The culture of death.
Lang, Valter
This is a small collection of articles initiated by the Centre of
Excellence in Cultural Theory and dedicated to the study of some
selected aspects of the culture of death in archaeology, folkloristics,
and media studies. Such a selection of research fields is to some extent
random depending mostly on authors who responded to the call for papers
and succeeded in finishing their contributions before the deadline. This
selection could easily be quite different and the collection itself much
thicker because the focus--the topic of death--touches everyone and
forms an essential part in human culture. Nevertheless, even this casual
selection of different aspects in the culture of death gives a good
overview of the essential and inexhaustible nature of the topic, and of
how some nuances of the culture of death share surprisingly many
features in totally different research disciplines. The authors hope
that their modest contribution complements that extremely large and rich
discussion which does exist on the culture of death in various social
and human sciences.
Although due to the nature of this journal the emphasis is on
archaeology, it makes sense to start with the question from the last
paper about the death in newspapers written by Halliki Harro-Loit and
Kadri Ugur. They ask: "since everyone dies, whose death is worthy
of media coverage?" One can replace the word "media" in
this question with some other words more characteristic of
someone's own research field. An archaeologist, for instance, could
ask: since everyone dies, whose death was worthy of proper burying? The
problem here lies in the circumstance that the graves and cemeteries we
know from prehistory have often belonged only to a minor part of human
population, while the majority of prehistoric people were buried in a
way, which has not preserved their burials over longer times. Death
leaves traces in human culture only if it is interpreted through that
culture, as stated by Valter Lang in his article in the current volume,
and by far not every death has shared this fate in prehistoric past. The
proper burying, leaving traces in material culture, has been selective
for a very long time, in our corner of the world until the spread of
Christianity at the latest. But such selectiveness can also be found in
many other prehistoric and historical societies around the world, while
towards the modern societies it has achieved more shaded or hidden
features. The media coverage of death today is actually also selective,
therefore compensating the selectiveness of culturally treated death by
other and modern means. Thus, death touches everyone of us but its
phenomena interpreted through culture very much depend on both time and
place. This culture-specificity is also demonstrated by the articles
included in this volume.
Trying to answer the question, whose death is worthy of rendering
cultural meaning, the researchers of prehistoric to modern societies
usually refer to those persona who have possessed more remarkable and
outstanding positions in their lifetime. Still, in egalitarian societies
of distant past the question of who was buried in a few graves is quite
incomprehensible for us, as there is insufficient data to make reliable
suggestions. In more complex and stratified (pre)historic societies the
buried people were most likely those who shared social, religious and
economical power. Today the range of such people is much wider embracing
also politically and culturally (in its broader sense) or otherwise
active and outstanding individuals. Anyway, whatever has been the exact
practice in particular cultures, death has been used as a means for
distinguishing and remembering people who were somehow important for
those societies.
Speaking of the representation of death in modern press, the main
idea of death notices is the wish of survivors (e.g. relatives, friends,
colleagues) to inform the others about someone's demise. All such
notices and other texts share the grief and mourning; they speak much
more about the living people than about those who died (Harro-Loit &
Ugur, this volume). But this is exactly what also the archaeologists
believe of prehistoric burial customs and grave buildings: they speak
not only about the dead but, perhaps, much more about the living people,
the survivors. Here, of course, the history of archaeology presents a
number of different approaches how the burial customs have been
interpreted through times, as briefly discussed in their paper by
Abdulla Al-Shorman and Ali Khwaileh in this volume. Their short synopsis
of the topic refers to the complexity and multiplicity of problems
concerning the culture of death in prehistoric societies the more so
because not only our interpretations have been changed according to the
advance of archaeological theory and interpretation but death itself
(resp. its cultural treatment) has been and is continuously changing
depending on the development of symbolic thinking. And death certainly
belongs among the most symbolically loaded spheres of human culture.
