The first lady reconsidered: presidential partner and political institution.
Watson, Robert P.
It is sad and telling that the press and public alike are unaware
that
Presidential wives since Abigail Adams have been wielding political
influence.
Edith Mayo, Director Smithsonian First Ladies Exhibit
Being first lady requires a woman to act ... as a mixture of
queen, club
woman, and starlet. I
Lewis L. Gould, presidential scholar
The president's spouse has the potential to become an
important
component of the contemporary presidency.
George Edwards and Stephen J. Wayne Presidential Leadership: Politics
and Policy Making
A Case for the Study of the First Lady
She is widely considered to be one of the most powerful people in
Washington, yet we know little about her responsibilities or her
predecessors. Her name has routinely appeared atop the annual Gallup
poll of America's most admired women in the world, but there exists
little systematic study of what she has done to deserve this attention.
It could be argued that she is the second most powerful person in the
world, even though some scholars dismiss the effort to formalize a field
of study of her as "trivial" or unworthy of serious academic
attention. However, recent scholarship on the matter is beginning to
reverse long-standing assumptions about her and is raising some
provocative and important questions.(1) Yet, many of these questions
remain largely unexamined yet alone answered. Indeed, she is the missing
link in our study of the presidency and a strong case exists for formal
study of the unknown institution" of the office of the president:
the first lady.(2)
Scholarship over the past decade on the first lady reveals that
many White House wives have had considerable influence on their
husband's careers, decisions, and policies.(3) Considering the
social forces limiting a woman's involvement in politics and
influence in society and the fact that women could not even vote until
1920, the political activism and influence of several pre-twentieth
century first ladies is remarkable. In fact, a new view of an
"activist political partner" is emerging as possibly the rule
rather than the exception for the female occupants of the White
House.(4) There appear to be several reasons for the recent interest. In
addition to the books written during the late 1980s--which are both
reflective of the new interest and serve to further interest in the
subject--there were several high-profile conferences organized or
chaired by important women such as Betty Ford and Nancy Reagan. For
example, in April 1984 there was a meeting at the Gerald R. Ford Museum
in Grand Rapids, Michigan, dedicated to the exploration of the lives and
roles of first ladies. The controversy that surrounded Nancy Reagan
because of her expensive and extravagant lifestyle and perceived
influence over, and control of, President Reagan caused the media,
general public, and politicians to question the nature of the role and
extent of influence of the first lady.(5) Another factor which piqued
the interest in first ladies was the availability of primary source
material for studying the first ladies. More presidential libraries
opened their holdings of the first lady's papers and White House
social files.(6) More recently, the open advisory role played by Hillary
Rodham Clinton and the fact that she has an office in the West Wing of
the White House have produced criticism and public debate over the
"proper" role of the first lady.
On one hand, the first lady is deserving of study simply because
the institution has been a part of the presidency since the founding of
the nation. Most presidents, after all, have been married and most of
them have had their partner with them while serving in the White House.
Only two bachelors were elected to the presidency: James Buchanan and
Grover Cleveland, the latter marrying while in the White House. Only a
few presidents have occupied the White House without their spouses. For
example, both Ellen Arthur and Rachel Jackson died shortly before their
husbands' presidencies, Ellen Arthur just prior to Chester A.
Arthur's vice presidency and Jackson in the interim between
election and inauguration. Martin Van Buren and Thomas Jefferson lost
their wives well before their White House days and the wives of Benjamin
Harrison, John Tyler, and Woodrow Wilson died during their presidencies.
However, Wilson and Tyler remarried before leaving the White House.
