Equivalent salaries in five Australian capital cities.
Henman, Paul
Introduction
Over the last decade, the spatial or geographical nature of social
and economic indices has proliferated. More than ever, we are now armed
with knowledge about the areas of socio-economic advantage and
disadvantage. Indeed, research suggests that the fissures of
socio-economic outcomes have become more pronounced. Moreover,
overlaying geographical statistics helps to develop an understanding of
the dynamics reinforcing one's socio-economic position. (1)
While these statistical developments are of considerable academic
interest, the geographical nature of disadvantage has important public
policy implications. For example, the appreciation of the geographical
concentration of poverty has led to a whole gamete of programs focused
on individual communities. This is perhaps most clearly expressed in the
UK's New Deal for Communities (Lawless 2006), but similar
Australian examples exist. Such programs focus on disadvantaged
communities as a way in which to build local human and social capital in
an effort to enhance the prospects of individuals living in those
communities. Another policy response to geographical disadvantage has
been to reform housing support programs to enable disadvantaged families
to re-locate in areas with higher levels of employment. Geographical
disadvantage results from a range of factors, with the geographical
distribution of living costs one such factor that raises a range of
related, but separate policy issues.
Governments have responded to the geographical distribution of
living costs by offering tax deductions for residents in high-cost
areas. In Australia, the Zone Tax Offset provides tax concessions for
people living in remote areas and Remote Area Allowance (Centrelink
2007) is a benefit for income support recipients living in a remote
area. In the UK it is the major metropolitan area that accompanies such
support in the form of a London Allowance paid by employers.
While constant media coverage ensures that we are well versed in
the cities with the highest costs of housing, there is remarkably little
research on the differential living costs in Australian capital cities.
The Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS) does publish a short list of
the differential costs of major grocery items as part of its Consumer
Price Index (CPI) research (ABS Cat. No. 6403.0), but not much else
exists. Internationally, the OECD's Purchasing Power Parity indices
provide a means to make financial comparisons between countries (OECD 2002).
This paper examines the effects of differential costs in five
Australian capital cities to determine the various salaries required in
each city to obtain an equivalent standard of living. It answers the
question, if a household earns $X in Brisbane, what salary is required
to achieve the same standard of living in a different capital city? In
answering this question, this paper considers a range of household
types; from low to high income, and single and couple headed households.
While any city could have been used as the comparator, Brisbane was
chosen as it sits in the middle of the spectrum from most expensive to
cheapest capital city in terms of housing costs.
The paper begins by explaining the method used to answer the above
question. It summarises prior research which has been extended for the
purposes of this study. The next section discusses the results, and is
followed by a brief conclusion which considers the policy implications
of the research.
Method
There has been very little research that calculates equivalent
living standards in Australian capital cities, and none that calculates
equivalent salaries. However, the issues of regional comparisons have
been well discussed in relation to the treatment of housing costs.
Siminski and Saunders (2004) have given extended consideration to these
and other issues relating to regional comparisons, as discussed below.
A central concern for regional comparisons is identifying a way in
which comparisons can be adjusted to account for regional differences
that impact on living standards. There are two elements to this:
regional variations in prices; and regional variations in needs (such as
different energy and clothing requirements resulting from different
climates). The approach used in this study is similar to that used
internationally to generate Purchasing Power Parity indices. This
involves comparing regional prices for an "identical" basket
of goods and services required by households to achieve the same
standard of living. Pricing an identical basket of goods and services in
different locations picks up the first of the two above elements of
regional variations in living standards. Slightly varying the basket for
such things as clothing and energy to take account of climatic
differences ensures that the second element is dealt with. While not
identical baskets, they provide identical living standards.
