Healthy choice? Exploring how children evaluate the healthfulness of packaged foods.
Elliott, Charlene ; Brierley, Meaghan
Supermarket food products designed to appeal to children frequently
feature cartoon images (including characters from popular television
shows/movies for children) and/or they promote food by using appeals to
fun or play. Such packaging is designed to capture attention, not to
help children make informed, healthy choices. (1) While previous
research has explored the effects of advertising on children, (2-4)
children's understanding of advertising's intent, (5-8)
branding's influence on children's tastes (9-12) and
spokes-characters' influence on children's choices, (13) this
study probes how children assess the healthfulness of packaged foods.
Specifically, it examines children's views on why they selected
particular packaged foods as "healthy" choices over similarly
packaged edibles in the same product category.
Studies focusing on how children interpret food products show that
the children have difficulty evaluating the healthfulness of packaged
edibles. (14) Visual aspects of packages--such as colour, design and
image--strongly influence children's evaluations (often incorrect)
of the healthfulness of foods, and also impact the overall desirability
of the food. (15) By examining children's selection of a
"healthy" packaged product (out of various choices), and their
subsequent discussion of what made that product the "healthy"
choice, this study highlights how various symbolic appeals on packaging
affect children's understanding of a product's nutritional
qualities. The article concludes with recommendations on how to bolster
children's interpretive strategies when it comes to evaluating
packaged foods for healthfulness--and with a comment on why such
bolstering (in light of marketing strategies employed by the food
industry) may not be enough.
METHODS
This study draws from data collected from a broader, federally
funded research project focused on children's interpretations of
packaged food products. Focus-group methodology is increasingly viewed
as a productive method for discovering children's attitudes,
perspectives and ideas. (16) This approach, moreover, is particularly
appropriate for the question of children's interpretations of
packaged foods since it allows for open-ended responses from the
participants, which can be probed and clarified.
In 2009, 52 focus groups were conducted with a total of 225
children in three cities in Canada (Calgary, Alberta; Ottawa, Ontario;
and Fredericton, New Brunswick). Children were divided according to
grade with separate focus groups held for grades 1-2 (G1/2), 3-4 (G3/4),
and 5-6 (G5/6), so as to reveal potential differences in opinion
according to age. (Separate focus groups were held for boys and for
girls, although differences according to gender were not the focus of
this particular analysis.) Each focus group was an hour in length and
had four to six children participants. Creating a small group setting
was strategic, since it creates a space that encourages participation
from shyer children. (16)
A moderator, following a semi-structured moderator's guide,
asked questions pertaining to packaged foods targeted at children.
Pertinent to this analysis, children were shown a variety of packaged
food products from the same product category to examine and evaluate.
Children were asked to identify the foods that they considered the most
healthy, and to explain why they chose those packaged product(s) over
the other options available.
Institutional ethics certification was granted for the study;
written child and parental consent was obtained prior to the focus
groups. Children were informed that they did not have to participate (or
answer) questions should they choose not to, and that they could stop
(or leave) at any time. Although some children said they did not know
the answer to certain questions, all chose to participate. The small
number of participants in the focus groups ensured that every child
could respond to each question posed. The moderator addressed the
children in a round-table format, varying the order in which children
were asked questions, but giving each child the opportunity to explain
their choice. This allowed the analysis not only to draw out themes, but
to provide some (albeit generalistic) level of detail in terms of the
frequency of reliance on certain themes over others according to age.
The moderator probed for elaboration on answers where appropriate, and
allowed for open discussion between participants. Children's
responses were transcribed verbatim. Themes were identified and insights
crystallized; iterative comparison and inductive coding techniques were
used, following a grounded theory approach. Qualitative research
software (NVivo) was used to facilitate the process.
RESULTS
Children of all grades (1-6) revealed a general inability to
evaluate the healthfulness of a packaged food. They used package
colours, spokes-characters, pictures, and front-of-package (FOP) claims,
to support their choices of healthy foods. While some children used
information from nutrition facts tables and ingredient lists in their
assessments, these were often used ineffectively. Figure 1 presents the
breakdown of children in each grade who discussed colour,
spokes-characters, FOP claims, (etc.) in their evaluation. Table 1
provides relevant quotations from the children that support the themes
discussed.