The presidency can be viewed as a "team."(7) The various
presidential advisers and institutions of the White House form this
team. So too must the first lady be included within the "plural presidency." Not only is her office budget and staff larger than
many of the so-called "key" advisers and institutions that
presidential scholars study, but as presidential spouse she assumes a
role perhaps more central to the president's career and White House
success than any formal adviser. This influence a spouse might have
should be no surprise to anyone who is married and can be seen in the
presidency.(8) As such, presidential scholar Gil Troy, in his book
Affairs of State, examines the presidency from the perspective of the
character of the presidential marriage.(9) The president's
character, beliefs on the family, and commitment to women's issues
might be examined through his relationship with his wife, as should her
symbolic role shaping or reflecting society's shifting views on
womanhood and gender.(10)
Scholarly study is also necessary because the reality of the
matter is that the public persona and roles of the first lady have
become an institution of the presidency, the American political system,
and, in a larger sense, American society. There has been recent
scholarly attention devoted to the first lady, led by such
well-respected scholars as Lewis L. Gould, but there is a need for a
more formalized, systematic approach to the subject.(11) Generally,
first ladies have been relegated to a footnote in history. The only
roles even conceptualized for the first lady prior to this century have
been those of ceremonial White House hostess and the quiet "good
wife."(12) Even today, some studies and books on the topic, several
of which have amounted to little more than society gossip and a social
interest in her marriage, children, and hostessing talents, have not
envisioned a role beyond that of wife and hostess. Additionally, despite
the fact that there have been several "activist political
partners" as first ladies, whenever a first lady such as Rosalynn
Carter or Hillary Clinton shows such characteristics, the press, public,
and biographers speak of her as "non-traditional" or as
breaking new ground by taking an "unprecedented" interest in
politics and the issues.(13)
The State, of First Lady/Presidential Spouse Scholarship
Until recently, the American public and scholars knew little about
early first ladies, the significant contributions they made to
individual presidents and the office of the presidency, or the
institution of the first lady itself Scholars have noted that there
exists, for instance, no "tightly argued thesis" or scholarly
theories and models on the first lady.(14) No framework exists to guide
scholarly research on the subject although arguments have been made to
formalize a field of study of the institution.(15) Much of the study of
the subject does not attempt to place the first lady into the larger
context of the history of women or the institution of the
presidency.(16)
Most of the writings completed prior to 1980 are anecdotal in
nature, focusing on childhood stories and marriage, and are limited to
the first lady's role as wife and mother and her social hostessing
in the White House.(17) More disturbingly, a look at the voluminous
literature base on the presidency reveals that the first lady has been
completely ignored in presidential scholarship. Rarely is she even
mentioned, let alone considered as a worthy or useful topic of study.
Despite the many approaches to the study of the presidency--legal,
institutional, political power, relations with Congress, character, and
so on--not one considers the president's partner. Even presidential
character studies, which draw on the social backgrounds of the
presidents, fall to significantly discuss the influence of the
president's wife and lifelong partner.(18) This neglect is true in
the leading textbooks on the president, where to the reader it would
appear that there never even was such an individual or institution as
the first lady. The vast majority of the textbooks describe
"important" institutions, advisers, and staff within the White
House or Executive Office of the President, yet omit even reference to
the first lady whose influence, official budget, and staff often greatly
exceed that of "important" institutions. For example, even a
cursory review of presidential textbooks reveals that the first lady is
rarely mentioned or even listed in the indexes. This is the case in
textbooks for college courses on the president, scholarly books and
studies, books about the presidency on the popular market, and
collector's and reference books on the topic including such
important books as Barber's The Presidential Character, Watson and
Thomas's The Politics of the Presidency, Edwards and Wayne's
Presidential Leadership, Pfiffner's The Modern Presidency, and many
others as well as older texts like Koenig's The Chief Executive and
Corwin's The President. Only rarely will a book include a paragraph
under the heading "The President's Spouse."(19)
Considering the omission of even a basic reference to the first ladies
in major textbooks and other books, it appears that the topic lacks
systematic study and, with the exception of the recent books by Lewis
Gould and Gil Troy,(20) it is largely ignored in mainstream presidential
scholarship and instruction.
As the most influential and scrutinized woman in America, the
first lady also functions as sort of a barometer of the status of women
in society and our shifting views of womanhood.(21) Her roles, political
activities, and treatment by the press and public reflect the status of
women and societal expectations toward women throughout American
history.(22) The study of the history of women in America can be
furthered through the study of the first lady, a topic rich in
documentation.(23) As first lady, the women of the White House have left
behind much written material, letters, and documentation of their lives.
It is wrong to assume that scholarly study of the first ladies
should be limited to that of the post-1933 or "Eleanor Roosevelt
era." Several first ladies prior to Eleanor Roosevelt were active
and influential in their husbands' administrations. This includes,
for example, Florence Harding, Helen Taft, Dolley Madison, and Abigail
Adams. Nor should the formal study of the first lady ignore the
historical development of the institution of first lady. The "first
ladyship" has had a unique history and the present state of the
institution can be better understood by considering the precedents and
customs established by previous first ladies.(24)
The move to formalize the study of the first lady by Betty Boyd
Caroli, Lewis Gould, and others faces resistance by some scholars who
perceive the subJect as trivial and not a legitimate scholarly endeavor.