Such an approach is called the budget standards method. It has
traditionally been used to derive poverty measures, but increasingly
budget standards are calculated for median and even higher living
standards and used for a variety of purposes. The research reported here
builds on the seminal Australian budget standards research for Sydney
households conducted by the Social Policy Centre Research Centre (SRPC)
at the University of New South Wales (Saunders et al 1998) and
subsequently extended to other capital cities by Henman (2001). (2)
The budget standards methodology provides a relatively
straightforward approach for calculating equivalent household
expenditure. Identical budget standards--a specific basket of goods and
services required by a household to meet a particular standard of
living--are costed using local prices in each location (i.e. capital
city) under examination. Various living standards can be defined by
defining baskets to reflect each living standard. One clear advantage of
the budget standards approach is that equivalent living standard levels
are based on costing "identical" basket of goods and services
in different locations. As such, different expenditure levels in
different localities are guaranteed to reflect identical standards of
living. Budget standards are also sensitive to other circumstances and
requirements of different household types, such as the number of adults
and their labour market status, the age and sex of the children, and
housing tenure.
The budget standards approach is also more transparent than those
that use complex mathematical models derived from expenditure survey
data. This is because new living standard levels can be constructed by
adding or subtracting items from the basket (or altering their quantity
and quality) and re-costing the basket. A key constraint of budget
standards is access to appropriate data on relative prices of goods and
services. (3)
The budget standard methodology is, however, not readily suited for
estimating expenditures required to achieve high and very high living
standards. This is because high living standards have high levels of
discretionary income, which in turn generate a great variety in the way
households choose to spend and save this income. As a result of this
variability at high living standards, it becomes problematic to define a
specific basket of goods and services at these 'affluent'
levels. (4) When equivalent living standards at high living standard
levels are required, the budget standards methodology is best combined
with behavioural data that provides average estimates of expenditure for
high-income households. This hybrid approach is adopted in this paper
for calculating a 'luxury' standard of living. A further
weakness of the budget standards approach is that the estimates
technically relate to quite specific household types and cannot be
immediately generalised to a range of households. However, this weakness
has minimal impact in this study.
It is worth observing that Henman (2001) derived separate capital
city budget standards from the Sydney ones by taking account of regional
differences in prices using relativities in child care costs from
government administrative data, housing costs from Real Estate Institute
data and ABS pricing data for other items. In addition, the energy
budgets were adjusted to take account of regional differences in energy
needs.
In generating regional budget standards the difficulty in adjusting
housing costs must be acknowledged. The central issue is that identical
dwellings in different locations to not provide identical living
standards, what Castles (1997) calls "comparison resistant
goods". This is due to the different locational benefits of
different locations. It is typically held that differences in housing
costs reflect different consumption benefits associated with each
location. For example, higher housing prices in Sydney is interpreted as
reflecting better quality dwellings and communities, and better access
to public and private infrastructure and services, including transport,
retail, employment (and their wage levels), climate and leisure. Such
locational advantages and disadvantages are extremely hard to measure,
with competing elements and a great level of subjectivity. One person
may think medium density a plus, but another would regard it a minus. A
study by the Department of Social Security found that after taking
account of a range of dwelling type and locational advantage
characteristics--including age of dwelling, socio-economic status of
area--there remained considerable differences in median rents between
capital cities (1996: Figure 5.4). Due to the locational benefits
perspective, regional comparisons of living standards have typically
removed housing costs from consideration, as is done in calculating
Purchasing Power Parity.
Apart from locational benefits, the economic model allows for
another driver of price--demand relative to supply. Price inflation
increases when demand outstrips supply. While some aspects of demand
certainly relate to perceived locational advantage, others relate to
other factors such as relative advantages of investment in housing
versus shares or other forms of investments (5), insufficient release of
land for housing developments, increased immigration and internal
migration. Moreoever, given that housing is not mobile, the propensity
of people to live within a fixed geographical location means that
housing markets do not operate like other goods. In short, while
locational advantages may effect housing prices, price differentials are
also importantly influenced by demand/ supply pressures.
To reinforce this message, consider the high relative housing costs
of Sydney. In early 2007, Sydney's median house price was the
highest in the country, some 36 per cent greater than Melbourne and 50
per cent greater than Brisbane (REIA 2007). While ABS does not publish
average weekly earnings for capital cities, the differentials in wages
relative to New South Wales in the same time period was a much smaller 6
and 15 per cent respectively. According to the locational advantage
thesis, there must be some other very big advantages in Sydney.
Moreover, Sydney's dwellings are, on average smaller in housing and
allotment size, than Brisbane. Melbourne arguably has better public
transport than Sydney, which is better than Brisbane's. The climate
is undoubtedly best in Brisbane. On these important indictors, there is
no clear advantage of Sydney justifying the significant price disparity.