Colour
Children across all grades used package colours to determine what
comprised a "healthy choice": 22% of children from the G1/2
focus groups specifically relied on this, as did 14% of children from
G3/4 and 19% from G5/6. Indeed, colour might function as the sole
criterion for judging a product as healthy or unhealthy. For G1/2
children, a packaged food was labeled healthy "maybe cause
it's green" or unhealthy because (for example) the
"rainbow" of colours on a box of Lucky Charms[R] cereal meant
it was "like a rainbow of sugar." Some children in G3/4
provided more elaborate reasoning: products were deemed healthy because
"they don't add like sugars and coloured stuff." The G5/6
children consistently identified colour particularly artificial
colour--as an object of critique. As one child remarked about a packaged
product she deemed unhealthy: "They're not natural colours as
in fruits."
Foods with muted colours, in contrast, were deemed more healthy.
Children identified cereal boxes with "not a lot of colour" as
the healthy choice. One child picked a box of Cheerios[R] as the
healthiest option out of seven choices, in part because
"Cheerios[R] have no colours" (G1/2); another (older) child
similarly observed that Cheerios[R] were healthiest because "they
don't add like sugars and coloured stuff" (G3/4). Identical
reasoning was provided by G5/6 children.
Colours on packages also represented other things children
understood as being healthy, such as associating green with vegetables:
"the colour green represents organic or healthy because a lot of
healthy vegetables are green and organic is healthy and sometimes
it's more healthy than other foods" (G5/6). These comparisons
also paralleled issues of literalism (discussed below) in packaged food
interpretation.
Literalism in text and image
Literalism--taking the strict interpretation of a word or image
(without accounting for metaphor or exaggeration)--was present in the
children's responses. Literal interpretations became less common as
children got older, although all of the explanations held interesting
insights. For example, when asked to explain why he chose Life[R] cereal
as the healthiest of seven cereal options, a child in G1/2 explained,
"Usually if they're talking, Life[R] is good for you because
they're actually worried about your health." Another G3/4
child said "And it gives you life!" In G5/6, a child mused:
"I don't know why but something struck me with the title
'Life' that it has something to do with healthy things in
life...".
Other interesting instances of textual literalism emerged in G1/2
students' interpretation of "Fat Free" as meaning to get
the ingredient of fat for free. Two representative examples include:
"because if they put more fat, that means they put fat free"
(G1/2); and "yeah, fat free, and, and it's free."
The most common mistake children made, however, was thinking that
packages contained particular ingredients (that were not actually
present) due to the pictures featured on the package. In the focus
groups, children consistently identified cereal boxes featuring an image
of a bowl of cereal with sliced fruit in it as the healthiest
option-even though the box(es) in question did not contain any fruit.
Pictures of milk on a package also prompted some children to classify
the cereal itself as healthy (although this occurred less frequently).
Moderator: Which box of cereal is the healthiest?
* Life[R] cereal "because it has fruit" [points to
picture of sliced peaches on the front of the cereal box) (G5/6)
* "Crunchy Corn[R] because it has like strawberries"
[points to picture of strawberries in bowl featured on the front of the
cereal box] (G3/4)
Simply put, these items not in the package made children of all
grades claim a product was "the healthiest" out of numerous
similar options.
Spokes-characters and branding
Certain spokes-characters, such as Toucan Sam[R] and Lucky the
Leprechaun[R], were interpreted as signifying an unhealthy product,
whereas other spokes-characters explicitly associated with brand lines
were cited as indicators of healthy food. These associations, of certain
spokes-characters with "unhealthy" and certain brands with
"healthy" (regardless of the product), increased dramatically
as children got older (i.e., G1/2, 7%; G3/4, 20%; and G5/6, 40%).