It has been dismissed as a source of gossip and celebrity and little
more.(25) This view is shared by parts of the American public who see
the office as a waste of taxpayer money. Similarly, a feminist critique
calls for the elimination of the first ladyship all together.(26)
Additionally, the study of the first lady faces the same problem
as that of presidential scholarship; the field has a small number of
cases with wide variance among the cases. It is conceivable that about
the only thing the first ladies have in common is that they were all
married to the president. However, there appear to be some generic
pressures, experiences, and activities common to all first ladies. Such
research should consider those persons who served in the capacity of
White House social host but were not technically first ladies, such as
Harriet Lane, the niece of bachelor James Buchanan and Andrew
Jackson's daughter-in-law, Sarah York Jackson, who served in place
of the deceased Rachel Jackson. Also, such research should not be
disassociated with presidential scholarship, as the office of first lady
reflects the pressures on the president and the two fields can inform
one another.(27) An example of this may be the decline in the public
presence of the first lady corresponding to the deterioration of the
post-Civil War presidency. Further research on the first lady may
clarify such possible relationships. Scholarly research is needed in
several areas including: assessing the first ladies' political and
public activities, roles, and influence; identifying and classifying the
various "types" of first ladies or their approaches to the
office; identifying and classifying the determinants of success as first
lady; understanding the historical development of the office; and
assessing any possible linkages of the presidential marriage with the
approach to the presidency and presidential job performance. And
finally, such scholarship should advocate the use of, and approach the
topic from the perspective of, the term "first spouse" or
"presidential spouse."
Conceptual Approaches for the Study of the First Lady
There is a need to develop theories and models to guide scholarly
study of the first lady. A conceptual framework for this is presented in
three parts. The first chronicles the historical development of the
institution of the first lady. The second one conceptualizes the nature
of the first ladies political activity. The third conceptualizes the
influence which first ladies can have on the presidency and American
political system.
Historical Development of the Institution of Presidential Spouse
Perhaps the first ladies have had little in common beyond being
married to the president (or associated with him, as is the case of
"proxy" first ladies, known as "mistress of the White
House"). Then again, perhaps it is possible to identify some
commonalties. One such commonality might be a shared approach to the
office that can be categorized by historical period. Six distinct
periods in the historical development of the institution of the first
lady are identified (see Table One). This model is not without
exception, in that some first ladies better fit the historical periods
than others and the development of the institution has not been linear
or completely consistent. However, such a model as this offers the field
a beginning point by which to study the institution. The occupants of
the office of first lady in each historical period tend to exhibit some
common institutional approaches, roles, and responsibilities. The model
invites further testing of such hypotheses as: Has the expansion of the
first ladyship paralleled the growth of the presidency? Has the history
of the institution been important in shaping the modern office? Do the
first ladies reflect the time and pressures during the years they are in
the White House or do they reflect the time period of their upbringing?
TABLE ONE
Historical Development of the Institution of First Lady
Years Historical Period
1889-1817 First spouses: shaping the image and role
1817-1869 Absent spouses: idled by illness and death
1869-1909 Transitional spouses: unfulfilled possibilities
1909-1945 Aspiring spouses: developing new roles
1945-1974 Supportive spouses: model wives in the public era
1974-1996 Modern spouses: public presidential partners
First Spouses: Shaping the Image and Role (1789-1817)
1789-1797 Martha Dandridge Custis Washington
1797-1801 Abigail Smith Adams
1801-1809(*) Martha Wayles Skelton Jefferson (decreased)
Martha "Patsy" Jefferson. Randolph (daughter)
Dolley Payne Todd Madison
(wife of Secretary of State James Madison)
1809-1817 Dolley Payne Todd Madison
(*) Indicates when the first lady was unable to serve.
The first first ladies had no blueprint to follow in defining a
role and identity for themselves and for their office. Yet, they shaped
the institution as that of a public ceremonial office that was
responsible for social functions and hosting formal affairs of state.
The institution emerged as a highly visible one. While the institution
evolved in an apolitical and unofficial capacity with respect to
political and public affairs, these first ladies did forge a role as
confidante and informal adviser to the president on political
matters.(28) This was especially true of Abigail Adams, an articulate,
intelligent, and assertive life-long counsel to her husband, and Dolley
Madison, who was quite politically astute. Others like Martha Washington
were not only less active politically, but also avoided the public eye.
Whereas spouses such as Dolley Madison attracted and celebrated it.
Martha Jefferson died years prior to her husband's presidency and
little is known about her or their relationship.
