A time to die.
Friend, Craig Thompson
The White House in Mourning: Deaths and Funerals of Presidents in
Office. By Martin S. Nowak. Jefferson, NC: McFarland and Co., 2010. 247
pp.
Killing the President: Assassinations, Attempts, and Rumored
Attempts on U.S. Commanders-in-Chief By Willard M. Oliver and Nancy E.
Marion. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2010. 235 pp.
As the most visible face of American politics, presidents have
always served as celebrities, as persons of public character whose lives
symbolize the vitality of American political culture. Consequently,
presidents' deaths, particularly those resulting from
assassination, have the power to shift political culture. The recent
assassination attempt on Representative Gabrielle Giffords is the latest
reminder that all politicians risk their lives in service to local,
state, and national politics. But none risk more than the president
since, as the symbol of the American polity, he draws the most public
attention. Martin Nowak's The White House in Mourning and Willard
Oliver and Nancy Marion's Killing the President examine
presidential deaths within the contexts of celebrity and political
culture.
The White House in Mourning details the deaths and subsequent
mourning and funeral rituals for each president who died in office: four
of whom died of illness and four of whom were assassinated. Nowak
dedicates a chapter to each man, providing a biography (including health
history) and then exploring the cause of death, whether illness or
murder. If assassination was the cause of death, Nowak includes a brief
biography of the assassin. Nowak also describes the state funerals,
elaborating on the expectations and plans for each, and the roles of the
public and the presidents' families.
Nowak's introductory chapter nicely overviews the eight
deaths, and it occasionally makes solid points about the relationship of
presidential death to American life. When John Tyler assumed the
presidency upon William Henry Harrison's death in 1841, he
established the legacy of permanent vice presidential succession.
Release of James Madison's notes on the Constitutional Convention
of 1787 indicate that the framers had intended the vice president to
assume the presidential office temporarily until a special election
replaced the president. The consequences have been significant. Tyler
betrayed the Whig Party under whose banner he had won the vice
presidency, exacerbating the emerging tensions between North and South.
If Andrew Johnson had succeeded Lincoln only temporarily, the Radical
Republicans may have faced a more formidable president when trying to
impose Reconstruction on the South. If another man had been elected
president and returned Harry Truman to the vice presidency, the atomic
bomb may never have been dropped. And if Lyndon Johnson had not
permanently assumed the presidential office, civil rights legislation
may have languished another decade or longer.
Nowak also notes that between 1841 (Harrison's death to
pneumonia) and 1963 (Kennedy's assassination), one of every three
presidents died in office. Americans witnessed a death on average every
15 years. Nowak does not consider the consequences of this pattern, but
the resulting sense of political instability certainly played a role in
American political culture. One cannot help but wonder if the longevity
of Ulysses Grant's, Teddy Roosevelt's, Calvin Coolidge's,
Harry Truman's, and Lyndon Johnson's presidencies might be
attributed partially to Americans' desire for political stability
in the aftermath of a president's death.
The White House in Mourning is heavy on details and light on
analysis. The stories are fascinating in themselves, but the reader is
often left with the sense that there is so much more to be drawn from
presidents' deaths. Additionally, Nowak's attention to the
state funerals is not so much about mourning in the White House as much
as the nation's grief. Anyone seeking a more social history of the
mourning of First Ladies will not find it here.
While more intent on providing scholarly analysis, Oliver and
Marion's Killing the President is equally heavy on details. Their
interest is in presidential assassinations, assassination attempts, and
rumored assassination attempts. In fairness, I had a visceral negative
reaction to the book's cover: a scene of the White House with large
crosshairs drawn across it--an image more appropriate to the National
Enquirer than a serious scholarly endeavor. It sets a sensationalist tone to the book that is rather inescapable as one moves through the
chapters.
Killing the President had the potential to be so much more than
what it is. The authors came to this project through their shared
interest in crime and crime-control policy. In the preface, they promise
to draw larger conclusions about the impact of assassinations and
assassination attempts on the law and on presidential security. But
while the chapters are chocked full of fascinating information
(including biographies of the targeted presidents, their assassins or
would-be assassins, and events leading up to the moments of attack), the
authors deliver on their promise only superficially. Statements such as
"The passage of the Pendleton Civil Service Reform Act of 1881 was
a direct response to Garfield's death" (p. 52) and "The
protection of the president by the Secret Service was greatly enhanced,
especially in the immediate aftermath of the assassination attempt while
President Truman lived in Blair House" (p. 112) are typical,
leaving the reader with a sense that something resulted but not exactly
sure what. Given the great detail with which the authors explored the
actual assassinations and assassination attempts, the weakness of these
concluding statements in each chapter is truly baffling.
Ultimately, while Mourning in the White House and Killing the
President are encyclopedic in their detailed explorations of
presidential deaths, neither offers much more than details. The reader
finishes both books with the feeling that a president's death must
mean significantly more to American political and popular culture than
any of these authors allows.
--Craig Thompson Friend
North Carolina State University