Older children recognized how spokes-characters might attract
younger children to less nutritious products. When spokes-characters
were mentioned in terms of health, it was either in combination with a
brand or, notably, the absence of a spokes-character that indicated
health for children. In the first case (brand spokes-characters and
health), several children in G3/4 explained that a packaged food was
healthy because "it has the Quaker[R] dude" on it. Some
children associated the brand across individual product lines:
[It's healthy] "cause it's Quaker[R] ... and I have a bag
of Quaker[R] flour and it says that it's really healthy on the
back" (G3/4). In the second case (the absence of a
spokes-character), some children used this "lack" as an
indicator of health, as per the child who identified Organics Crunchy
Corn[R] cereal as the healthy choice because "there's not a
lot of colour and made-up characters on the box" (G3/4).
Front-of-package claims
When analyzed according to grade, it was evident that children in
the focus groups increasingly relied on and trusted front-of-package
(FOP) claims to help them to make healthy choices, yet continued to have
little understanding of their meaning. The percentage of children who
spontaneously referenced a FOP claim to justify why a product was
healthy rose from 27% of children in G1/2 to 53% in G3/4 and up to 69%
in G5/6.
Claims such as Organic, Fat Free or Goodness Corner were typically
understood as positive characteristics, even though the product might be
nutritionally lacking in other ways (i.e., low in fat but high in sugar;
organic but high in sugar, etc.). Children frequently interpreted these
claims literally:
* "It says fat free, so you won't get fat" (G1/2)
* "It's from the Heart and Stroke Foundation--that means
that like it's good for you and it won't give you a heart
attack" (G3/4)
* "Behind the O for Organics there's a leaf which is
natural, so it's made from something natural" (G5/6).
One striking aspect of such claims was their influence on
children's interpretations of healthy foods. FOP claims and/or
nutrition "corners" found on boxes of cereals such as
Honeycomb[R], Alpha Bits[R], Lucky Charms[R] and Froot Loops[R]
successfully convinced six children in G1/2 that the cereals were a
healthy choice. During group discussion (led by the moderator) about the
nutrition claims, eight children in G3/4 changed their minds,
subsequently labelling Honeycomb[R] cereal, PC Organics Crunchy Corn[R]
cereal and Lucky Charms[R] cereal as a "healthy food". Four
children in G5/6 similarly changed their minds to declare Life[R] cereal
and PC Organics Crunchy Corn[R] cereal as the healthy choice.
Nutrition facts and ingredients lists
In all grades, fewer children relied on nutrition facts and
ingredients lists than FOP claims in making healthy food choices. Not
surprisingly, when they did use nutrition facts and ingredients lists,
their knowledge base was shown to be incomplete. The few G1/2 children
who discussed the nutrition facts table were vague on how one might
actually use it: "I would look at the label on the box.... Um, if
you look what I did is when I looked at these and I saw the ingredients
and noticed a little bit of sugar in it." These children often
resorted to using FOP claims to justify their initial explanations:
"that's good because there's no fat ... no bad fat. See,
it says fat free, so there is no bad fat in there" (G1/2).
The G3/4 age group offered no consistent "reading" or
treatment of the nutrition facts table, nor was there clarity on what
children felt they should be looking for: "I'm always looking
for tons of different things on that side" [referring to where the
nutrition facts table appears] "and it helps and it comes in handy
lots, and it can tell you what kinds of things are in it" (G3/4).
Most children in G5/6 were equally vague about how they used the
nutrition facts table and ingredients list; some children, however, were
able to express its complexities:
"I look at the side where it says, um, calories, and, um,
sodium and everything. But, um, you have to be careful because
sometimes, it says like, you look on a chip bag sometimes and it says
like, say the chip bag is sixty grams, it'll say like sixty
calories or something per 30 grams. But you have to add. because if you
eat the whole chip bag it's twice that right? You can't be too
careful. Well, sometimes, they say sensible solution, but that's
only if you add something. They're very tricky about that."