While Martha Washington and Abigail Adams were intensely private
individuals, they were, however, greatly admired, widely known, and were
competent, respected hosts. Dolley Madison remains as one of the most
popular and successful first ladies. She was known as a charming,
capable host, one whose presence in and around the capitol was felt for
many years.
Absent Spouses: Idled by Illness and Death (1817-1869)
1817-1825 Elizabeth Kortright Monroe
1825-1829 Louisa Catherine Johnson Adams
1829-1837(*) Rachel Donelson Jackson (deceased)
Emily Donelson (Rachel's Donelson Jackson's niece)
Sarah Yorke Jackson (wife of adopted son Andrew)
1837-1841(*) Hannah Hoes Van Buren (deceased)
Angelica Singleton Van Buren (daughter-in-law)
1841(*) Anna Tuthill Symmes Harrison (too ill to move to
Capitol from Ohio home)
Jane Irwin Harrison (widow of Harrison's son)
1841-1845(*) Letitia Christian Tyler (invalid, White House day
spent in seclusion, dies 1842)
Priscilla Cooper Tyler (daughter-in-law)
Julia Gardiner Tyler (marries John Tyler in 1944)
1845-1849 Sarah Childress Polk
1849-1850(*) Margaret "Peggy" Mackall Smith Taylor (semi-invalid)
Betty Taylor Bliss (daughter)
1850-1853(*) Abigail Powers Fillmore (poor health)
Mary "Abby" Abigail Fillmore (daughter)
1853-1857(*) Jane Means Appleton Pierce (in mourning/death of son)
Abigail Kent Means (Aunt and friend of Jane Pierce)
1857-1861 Harriet Lane (Buchanan's niece)
1861-1865 Mary Todd Lincoln
1865-1869(*) Eliza McCardle Johnson (poor health)
Martha Johnson Patterson (daughter)
(*) Indicates when the first lady was unable to serve.
The first ladies of this period were, as a group, less influential
and less active both politically and in terms of social hostessing. The
roles and responsibilities of the first lady during this period were not
expanded and the institution was much less visible. This appears to
parallel the status of the presidency. The first ladies themselves were
art of the reason for this inactivity, in that they tended to be of a
different temperament and had different approaches to their offices than
later, more active first ladies.
Another reason for this inactivity is implied in the name given to
this second period. Many of the first ladies were in poor health during
their years in the White House, which limited their activity. Others
died prior to their husbands' presidencies and substitutes,
typically young female relatives, served as "lady of the White
House" or "mistress" in their place. For example, Rachel
Jackson and Hannah Van Buren died prior to their husbands'
presidencies. Letitia Tyler had a stroke prior to the Tyler presidency
and she was too ill to fulfill her expected duties before dying only a
year into her husband's term. Several of the first ladies of this
period including Elizabeth Monroe, Margaret Taylor, Abigail Fillmore,
and Eliza Johnson were rather active and influential partners in their
marriages(29) but spent part of their White House days limited by
serious illness. Anna Harrison never even made it to the capital city,
as she was too sick to accompany her husband to his inaugural. He died
before she fully recovered. During and just prior to their White House
years, both Mary Todd Lincoln and Jane Pierce experienced the loss of
several loved ones very close to them and spent time in mourning. This
was more troubling for Jane Pierce, who was so distraught that she
rarely even made public appearances.
The exceptions of the period include Sarah Polk and Harriet Lane.
Both enjoyed good health and were active while in the White House. Polk
was also atypical in that she was an active, political presence in her
husband's career and public life.
Transitional Spouses: Unfulfilled Possibilities (1869-1909)
1869-1877 Julia Dent Grant
1877-1881 Lucy Ware Webb Hayes
1881 Lucretia Rudolph Garfield
1881-1885(*) Ellen Lewis Herndon Arthur (deceased)
Mary Arthur McElroy (Arthur's younger sister)
1885-1886 Pose Elizabeth Cleveland (bachelor Cleveland's
sister)
1886-1889 Frances Folsom Cleveland (married Grover
Cleveland in 1886)
1889-1893(*) Caroline Lavinia Scott Harrison (dies in 1892)
Mary Harrison McKee (daughter)
1893-1897 Frances Folsom Cleveland
1897-1901 Ida Saxton McKinley
1901-1909 Edith Kermit Carow Roosevelt
(*) Indicates when the first lady was unable to serve.
The "Transitional Spouses" were generally well educated
for their time and many were intellectually and socially gifted women.
