Nancy C. Lutkehaus (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1999), 53.

(24.) Edith A. Angus, "Women's Work among the Sick Poor" and "Women's Work in Connection with the Social Condition of the Poor." Two papers read at the autumn assembly of the Baptist Union held in Manchester on Thursday, October 8, 1891 (London: Alexander and Shepherd, 1891), 8.

(25.) Ibid., 10.

(26.) See Susie Steinbach, Women in England, 1760-1914 (London: Weidenfeld and Nicolson), 75. Steinbach noted that these women complained because medicine was considered to be a career option for which women were unsuited.

(27.) "The Story of a Woman Pioneer, Dame Edith Brown of Ludhiana," The Baptist Times, January 10, 1957, 16. Born in Whitehaven, Cumberland, Brown went to Girton College, Cambridge, and then taught at Exeter: She then trained at the London School of Medicine for Women and went to India as a missionary. She died in Kashmir in December 1956.

(28.) A report of her memorial service maybe found in The Baptist Times, January 31, 1957, 8.

(29.) The record of her death is found in a Monthly News Letter, Vol. 41, November, 1929, in the Angus Library, 11.

(30.) Lilian M. Edwards, A Welsh Woman's Work in India (Caerphilly: 'Pantyreos' Rectory Road, n.d).

(31.) Report of the Ladies Association for the Support of the Zenana Work, 25.

(32.) Lauer, "Opportunities for Baptist Women," 219.

(33.) Stanley, The History of the Baptist Missionary Society, 232.

(34.) These included Lady (Elizabeth) Lush, Lady (Sarah Ainsworth) Peto, and members of the Gurney and Angus families.

(35.) Mrs. M.C. Kerry, "The Call of the East to the Women of the West" in BWA Proceedings, 1911, 164.

(36.) The support the women gave to the sustentation fund is noted in Karen E. Smith, "British Women and the Baptist World Alliance, Honoured Partners and Fellow Workers?" Baptist Quarterly, Vol. 41, no 1 (January 2005): 25-46.

(37.) See Karen E. Smith, "Forgotten Sisters: The Contributions of Some Notable but Un-noted British Baptist Women" in Recycling the Past or Researching History, eds., Philip E. Thompson and Anthony R. Cross (Milton Keynes: Paternoster Press, 2005), 177-78.

(38.) The Herald, The Monthly Magazine of the Baptist Missionary Society, Vol. 96 (London: The Baptist Mission House, 1914), 14.

(39.) "On National Education," in Wollstonecraft, A Vindication of the Rights of Women, chapter 12, paragraph 41.

Karen E. Smith is a tutor in church history and spirituality, South Wales Baptist College and the University of Cardiff, Wales, United Kingdom.