DISCUSSION
Children's worlds are filled with packaged food products--yet
children have not been provided the tools to evaluate packaged foods for
their healthfulness. This study draws attention to some common stumbling
blocks encountered by children when asked to identify and explain why a
packaged food is a healthy or unhealthy choice. Children provided
savvy--if incorrect--explanations of why a packaged food was healthy (or
not), relying heavily on visual and associational cues. Drawing from
knowledge gained (presumably from the school nutrition curricula and
home) about healthy eating, children applied this knowledge to evaluate
packaged edibles. While their logic was impressive, the assessment was
often flawed, as per declarations that the colour green or a picture of
fruit or the absence of a spokes-character on a box signaled a healthy
food. Such literal interpretations trumped children's use of the
nutrition facts table and ingredients list. The study revealed, quite
clearly, that children need help navigating the complexity of the visual
packaged food environment. In short, nutrition literacy (the skills of
evaluating, processing and understanding basic nutrition information)
needs to be accompanied by media literacy (the ability to access,
analyze and evaluate messages across a variety of contexts) when
discussing packaged food.
Certainly, extensive data exist on how children understand food
advertising, (3,6,7,17) and previous research has shown that cartoon
characters can influence children's taste and snack
preferences,18,19 or increase a child's interest in fruit. (20)
However, studies on how children interpret packaged foods are rare. (14)
Previous research has shown, however, that children identify
"serious" looking packages with healthy food, (14) and also
classify "kids" food as "fun" compared to
"boring" adult fare. (15)
When it comes to children's views on food and nutrition, focus
group research has probed the "major barriers" children
identified with regard to healthy eating (such as taste, appearance of
food, rebellion),21 as well as the relationship between television
viewing and children's nutritional knowledge and reasoning. (22)
More importantly, research has shown that children's preference for
healthy foods (particularly fruits and vegetables) increases along with
their cognitive abilities as they age and come to understand the
importance of health. (23) Research has also found that on-package
nutritional claim information sometimes had "a backlash
effect" on children, "causing them to make unhealthier choices
when on-package claims are present" (24)--a finding supported by
the children in this study who "flip-flopped" on their choice
of a healthy product after observing a FOP claim.
One of the core calls in policy initiatives to promote the health
of Canadian children is to make the healthy choice "an available
and easily recognizable option". (25) This study suggests a new,
and remarkably significant, point for consideration--namely, that the
school-aged children interviewed did not have the knowledge base to
"easily recognize" a healthy choice when it comes to packaged
foods. Their interpretive strategies were intelligent, but often
contradictory or wrong-headed. At this point, it remains important to
underscore that this study did not seek to document whether the children
could identify some predetermined "healthier" packaged product
from a range of packaged products. This type of approach transforms the
line of questioning on why the children made the choices they did into
more of a documentation of correct or incorrect answers. (Indeed, the
determination of a healthiest packaged option confounds many adults,
since in many instances, the difference between regular packaged goods
and "better-for-you" is simply a difference of degree and not
of kind. Health claims/appeals to health are sometimes more about
marketing than nutrition, (26) and the argument can be fairly made that
a "less-bad-for-you" processed product is still a heavily
processed product.) Rather than trying to figure out whether the
children could identify a predetermined "healthier" packaged
product, the point of the study was to consider how children choose
"healthy"--that is, what frames of reference they use, what
semiotic, associational or linguistic cues, and what counts as relevant
(or irrelevant) when asked what they look for to know whether a packaged
food product is healthy. Although one might question whether it is
reasonable to assume that children should be able to understand health
claims or the nutrition facts table--Nutrition Facts is designed for
adults, not children--it is important to underscore that children are
interpreting these packaging appeals, regardless. They have clear
opinions about packaging and health, and it is therefore productive to
understand what interpretations they have. Moreover, the school
curriculum suggests that children should have a complex level of
reasoning when it comes to nutrition. The Government of Alberta
Curriculum, for example, states that (as a learning outcome), by the end
of Grade 2, children will be able to classify foods according to
Canada's Food Guide to Healthy Eating, and "apply knowledge of
food groups to plan for appropriate snacks and meals." (27) Grade 3
children are asked to deal with nutritional labels. (27) And by the
completion of Grade 4, children are expected to understand the
"role of protein, fats, carbohydrates, minerals, water,
vitamins" in the diet. (27) This grappling with food
classification, labels, and the function of key nutrients in the body
demands a complex level of reasoning--reasoning that is complicated by
the fact that the Canada Food Guide (on which children are supposed to
base their decisions) does not deal with packaged foods in the first
place. The children's answers suggest that the school curriculum,
based on Canada's Food Guide and the merits of whole, unprocessed
foods, does not provide children with the tools they need to navigate
our contemporary foodscape, which is filled with packaged edibles.