They held out the promise of a new age and of a new woman in the White
House and for American society. However, while they were generally more
active and influential than their predecessors in the second historical
period, this promise was not to be fulfilled in terms of asserting their
own identities, forging new facets of the institution of first lady, and
contributing to the presidency. The first ladies of this period fell
short of their potential. For example, Lucy Hayes was an intelligent,
college educated woman who had even written essays in college supportive
of women's liberation. However, as first lady she attempted and
contributed little and was discouraged from activism by her husband.
Lucretia Garfield was well read and was an influence on her
husband's life, but as first lady she was limited by poor health.
The first ladies of this period were, however, generally a well
liked, capable, and intelligent group. Considering the less than
spectacular presidents of this era, it would seem that, as a group, the
women of the White House were more competent in their respectful tasks
than the men of the White House. They were also more visible and active
than their predecessors.
Aspiring Spouses: Developing New Roles (1909-1945)
1909-1913 Helen Herron Taft
1913-1921(*) Ellen Louise Axson Wilson (dies in 1914)
Margaret Wilson (daughter)
Edith Bolling Galt Wilson (marries Woodrow in 1915)
1921-1923 Florence Kling Harding
1923-1929 Grace Anna Goddhue Coolidge
1929-1933 Lou Henry Hoover
1933-1945 Anna Eleanor Roosevelt
(*) Indicates when the first lady was unable to serve.
The first ladies of the early twentieth century forged new roles
for the institution.(30) The foundation for the modern first lady as an
active presidential partner was set during this period. For example,
Helen Taft and Florence Harding were highly ambitious, determined, and
liberated women and were significant factors behind their husbands'
careers. Both of them were also active as campaigners, speech writers,
and advisers. Edith Wilson functioned with an unprecedented amount of
power for the president during the many months of his dehabilitating
stroke. A Stanford geology graduate, Lou Hoover travelled around the
world with her husband, translating for him, contributing to a textbook
he wrote, and serving in all capacities as his adviser and partner.
This is also the period of Eleanor Roosevelt, still the standard
by which all first ladies are measured. Eleanor's political and
social activism, independence, public speaking, and writing career are
without equal. Her White House years did more to change the institution
of first lady than perhaps any other single person, event, or historical
period.(31) The sole exception to this period is Grace Coolidge, who
despite her social skills, appears to have been severely limited in her
public life and functions by her stodgy and overly prudent husband.
Supportive Spouses: Model Wives in the Public Era (1945-1974)
1945-1953 Elizabeth "Bess" Virginia Wallace Truman
1953-1961 Mamie Geneva Doud Eisenhower
1961-1963 Jacqueline Lee Bouvier Kennedy
1963-1969 Claudia Taylor "Lady Bird" Johnson
1969-1974 Patricia Ryan Nixon
In the post-Eleanor Roosevelt era, despite the precedents
established and opportunities present for ambitious first ladies, this
period appears to be defined by tradition and convention. Also, the
first ladies of this period approached the White House with different
mindsets than their predecessors. For example, Bess Truman and Jackie
Kennedy were extremely private individuals who were not enthusiastic
about the public nature of the job.(32) Pat Nixon and Lady Bird Johnson
were often limited by controlling husbands. Mamie Eisenhower appears not
to have had the social skills, or disposition necessary for the new
partnership dimension of the institution.(33)
With the advent of television and the mass media culture, the
institution became much more public in this time period. As such, the
first ladies became a part of the public element of the modern
presidency and campaigning in America. The first ladies of this period
were the first to experience this new public dimension to the
presidency. The public persona of the first lady during this period
tended to be that of supportive wife. As individuals, they were not as
active or influential as the group serving before or after them, nor did
they define themselves as individuals to the extent of other groups.
Lady Bird Johnson, however, did achieve notoriety and success with her
beautification and conservation initiatives and, as an active partner,
she is the exception to this period.
Modern Spouses: Public Presidential Partners (1974-present)
1974-1976 Elizabeth Bloomer Ford
1976-1981 Rosalynn Smith Carter
1981-1989 Nancy Davis Reagan
1989-1993 Barbara Pierce Bush
1993- Hillary Rodham Clinton
The modern first lady has emerged as an active and public partner
of the president. Her influence is felt not only in the president's
personal and social life, but in his public life and political career as
well. The first lady has become a highly visible and influential force
in the White House. While the first lady has certainly not achieved what
could be seen as co-equal status as a partner--at least in the
public's eye--she often functions much as an "associate
president.'" This is the period of Rosalynn Carter and Hillary
Clinton, first ladies who attend cabinet meetings, head policy task
forces, and have offices near to the action of government.
