Revising time in cultural research: preface to the special issue of Trames.
Harro-Loit, Halliki ; Koresaar, Ene
Time is multiple. It is easy to imagine differences in individual,
collective and social time, cosmic and biological time, global and
historical time. Time could be related to our perception of beginnings
and ends, intervals and transitions; time could be handled as resource,
commodity, measure, regulatory structure and gift (Adam 2002:87, 89).
During the 20th century, academic thinking has abandoned the monolithic
approach to time and temporality and reached the awareness of temporal
diversity. The approach to time within social theory has become
ontologically and epistemologically varied. Side-effects of this multi-
and interdisciplinary treatment of temporality also brought about some
ambivalence. In 2002 Bernhard Albert, while summarizing the discussion
held at the 9th Conference Tutzing Time Ecology Project in April 2000,
asserted: "Everyone talked confidently about temporal diversity but
it was not everyone meant the same thing" (Albert 2002:92).
While the notion of 'time' is covered by a variety of
interpretative frames and approaches which are constantly open to
renegotiations, it also offers complexity and universality that opens
possibilities for interdisciplinary frameworks concerning theoretical
understanding of contemporary cultural research.
If 'time' is an additional dimension for various
disciplinary approaches in social sciences and humanities, it might be
therefore worthwhile to ask if it is possible to shift towards hybrid
notion of timing as one tool for revisiting cultural theory. The concept
of timing as Tamara K. Hareven (1991:168) defines it: "...
sequencing, coordination and synchronization of various time clocks,
individual, collective and social structural (historical)
time"--could be useful to understand interaction between different
time types as well as to see how different 'clocks' have
changed over history and varied in different cultural settings.
The notion of timing as synchronic and diachronic process including
human agency is a step further from the original idea of this special
issue of TRAMES that derived from an idea of 'chronotypes'.
The concept coined by Bender and Wellbery (1991) to mark the reflective
turn in research toward a multiplication of times. With a reference to
Bakhtin's 'chronotope', 'chronotypes' can be
understood as "models or patterns through which time assumes
practical or conceptual significance. Chronotypes are themselves
temporal and plural, constantly being made and remade at multiple
individual, social, and cultural levels. They interact with one another,
sometimes cooperatively, sometimes conflictually. They change over time
and therefore have a history or histories, the construal of which is an
act of temporal construction. Chronotypes are improvised from an already
existing repertoire of cultural forms and natural phenomena. Numerous
chronotypes intertwine to make up the fabric of time" (Bender and
Wellenby 1991:4). The notion of chronotypes is here used as a cover term
for different types of time and temporal order. Hence, in order to
capture the complexity and variety of time-approaches in different
disciplines we propose the two-dimensional 'matrix': timing
and chronotypes. The articles in the present issue of Trames are engaged
in both aspects: authors describe the different time-types by using
disciplinary tools that make them visible or reachable and at the same
time analyse the timing practices and methods.
This issue brings together a range of disciplines on the premise
that time and temporality is a central and recurring notion in most
social or human research, either implicitly or explicitly. The
implicit-explicit scale depends on the historical context of a
discipline as the 'temporal turn' in disciplinary thinking has
taken place and is happening in different periods and for different
reasons.
Concerning the temporality from the perspective of cultural
sociology, Elzbieta Halas claims in this issue that although time and
timing always exist inside social phenomena, sociology of time remained
on the periphery of the discipline for a long time. The question of time
has become shifted toward the centre of sociological problems by
research on social memory. As an example of a modern sociological theory
in which the problem of time is in the centre, Halas refers to Niklas
Luhman's theory of social systems. Halas introduces the concept of
collective memory of trauma to show the symbolic, emotional and moral
dimensions of memory as cultural phenomenon.
In the spirit of Halas' claims, Halliki Harro-Loit and Ene
Koresaar provide an example of synthesising cultural memory studies and
journalism research in the analyses of television news. Their article
focuses on the timing strategies in the news discourse that employs
various chronotypes to re-create collective memory in the framework of
national temporality.
Social theorists, life course research and memory studies place the
notions of temporality and timing at the core while stressing its
non-homogeneous and dynamic character. "Time is not just conceived
as a linear thinking of past to future but a complex multidimensional
phenomenon that involves biographical time, which covers that lifespan
from birth to death, generational time, which provides links and
attachments across generations of kinship relations and historical time,
which locates individual and family lives in the wider frames of
external events, environments and political landscapes" (Adam
2008:7). The cohort study carried out by Raili Nugin focuses on the
question of generational consciousness during large social
transformations. By stating that there are no automatic boundaries which
define beginnings and endings of generational time (cf. Thompson
2008:25), Raili Nugin also comes to the conclusion that historical time
does not necessarily articulate in a generational consciousness in all
circumstances. Therefore her analysis is placed on the crossing point of
individual, collective and historical time.