CONCLUSION
This study demonstrated that children lack the media literacy
necessary to make effective nutrition choices with regard to packaged
foods. Package colours, images, spokes-characters, brands and FOP claims
influenced children's ability to evaluate the products based on the
nutrition facts table and ingredients list. Clear opportunities exist to
move beyond merely telling children what foods are healthy (e.g.,
fruits, vegetables) to teaching them to critically evaluate packages.
This means providing children with the type of information that allows
them to sidestep common errors of interpretation (e.g., green or fruit
on the box = healthy food) so that they may truly make the healthy
choice in an environment dominated by packaged goods. Though policy
changes are needed to ensure that the packaged foods promoted to
consumers as healthful are indeed healthful, in the interim it would be
wise to arm our youngest consumers with a tool kit that allows them to
avoid the common stumbling blocks (described above) when it comes to
evaluating packaged foods.
Acknowledgements: This work was supported by the Canadian
Institutes of Health Research (CIHR) [funding reference number 86633]
and the CIHR Canada Research Chairs program.
Conflict of Interest: None to declare.
Received: June 1, 2012
Accepted: September 3, 2012
REFERENCES
(1.) Berry B, McMullen T. Visual communication to children in the
supermarket context: Health protective or exploitive? AgricHum Values
2008;25(3):333-48.
(2.) Gwozdz W, Reisch LA, on behalf of the IDEFICS Consortium.
Instruments for analysing the influence of advertising on
children's food choices. Int J Obesity 2011;35(S1):S137-S143.
(3.) Livingstone S, Helsper E. Advertising Foods to Children:
Understanding Promotion in the Context of Children's Daily Lives.
London, UK: Department of Media and Communications, London School of
Economics and Political Science, 2004.
(4.) Livingstone S, Helsper EJ. Does advertising literacy mediate
the effects of advertising on children? A critical examination of two
linked research literatures in relation to obesity and food choice. J
Commun 2006;56(3):560-84.
(5.) Andronikidis AI, Lambrianidou M. Children's understanding
of television advertising: A grounded theory approach. Psychol
Market2010;27(4):299-322.
(6.) Martin MC. Understanding of the intent of advertising: A
meta-analysis. J Public Policy Marketing 1997;16(2):205-16.
(7.) Owen L, Auty S, Lewis C, Damon B. Children's
understanding of advertising: An investigation using verbal and
pictorially cued methods. Infant Child Dev 2007;16(6):617-28.
(8.) Young B, Webley P, Hetherington M, Zeedyk S. The Role of
Television Advertising in Children's Food Choices? A Critical
Review of Some of the Recent Literature. London: Ministry of
Agriculture, Fisheries and Food, 1996.
(9.) Connor SM. Food-related advertising on preschool television:
Building brand recognition in young viewers. Pediatrics
2006;118(4):1478-85.
(10.) Ji MF. Children's relationships with brands: "True
love" or "one-night" stand? Psychol Market
2002;19(4):369-87.
(11.) Jones SC, Mannino N, Green J. 'Like me, want me, buy me,
eat me': Relationship-building marketing communications in
children's magazines. Public Health Nutr 2010;13(12):2111-18.
(12.) Robinson TN, Borzekowski DL, Matheson DM, Kraemer HC. Effects
of fast food branding on young children's taste preferences. Arch
Pediatr Adolesc Med 2007;161(8):792-97.
(13.) Roberto CA, Baik J, Harris JL, Brownell KD. Influence of
licensed characters on children's taste and snack preferences.
Pediatrics 2010;126(1):88-93.
(14.) Elliott C. Healthy food looks serious: How children interpret
packaged food products. Can J Commun 2009;34(3):359-80.
(15.) Elliott C. "It's junk food and chicken
nuggets": Children's perspectives on 'kids'
food' and the question of food classification. J Consum Behav
2011;10(13):133-40.