Modern first ladies are expected to have an interest in politics
and the presidency. They are expected to campaign and to advocate or
champion social causes and adopt their own pet project. It is becoming
the rule and not the exception that the first lady has surpassed the
vice president and even the most senior advisers and cabinet secretaries
in terms of visibility and perhaps even power and influence both in and
out of the White House.(34)
Political Activism of Presidential Spouses
Pet Projects. Recent first ladies have been expected to champion a
pet project. Although some of these projects are socially oriented and
purposely selected to be safe politically, they are nevertheless
important and influential national crusades.(35) These projects provide
a voice nationally for important issues and have been used as an
instrument of positive media and public relations for the White
House.(36) Examples of such projects include Nancy Reagan's
"Just say no" anti-drug campaign and Barbara Bush's work
on behalf of literacy.
Substantive Policy Issues. A few first ladies have chaired task
forces or commissions, traveled or spoken on behalf of the president,
and were responsible for developing public policy. Ellen Wilson's
urban housing bill, Rosalynn Carter's leadership on mental health,
and Hillary Clinton's health care reform proposals are a few
examples. Eleanor Roosevelt served in a formal capacity for the
president in many areas from her appointed position in civil defense to
prison and hospital reform to civil rights initiatives.
Such activism in substantive policy issues has, at times, resulted
in the office serving as something of a political lightning rod.
However, the first lady has, at other times, served as a key player in
the policy process.
Political Support. Several first ladies have demonstrated an
impressive grasp of things political and functioned as the
president's most trusted political confidante. Others were assets
on the campaign trail and with public opinion. Jackie Kennedy and
Barbara Bush, for example, were very popular first ladies, whose
popularity possibly boosted the president's own popularity. While
many presidents relied on the political advice of their wives, it
appears that first ladies such as Abigail Adams, Helen Taft, Florence
Harding, Eleanor Roosevelt, Rosalynn Carter, and Hillary Clinton were
full political partners, who appeared to function as their
husband's most trusted adviser on major political decisions.
Ceremonial and Social Functions. Due to the public visibility and
nature of many of the ceremonial and hosting tasks the first lady
performs, these functions assume a highly political dimension.(37) Many
of the ceremonies are in fact political events and affairs of the state
such as receptions for foreign dignitaries and political VIPs. In the
modern, televised age, many of these functions are watched or followed
by a large audience of voters. Among the first ladies who were
successful hosts from a political perspective include Julia Grant, who
received many celebrities, the politically savy Dolley Madison, and
Jackie Kennedy, whose events brought arts and culture to the White
House.
Influence of Presidential Spouses
Political Influence. The political sphere of influence encompasses
the more formal activities of politics such as speech writing and
editing, policy advising and advocacy, lobbying, selecting or endorsing
presidential appointments, and campaigning. Here, it is important to
distinguish between influence and power. The first ladies'
influence is through these formal political activities and can be on the
president, presidential staff, or on the public. Several first ladies
appear to have been highly influential forces in the politics and policy
decisions of the White House including Sarah Polk, Helen Taft, Florence
Harding, Eleanor Roosevelt, Rosalynn Carter, and Hillary Clinton.
"Pillow" Influence. This apolitical and Informal sphere
of influence, on the other hand, includes behind-the-scenes influence
that might come simply from being the president's partner, lover,
and confidante.(38) Here, the home and family life, social interests,
and moral beliefs of the first ladies have influenced the president.(39)
This type of influence probably cannot be measured but should not be
ignored by scholars studying the presidential spouses or the presidency.
Some of the first ladies who were especially influential in the
president's life as full partners include Abigail Adams, Dolley
Madison, Hannah Van Buren, Sarah Polk, Abigail Fillmore, Eliza Johnson,
Lucretia Garfield, Ellen Arthur, Ida McKinley, Edith Roosevelt, Helen
Taft, Florence Harding, Lou Hoover, Eleanor Roosevelt, Bess Truman,
Rosalynn Carter, Nancy Reagan, and Hillary Clinton.
