Liberty or license? The double-edged sword of church-state separation.
Nelson, James C.
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There is gathering national support acknowledging that lesbian,
gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) citizens are simply
that--citizens--with the same rights, privileges and obligations as
other citizens.
In response, some states, along with various fundamentalist
religious and conservative organizations, are fighting for a legally
protected right to discriminate. This right to discriminate is grounded
in the First Amendment's "Free Exercise" clause. As the
theory goes, being able to discriminate against LGBT citizens is
necessary to preserve the First Amendment right to the free exercise of
religion for these states' fundamentalist religious heterosexuals
and conservative organizations.
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This stratagem is not only patently specious, it is legally
insupportable.
Contrary to the homophobic fear-mongering by religious
fundamentalists and conservatives, there is no legal support for the
notion that a state that has recognized the equal rights of LGBT
citizens can force a religious organization to adopt those same views.
If Religion X condemns homosexuality, the state cannot require Religion
X to perform a gay or lesbian marriage or change its doctrinal beliefs
against homosexuality under threat of governmental penalty. Indeed, if
the state attempted to do that, it would violate the Free Exercise
Clause of the First Amendment. And, of course, for that reason, no state
has made any such demands on any sectarian organization.
Yet, in Arizona, Idaho, Kansas, Nevada, Oregon, South Dakota,
Tennessee, Oklahoma, Mississippi, Ohio, Georgia and Utah religious and
conservative organizations and, in some cases, their supporters in the
state legislatures, have actively promoted the adoption of laws that
would permit any individual or group to discriminate in a variety of
contexts based on religious beliefs.
Such laws would allow business owners, for example, to discriminate
against LGBT customers in much the same fashion that businesses run by
racists once discriminated with impunity against people of color. A
government official could deny same-sex couples basic services and
benefits based solely on that official's religious beliefs.
Indeed, Arizona's law was so broad that some believed it would
have allowed the denial of equal pay to women and the abrogation of
contractual rights in the name of religion. In other words, one's
personal religious beliefs trump legal obligations imposed generally
upon and for the benefit of all.
Aside from the obvious anarchical effect of such laws, this
campaign stands the hallowed principle of the separation of church and
state on its head. This important principle, incorporated in the First
Amendment religion clauses, is really just a simple quid pro quo: The
state cannot legislate with respect to the beliefs, doctrines and
practices of sectarian organizations; but, on the flip side, the state
cannot establish or adopt via legislation any religious belief, doctrine
or practice. The "freedom of religion" clause is balanced with
the "no establishment" clause; one clause compliments and
completes the other.
And, of course, that is precisely why "freedom to
discriminate" laws are unconstitutional: These laws purport to
adopt, as a matter of law, the doctrines and beliefs of certain
fundamentalist sectarian and conservative organizations against
homosexuality.
However, the government has no more authority to embrace,
legislatively, the condemnation of homosexuality on religious grounds,
than it did (also, ironically, based on religion) slavery, the denial of
voting rights to women or the prohibition against interracial marriage.
The state cannot deny a minority of citizens the rights and obligations
of generally applicable laws because someone's personal religious
beliefs are offended.
The long and short of it is that these fundamentalist religious and
conservative organizations cannot have it both ways. If they do not want
the state telling them what to believe, then they cannot expect the
government to adopt their beliefs as part of the generally applicable
body of state law.
No doubt, that may be a tough pill to swallow for those who rush to
turn their states into backwaters of bigotry and hate. But the fact is
that religious freedom is not the sword; it is simply one edge of a
two-edged blade. The opposite edge is the establishment prohibition. The
First Amendment and the principle of separation of church and state
demand that we will not have one without the other. The sword is
sharpened on opposing sides; it cuts both ways.
I have little doubt that right-to-discriminate laws and the views
they represent will ultimately--and deservedly --become part of the
detritus of progressive social and moral evolution. Until then, however,
one can only hope that the views of those committed to constitutional
principles of separation of church and state, equal protection of the
law and human dignity will carry the day.
Finally, all that LGBT people rightly demand is that they have the
advantage and protection of the same constitutional rights and laws that
other citizens enjoy. Nothing more, nothing less. The equal protection
of the law. Equality.
The First Amendment protects nothing less than that.
James C. Nelson was appointed to the Montana Supreme Court by Gov.
Marc Racicot in 1993 and was re-elected to the position three times,
serving until his retirement in 2013.