(16.) Heary C, Hennessy E. The use of focus group interviews in
pediatric health care research. JPediatr Psychol 2002;27(1):47-57.
(17.) Chernin A. The effects of food marketing on children's
preferences: Testing the moderating roles of age and gender. Ann Am Acad
Polit SS 2008;615(1):101-18.
(18.) Lumeng J. Cartoon characters on food packages influence taste
and snack preferences in young children. J Pediatr 2011;158(1):170-71.
(19.) Lapierre MA, Vaala SE, Linebarger DL. Influence of licensed
spokes-characters and health cues on children's ratings of cereal
taste. Arch Pediatr Adolesc Med 2011;165(3):229-34.
(20.) de Droog SM, Valkenburg PM, Buijzen M. Using brand characters
to promote young children's liking of and purchase requests for
fruit. J Health Commun 2011;16(1):79-89.
(21.) McKinley MC, Lowis C, Robson PJ, Wallace JM, Morrissey M,
Moran A, Livingstone MB. It's good to talk: Children's views
on food and nutrition. Eur J Clin Nutr 2005;59:542-51.
(22.) Harrison K. Is "fat free" good for me? A panel
study of television viewing and children's nutritional knowledge
and reasoning. Health Commun 2005;17(2):117-32.
(23.) Zeinstra GG, Koelen MA, Kok FJ, de Graaf C. Cognitive
development and children's perceptions of fruit and vegetables; a
qualitative study. Int J Behav Nutr Phys Act 2007;4(30).
(24.) Miller EG, Seiders K, Kenny M, Walsh ME. Children's use
of on-package nutritional claim information. J Consum Behav
2011;10:122-32.
(25.) Public Health Agency of Canada. Curbing Childhood Obesity: A
Federal, Provincial and Territorial Framework for Action to Promote
Healthy Weights. Ottawa, ON: PHAC, 2010. Available at:
http://www.phac-aspc.gc.ca/hp-ps/hlmvs/framework-cadre/intro-eng.php
(Accessed March 23, 2011).
(26.) Elliott C. Packaging health: Examining
"better-for-you" foods targeted at children. Can Public Policy
2012;38(2):265-81.
(27.) Government of Alberta. Education: Health and Life Skills
Guide to Implementation. Available at:
http://education.alberta.ca/teachers/program/
health/resources/k-9health.aspx (Accessed August 3, 2012).
Charlene Elliott, PhD, Meaghan Brierley, MScBMC
Author Affiliations
Department of Communication and Culture, University of Calgary,
Calgary, AB Correspondence: Charlene Elliott, Department of
Communication and Culture, University of Calgary, SS236, 2500 University
Drive NW, Calgary, AB T2N 1N4, Tel: 403-220-3180, E-mail:
charlene.elliott@ucalgary.ca
Table 1. Children Describe How They Choose Healthy
Packaged Foods; Sample Quotations
Findings Details
Colour Colour can act as a sole criterion for judging a
product as healthy or unhealthy
Colour can be unhealthy
Lack of colour indicates "healthy"
Literalism in Children's literal interpretation of packaged foods
text and image complicates their decision-making processes
Spokes- A spokes-character (or licensed character's)
characters presence could be interpreted as unhealthy
branding
A spokes-character or brand's presence could be
interpreted as healthy
Children use Front-of-package claims were typically understood
front-of- as presenting positive characteristics of healthy
package claims food
to make healthy
choices, yet
have little
understanding
of their
meaning
Children need Children could not thoroughly interpret nutrition
help applying facts and ingredients lists due to incomplete
their knowledge knowledge
to nutrition
facts and
ingredients
lists
Findings Moderator: Which one of these foods do you think
looks the most healthy or good for you? Why?
Is there something on the other boxes that makes
them look less healthy? What is it?