Public Influence. Many first ladies have been among the most well
known and popular Americans of their time.(40) The first lady is a
highly public institution, one that possibly both reflects and shapes
societal attitudes toward women.(41) First ladies, in their formal
capacity, have hosted foreign dignitaries and entertained visitors to
the White House, campaigned for their husbands and for causes they
support, they have traveled around the nation and world, and they have
written or spoken to large audiences of people. As such, the institution
has the potential to shape public opinion on many issues, politics, and
the presidency. Some of the most well known and influential first ladies
in American public life--possibly the best known women of their day and
age--include Martha Washington, Dolley Madison, Elizabeth Monroe, Mary
Todd Lincoln, Julia Grant, Frances Cleveland, Edith Roosevelt, Edith Wilson, Lou Hoover, Eleanor Roosevelt, Jackie Kennedy, Lady Bird
Johnson, Betty Ford, Nancy Reagan, and Hillary Clinton.
The Future of Presidential Spouse Scholarship
The future of scholarship on the president's spouse looks
promising. After the expanded interest in the first ladies in the 1980s
and the increased availability of White House social files and the first
ladies' personal papers in presidential libraries, the field of
study has moved slightly closer to gaining acceptance and credibility in
the academic community generally and, more specifically, among
presidential historians and political scientists.(42) However, the field
still suffers from a lack of formalization. What is needed is the
development of theories and models to permit: (1) a more systematic
approach to the study of the first lady; (2) a better understanding of
the institution, roles, political contributions, and public expectations
of the first lady; and (3) the incorporation of first lady studies into
the mainstream field of presidential scholarship.
Comparative studies of the international experience with spouses
of political leaders would yield a greater understanding of how
different cultures treat the spouses of their leaders and powerful or
public women. Comparative studies of the different historical
experiences of first ladies would provide insights into the evolution of
the status of women in different times and eras. The role and place of
political spouses in general will benefit from the formalization of the
study of the first lady. Moreover, a greater appreciation of the
challenges faced by first ladies and their numerous contributions to
their husbands' careers, the institution of the presidency, and the
country will result from the formal, systematic study of America's
first ladies. As such, a more accurate assessment of the institution of
the presidency and the history of women in America will emerge.
Notes
(1.) Allida M. Black, Casting Her Own Shadow: Eleanor Roosevelt and
the Shaping of Postwar Liberalism (New York: Columbia University Press,
1996); Gil Troy, Affairs of State: The Rise and Rejection of the
Presidential Couple Since World War II (New York: The Free Press, 1997).
(2.) R. Gordon Hoxie, "About this Issue," Presidential
Studies Quarterly 20, no. 4 (Fall 1990): 672-5.
(3.) Alice E. Anderson and Hadley V. Baxendale, Behind Every
Successful President: The Hidden Power and Influence of America's
First Ladies (New York: Shapolsky Publishers, 1992); Carl Sferrazza
Anthony, "First Ladies, Third Degree: Hillary Clinton's
Predecessors in the Hot Seat," Washington Post, March 24, 1994, C1,
C8; Betty Boyd Caroli, First Ladies (New York: Oxford University Press,
1987); Lewis L. Gould, American First Ladies: Their Lives and Legacies
(New York: Garland Press, 1996); Lewis L. Gould, "Modern First
Ladies and the Presidency," Presidential Studies Quarterly 20, no.
4 (Fall 1990): 677-83; Lewis L. Gould, "First Ladies," The
American Scholar 55 (Autumn 1986): 528-35; Myra G. Gutin, The
President's Partner: The First Lady in The Twentieth Century (New
York: Greenwood Press, 1989); Edith Mayo, "The Influence and Power
of First Ladies," Chronicle of Higher Education, September 15,
1993, A52; Troy, Affairs of State.
(4.) Carl Sferrazza Anthony, "Skirting the Issue: First Ladies
and African Americans," American Visions 7 (1992): 28-32; Gould,
American First Ladies; Mary C. Ryan and Nancy Kegan Smith, Modern First
Ladies: Their Documentary Legacy (Washington, D.C.: National Archives Records Administration, 1989); Betty Houchin Winfield, "Madame
President: Understanding a New Kind of First Lady," Media Studies
Journal 8 (1994): 59-71.
(5.) Bernard A. Weisberger, "Petticoat Government: First Ladies
Have Been Under Fire Ever Since Albert Gallatin Called Abigail Adams,
"Mrs. President," American Heritage 44 (1993): 18-20.
(6.) Ryan and Smith, Modern First Ladies.
(7.) Troy, Affairs of State.
(8.) Winfield, "Madame President," pp. 59-71.
(9.) Troy, Affairs of State.
(10.) Gould, American First Ladies; Gould, "Modern First
Ladies," pp. 677-83; Troy, Affairs of State.