In the current volume, the papers by Al-Shorman & Khwaileh and
Lang deal with archaeological remnants of prehistoric burial customs
from two very distant and different regions: Jordan and Estonia. There
is actually nothing in common if one looks at material remains of these
two areas; yet, they both seem to share a selective attitude to
'proper burying'. That is, there are periods also in Jordan,
which are very poor or empty in graves, although data on contemporary
human habitation is rich. The problem is not discussed by the authors in
greater detail, however, and therefore needs further study. Madis
Arukask in his paper analyses folklore data concerning old beliefs on
burying, concentrating especially on burial laments as a means to
eliminate the fear of the dead. Such ritual practices which we only know
from oral tradition have usually not left traces in archaeological
record and are therefore important for the archaeologists in order to
complement their source material. The tradition of exhumation, also
discussed by Arukask, has material evidence in archaeological record, as
revealed by both the occurrence of incomplete skeletons in prehistoric
graves and single human bones found in settlement sites. The final
paper, written by Harro-Loit and Ugur, analyses the representation of
death culture in the Estonian press today. This paper brings death much
closer to the reader (i.e. it happened not only in the past), as we get
daily information about it from different media. From the point of view
of the current volume it is interesting to follow how the mediated
information about death is selected, framed, and presented in a certain
conventional form.
doi: 10.3176/arch.2011.2.01
Surmakultuur
Kaesolev Kultuuriteooria Tippkeskuse initsieeritud artiklikogumik
on puhendatud surmakultuuri moningate aspektide uurimisele arheoloogias,
folkloristikas ja meediauuringutes. Selline distsipliinide valik on
monevorra juhuslik, soltudes eelkoige autoritest, kes vastasid kogumiku
koostamise uleskutsele ja suutsid oma uurimuse tahtaegselt lopetada. See
valik oleks voinud olla ka teistsugune ja kogumik ise tunduvalt paksem,
sest uurimisteema fookus--surm--puudutab meist igauht ning kujutab
endast inimkultuuri vaga olulist osa. Igal juhul peaks aga ka seesugune
pogus ulevaade surmakultuuri aspektidest andma hea ettekujutuse nii
teema olulisusest ja mitmekulgsusest kui ka sellest, kuidas monedel
surmakultuuri nuanssidel on ullatuslikke uhisjooni uksteisest kullaltki
kaugetes teadusvaldkondades. Autorid loodavad, et nende tagasihoidlik
panus taiendab seda mahukat ja mitmekesist kirjandust, mis surmakultuuri
kohta on erinevates sotsiaal- ning humanitaarteadustes seni avaldatud.
Kuigi kaesoleva kogumiku rohuasetus on meie ajakirja iseloomust
johtuvalt arheoloogial, oleks moistlik alustada kusimusest, mille
esitavad Halliki HarroLoit ja Kadri Ugur oma artiklis surma kajastamise
kohta ajakirjanduses: kui koik surevad, siis kelle surm on meedias
kajastamist vaart? Sona meedia voib selles kusimuses vastavalt kellegi
uurimisvaldkonnale ka mone teise sonaga asendada. Naiteks arheoloogias
voiks kusimuse pustitada selliselt: kui koik surevad, siis kelle surm on
vaart nn toelist matmist? Probleem on siin selles, et esiajast teada
kalmetesse on maetud vaid vaiksem osa uhiskonnast, kusjuures enamik
kunagi elanud inimestest on maetud viisil, mis pole voimaldanud jaanuste
pikema aja jooksul sailimist. Surm jatab jalgi inimkultuuri ainult siis,
kui ta on motestatud labi selle kultuuri, nagu sedastab oma artiklis
Valter Lang, ja kaugeltki mitte iga surm pole esiajaloolises minevikus
seesugune olnud. Nn toeline matmine--selline, millest jaab
materiaalsesse kultuuri midagi alles--on olnud pikka aega selektiivne,
meie piirkonnas pohiliselt kuni ristiusu levikuni. Seesugust
selektiivsust surma kasitlemisel voib kohata ka paljudes teistes
esiajaloolistes ja ajaloolistes uhiskondades, kusjuures hilisemate
aegade poole liikudes on see omandanud jarjest uusi ning varjatumaid
vorme. Nii on tegelikult selektiivne ka surma kajastamine tanapaeva
meedias. Seega: kuigi surm puudutab meist igauht, on selle
kultuuriliselt motestatud tahud vaga paljus soltuvad kohast ja ajast.
Seda surma kultuurispetsiifilisust voib margata ka kaesolevasse
kogumikku koondatud artiklites.