Colour "When there is green on the box, it means it's
healthy" (Grades 1-2) (G1/2) "The colour is green
and green is ... good ... [it means the]
environment and green which is good" (G1/2)
Green stands for good! (G5/6)
"Um well some of the stuff just looks really fake
and like colourful and even though that looks fun
it can be really unhealthy" (G3/4)
"... it's like different colours and that means
that they put in food colouring or like something
to change the colour ... when it's healthy
cereals ... it's more white" (G5/6)
"the one that is healthy is... the white
box" (G1/2)
"the Organics[R]because there's not a lot of
colour and made up characters on the box, it's
just actually showing you what's inside" (G1/2)
"because lots of healthy brands have the black
writing at the top. Also, because all this stuff
is usually in the white box" (G5/6)
Literalism in "... that one (Life[R] cereal) says ... Um ... a
text and image check on it. If it was an "x" it would mean not
healthy like sugar and a check mark means no
sugar" (G1/2) "The Life[R] [cereal] because it has
a peach on the box" (G1/2) "Crunchy Corn[R]
because it has like strawberries in it and it's
got corn" (G3/4) "I know it's healthy because
there's green and that is the colour of life and
plants" (G1/2)
"Honey Combs [cereal]...um cause they have honey
in them" (G5/6)
Spokes- "Dora's not healthy at all ... cause it's Dora!"
characters (G5/6) "Elmo isn't healthy... he's all scruffy"
branding (G5/6) " I just laughed because Dora is not
healthy and everybody laughed because we're
thinking of the cartoon person on the candy. It's
gummy worms or gummy bears, or gummy gummy gummy
Dora" (G5/6) Moderator: "Why do you choose this
as the healthiest of the three? "... because it's
not from a movie? (G1/2)
Moderator: "Why do you choose this as the
healthiest of the three? "Cause it's Quaker[R] ...
and I have a bag of Quaker[R] flour and it says
that it's really healthy on the back" (G3/4) " The
Life[R] looks healthy, they pour the milk a
certain way, and it's Quaker[R] - it's a popular
company that lots of people like to buy" (G3/4)
"... it has the organic thing on it, and it's the
President's Choice company" (G3/4)
"...it has that [Quaker[R]] dude and I am pretty
sure that he's a lot of healthy food" (G5/6)
"I usually look for a company that I know doesn't
make treats and makes more meals. I think
President's Choice" (G5/6)
Children use "Um, the check mark on the Fun Bites[R] ... on the
front-of- corner. Helps people see that it's healthy!"
package claims (G5/6) "Fruit bars because on the box it says
to make healthy contains vitamin C ... Hmm ... I'm not ... not
choices, yet really ... and it says no sugar added" (G3/4)" ...
have little um see that little check mark at the bottom of
understanding that Life[R] box ... uh, I think it's sort of like
of their checking off like a health list of something"
meaning (G5/6) "I think the Life[R] one ... it has the
little check mark thingies here - low in saturated
fat, zero trans fats, source of fibre" (G3/4)
Children need "sometimes on the back, it shows you what it is
help applying has in it-some people have allergies, and they
their knowledge need to look what they have ... on the side or on
to nutrition the back" (G1/2) "the nutrient facts-how much
facts and calories it has, if they have added bad things
ingredients like chemicals, preservatives, artificial things"
lists (G3/4) "the Life[R] one cause I was just reading,
I was looking at this ... I thought it's sort of
like a percentage and it's made with 100 whole
grain oats and I was looking down here where it
says no trans fat in it and source of fibre" (G5/6)
Figure 1. Breakdown of children (according to grade) who
discussed colour, spokes-characters and branding,
front-of package claims--and/or provided literal
"readings" of text and images--in choosing
healthy packaged food
Grades & Thematic Findings
Colour
1-2 22%
3-4 14%
5-6 19%
Literalism in Text and Image
1-2 58%
3-4 34%
5-6 26%
Spokes-characters & Branding
1-2 7%
3-4 20%
5-6 40%
Front-of-package Claims
1-2 27%
3-4 53%
5-6 69%
Nutrition Facts & Ingredients Lists
1-2 12%
3-4 45%
5-6 37%
Which one of these
(packaged) foods do you
think looks the most
healthy or good for you?
Is there anything on the
box that makes it look
healthy? What is it?
Is there something about
the other boxes that make
them look unhealthy
What is it?
Grades 1-2: n=60
Grades 3-4: n=74
Grades 5-6: n=62
Total n=196