(11.) Carl Sferrazza Anthony, First Ladies: The Saga of the
President's Wives and their Power, 1789-1961 (New York: William
Morrow, 1990); Caroli, First Ladies; Hoxie, "About this
Issue," pp. 672-3; "Public Portraits of First Ladies,"
Public Opinion (March-April 1989): 37-9. Troy, Affairs of State.
(12.) Caroli, First Ladies; Gould, "First Ladies," pp.
528-35; Winfield, "Madame President," pp. 59-71.
(13.) Carl Sferrazza Anthony, "First Ladylike, After All:
Hillary's Merely the Latest in a Long Line of Partners Who Pitch
in," Washington Post, January 31, 1993, Fl; Mayo, "Influence
and Power of First Ladies," p. A52; Winfield, "Madame
President," pp. 59-71.
(14.) Caroli, First Ladies; Gould, American First Ladies; Gould,
"Modern First Ladies," pp. 677-83; Mayo, "Influence and
Power of First Ladies," p. A52.
(15.) Anthony, First Ladies; Gould, American First Ladies; Gould,
"Modern First Ladies," pp. 677-83; Hoxie, "About this
Issue," pp. 672-5; Mayo, "Influence and Power of First
Ladies," p. A52.
(16.) Gould, "Modern First Ladies," pp. 677-83.
(17.) Paul F. Boller, Jr., Presidential Wives: An Anecdotal History
(New York: Oxford University Press, 1988).
(18.) See James David Barber, Presidential Character: Predicting
Performance in the White House (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall,
1992).
(19.) See the forthcoming book by Cronin and Genovese titled
Paradoxes of the American Presidency, where the change in the status of
the first lady is reflected by including discussions of the office.
(20.) Gould, American First Ladies; Troy, Affairs of State.
(21.) Carl Sferrazza Anthony, "The First Ladies: They've
Come a Long Way, Martha," Smithsonian 23 (1992): 135-58; Black,
Casting Her Own Shadow; Boller, Presidential Wives.
(22.) Anthony, "The First Ladies," pp. 135-58; Judy Mann,
"A Lesson for First Ladies," Washington Post, March 14, 1994,
138; Judy Mann, "First Ladies for Our Times," Washington Post,
December 11, 1992, E3.
(23.) Caroli, First Ladies; Gould, "Modern First Ladies,"
pp. 677-83; Ryan and Smith, Modern First Ladies.
(24.) Anthony, First Ladies; Mayo, "Influence and Power of First
Ladies," p. A52.
(25.) Weisberger, "Petticoat Government," pp. 18-20.
(26.) Germaine Greer, "Abolish Her: The Feminist Case Against
First Ladies," The New Republic, June 26, 1995: 21-7.
(27.) Gould, American First Ladies; Hoxie, "About this
Issue," pp. 672-75.
(28.) Caroli, First Ladies; Gould, American First Ladies; Margaret
Truman, The First Ladies (New York: Random House, 1996).
(29.) Ibid.
(30.) Anthony, First Ladies; Boller, Presidential Wives; Caroli,
First Ladies; Gould, American First Ladies; Gutin, The President's
Partner; James S. Rosebush, First Lady, Public Wife: A Behind-the-Scenes
History of the Evolving Role of First Ladies in American Political Life
(New York: Madison Books, 1987).
(31.) Black, Casting Her Own Shadow.
(32.) Anthony, First Ladies; Boller, Presidential Wives; Caroli,
First Ladies; Gutin, The President's Partner; Truman, The First
Ladies.
(33.) Caroli, First Ladies; Gutin, The President's Partner.
(34.) Anthony, "The First Ladies," pp. 135-58; A. M.
Rosenthal, "The First Ladyship," The New York Times, March 11,
1994, p. 138; Winfield, "Madame President," pp. 59-71.
(35.) Rosebush, First Lady, Public Wife; Truman, The First Ladies.
(36.) Caroli, First Ladies; Gutin, The President's Partner.
(37.) Rosebush, First Lady, Public Wife.
(38.) Anderson and Baxendale, Behind Every Successful President;
Troy, Affairs of State.
(39.) Truman, The First Ladies.
(40.) "The Women We Admire," Public Opinion (March/April
1989): 40; "First Ladies: The Veterans of America's Second
Toughest Job," Life 9 (July 1986): 107-14.
(41.) Caroli, First Ladies; Mann, "A Lesson For First
Ladies," p. 138; Mann, "First Ladies For Our Times," p.
E3.
(42.) Gould, American First Ladies; Gould, "Modern First
Ladies," p. 675; Hoxie, "About this Issue," pp. 677-83;
Troy, Affairs of State.