It is important to note that even in one discipline the emphasis on
temporality might be dependent on theoretical considerations and
concurrent data collection. As Raili Nugin points out: "This is a
simplification, but one can somewhat forcibly talk about two approaches
to the conceptualization of generation: one concentrating on intangible
features that carry the generational consciousness: studies in memory,
biographies, discourse etc; the other concentrating on social and
demographical structures while constructing generations: studies in
demographical behaviour, on career opportunities structures, income,
social transitions."
Folklorist Tiiu Jaago points out the changes that time and
temporality concept brought along in understanding folklore research in
the second half of the 20th century. The earlier concept regarded
folklore as a collection of phenomena (songs, stories etc.). The
contemporary approach regards folklore as a specific type of
communication: the performance situation that takes place in a certain
moment of time. Proceeding from the disciplinary shift towards the
performance time Jaago provides an analysis of the reception of
folkloristic film that was created in the 1950s by contemporary students
and demonstrates the multi-level timing between the event and
interpretation.
Once the temporal dimension of culture is acknowledged, it starts
to influence the perception of the object of the study along with the
need to methodologically challenge it. For Peeter Torop and Bruno Osimo,
one such methodological challenge in translation studies lies in the
problem of addressing the complexity of the translation process. They
write: "Besides the dialogue within the discipline and between
disciplines, the elaboration of the methodology of studying translation
and translating points also to the need for a dialogue between diachrony
and synchrony." Hence, while time-dimension makes the research more
complex, both theoretically and methodologically, it also becomes a
connecting approach disciplinarily, as well as interdisciplinarily.
Contributions to the special issue of Trames demonstrate that when
the focus is on 'time', a researcher may face diverse
chronotype-timing matrixes synchronically while also taking into account
their diachronic dimension. According to Remm's careful reading of
the thinkers in his sociocultural analysis, including time-related
notions in the construction of theoretical models about culture and
society and thereby overcoming its ambivalent character, assumes an
integrated approach to culture's diachrony and synchrony. As Remm
points out, the significance of temporality in the vision of culture
involves a multitude of change trends and mechanisms, and their
interpretations. Aili Aarelaid-Tart makes the effort to theoretically
capture this diversity by proceeding from the notion of human time as a
fundamental property of human reality. She demonstrates how
extraordinarily complicated the temporal fabric of human time is. From
this aspect she discusses individual life course and generational time
as a tool for measuring polyphonic temporal order of the world.
In contemplating human time, Aarelaid-Tart states that it is
possible to evoke very many different levels, aspects and reckoning
systems, all of which are relevant to each other. On the one hand, this
is why the cultural research (still) operates with a whole palette of
concepts and terms designating diverse aspects of temporality. On the
other hand, and this is what we hope the current special issue of Trames
demonstrates, focusing on strategies and patterns through which time
assumes practical and conceptual significance, enables not to merely go
beyond disciplinary traditions but inspire complementary research.
DOI: 10.3176/tr.2010.4.01
Acknowledgements
This special issue was supported by the European Union through the
European Regional Development Fund (Centre of Excellence CECT).
References
Adam, Barbara (2002) "The multiplicity of times: contributions
from the Tutzing Time Ecology Project: introduction". Time and
Society 11, 1, 87-88.
Adam, Barbara (2008) "The timescapes challenge: engagement
with the invisible temporal". In Barbara Adam, Jenny Hockey, and
Paul Thompson, Researching lives through time: time, generation and life
stories, 7-12. Rosalind Edwards, ed. (Timescapes Working Paper Series,
1.) http://www.timescapes.leeds.ac.uk/assets/files/
timescapes/WP1%20-%20Researching
%20Lives%20Through%20Time%20-%20June%202008.pdf
Albert, Bernhard (2002) "'Temporal diversity'. A
note on the 9th Tutzing Time Ecology conference". Time and Society
11, 1, 89-104.
Bender, John and David E. Wellebery (1991)
"Introduction". In Chronotypes: the construction of time,
1-15. Bender, John and David Wellebery, eds. Stanford, California:
Stanford University Press.
Hareven, Tamara K. (1991) "Synchronizing individual time,
family time and historical time". In Chronotypes: the construction
of time, 167-182. Bender, John and David Wellebery, eds. Stanford,
California: Stanford University Press.
Thompson, Paul (2008) Life stories, history and social change In
Barbara Adam, Jenny Hockey, and Paul Thompson, Researching lives through
time: time, generation and life stories, 19-28. Rosalind Edwards, ed.
(Timescapes Working Paper Series, 1.)
http://www.timescapes.leeds.ac.uk/assets/files/timescapes/
WP1%20-%20Researching%20Lives%20Through%20Time% 20-%20June%202008.pdf
Halliki Harro-Loit and Ene Koresaar
University of Tartu