Puudes vastata kusimusele, kelle surm on vaart kultuurilise
tahenduse omistamist, on eri ajastute ja kultuuride uurijad osutanud
tavaliselt isikutele, kel on oma eluajal olnud uhiskonnas
markimisvaarsem ning valjapaistvam positsioon. Ometi on sellisele
kusimusele raske vastata kaugema esiajaloolise mineviku egalitaarsete
uhiskondade puhul, sest vaheste teadaolevate matmispaikade ainestik ei
voimalda hasti pohjendatud jareldusi. Komplekssetes ja kihistunud
esiajaloolistes uhiskondades on maetud pohiliselt neid, kellel oli
sotsiaalset, religioosset voi majanduslikku voimu/autoriteeti, nagu me
tavaliselt arvame. Tanapaeval on seesuguste isikute ring, kelle surm
leiab kultuurilist kajastamist, marksa laiem, holmates ka poliitiliselt
ja kultuuriliselt (voi muud moodi) aktiivsemaid isikuid. Milline iganes
vois olla kaitumisviis konkreetsetes kultuurides, on surma ikkagi
kasutatud vahendina, et eristada ja maletada inimesi, kes uhel voi
teisel moel olid vastavates uhiskondades olulised.
Mis puutub surma kajastamisse tanapaeva meedias, siis on
surmakuulutuste pohiliseks sisuks ellujaanute (sugulased, sobrad,
kolleegid) soov kellegi lahkumisest teada anda. Koik sellised teated
edastavad muret ja leina, samas konelevad need rohkem elavatest
inimestest kui surnutest (Harro-Loit ning Ugur, kaesolev valjaanne). Aga
tapselt sedasama raagivad arheoloogid ka muistsest matmisviisist ja
kalmeehitusest: need konelevad mitte uksnes surnutest, vaid ilmselt
palju rohkem hoopis elavatest inimestest. Arheoloogia ajaloost voib
muidugi tuua palju naiteid selle kohta, kuidas labi aegade on muutunud
matmisviiside tolgendus, ja luhidalt on sellel teemal oma artiklis
peatunud ka Abdulla Al-Shorman ning Ali Khwaileh. Nende luhike konspekt
selle teema kohta annab ettekujutuse surmakultuuriga seotud probleemide
komplekssusest ja mitmekulgsusest esiajaloolistes uhiskondades, seda
enam et muutunud pole mitte uksnes meie tolgenduste iseloom vastavalt
arheoloogiateooria arengule, vaid pidevalt on muutunud ka surm ise,
oigemini surma kultuuriline tolgendamine vastavalt sumboliseeritud
motlemise edenemisele. Ja pole kahtlust, et surm kuulub inimkultuuri
koige rohkem sumboliseeritud sfaaride hulka.
Kaesolevas kogumikus on kahes artiklis kasitletud esiajaloolisi
matmisviise kahes vaga kauges ja erinevas piirkonnas: Jordaanias ning
Eestis. Vaadates nende piirkondade materiaalse kultuuri jaanuseid, pole
tegelikult voimalik leida midagi uhist. Samas voib molemas piirkonnas
taheldada selektiivset lahenemist "toelisele matmisele", sest
ka Jordaania esiajaloos esineb perioode, kus inimasustuse olemasolust
hoolimata puuduvad matmispaigad voi on need vaga haruldased. Al-Shorman
ja Khwaileh ei aruta kuigivord selle probleemi ule, mistottu vajab
kusimus edasist uurimist.
Madis Arukask on oma artiklis analuusinud rahvaluules sailinud vanu
uskumusi matmiskommete kohta, puhendudes eriti itkudele kui surmakartuse
torjumise vahendile. Seesugused rituaalsed praktikad pole moistagi
ainelisse kultuuri jalgi jatnud ja on seega olulised muuhulgas ka
arheoloogidele nende allikmaterjali taiendamiseks. Itkudest aimuv
ekshumatsioonitava on siiski jatnud jalgi ka arheoloogilisse materjali,
seda nii kalmetes esinevate mittetaielike skelettide kui ka
asulakihtidest leitud uksikute inimluude naol.
Viimases artiklis (Harro-Loit ja Ugur) on analuusitud surma
kajastamist tanapaeva Eesti ajakirjanduses, tuues seelabi teema lugejale
marksa lahemale (st surm ei esine uksnes kauges minevikus). Kaesoleva
kogumiku seisukohalt on huvitav jalgida, kuidas ajakirjanduses
vahendatav info surma kohta on selekteeritud, raamitud ja esitatud
vastavalt kindlale kokkulepitud vormile.
Valter Lang