Siminski and Saunders (2004) argue that housing costs involve three
components: consumption of dwelling; consumption of locational goods;
and locational wages. Ideally, the contribution of each of these
components should be considered when making regional comparisons. Due to
data limitations this is not possible, but they conclude that housing
costs should be given greater consideration in regional analyses.
Following Siminski and Saunders (2004) this paper takes the view that
housing price differentials are reflective of costs of living
differentials, although it is acknowledged that some of the differential
is also due to locational benefits (and hence we are not treating like
with like). Thus, the final results should be interpreted with this
rejoinder in mind.
Equivalent salaries were calculated from Henman's (2001)
regional budget standards in a step-wise fashion, as follows. First,
up-to-date budget standards at five different levels, and for various
household types were calculated for Brisbane, Sydney, Melbourne,
Adelaide and Perth. Previous budget standards from Henman (2001; 2007a)
were updated using Australian Bureau of Statistics (ABS Cat. No.
6455.0.55.001) data on changes in prices, specifically the CPI detailed
items for each capital city. The ten budget standards
components--housing, energy, food, clothing, household goods and
services, child care, leisure, transport, health and personal care--were
updated using the most compatible sub-components of the CPI. (6) Thus,
the food and childcare components for the Brisbane budget standard were
updated from Henman (2001) using the food and childcare sub-components
of the ABS CPI.
Housing costs--which account for 41 per cent of total household
costs on average-contribute the greatest variation in budget standards
between capital cities. Child care, which ranges from 0 to 23 per cent
of total household costs, is also a large contributor to locational
variation. Food costs, on average 18 per cent of the household budget,
is the third largest factor contributing to regional price variations.
The five different living standard levels used in this study were
derived from the original two living standards developed by the SPRC; a
"low cost" representing low-income households and a
'modest but adequate' standard representing middle Australia.
Using the budget standards from Henman (2001), a "low cost+"
living standard was derived by assuming the low cost household was
purchasing their own home at the first quintile price in the outer ring
of their city, rather than in private rental. The "modest but
adequate" living standard was altered by allocating a slightly
larger dwelling for households than that specified by Saunders er al
(1998). A distinction between "modest but adequate" and
"modest but adequate+" was derived whereby the former was in
private rental and the latter a purchaser.
Due to the difficulties in constructing budget standards for high
living standard levels, a "luxury" standard was created with
the aid of behavioural data. Specifically, the ten different components
of the 'modest but adequate+' budget standards (eg. energy,
food, clothing) were adjusted according to the relativities of these
expenditure components between the middle and top quintile households
from the Household Expenditure Survey 2003-04 (ABS 2007). The
behavioural data took into account different household types. (7)
Table 1 specifies the 34 different household types for which budget
standards were calculated. These households are varied by living
standard level, household tenure and labour market status.
Three different approaches were taken to measuring housing costs to
assess the sensitivity of housing costs to overall outcomes. One method
was to assume private rental at current entry level rents (the Low Cost
and Modest But Adequate columns in Table 1). A second approach was to
assume home purchasers, but at two different time periods. Either
purchasing a house in the current quarter or 10-15 years previously in
the March quarter 1993. Mortgage repayments were based on current
variable interest rates for 85% of the dwelling purchase price.
In order to track the differential between capital cities over
time, budget standards were calculated for three different points in
time: March quarter 2003; September quarter 2005; and September quarter
2006 (available from the author).
Having identified equivalent expenditure levels using these budget
standards, the expenditure differentials between Brisbane and other
cities were modelled. Multiple regressions were used to derive an
equivalence function using the five points of equivalent expenditure in
capital cities. A log-linear regression equation was used according to
the following formula. (8)
[E.sub.s] = a [E.sub.B] + b ln([E.sub.B]) + c L + d H + e (1)
where the input variables are:
* Brisbane expenditure ([E.sub.B]);
* Housing type (H) (0 = private renter; 1 = owner occupier);
* Labour market status of second adult (L) (0 = not in the labour
force; 1 = employed full-time);
* Equivalent other city expenditure ([E.sub.S], [E.sub.A],
[E.sub.M] [E.sub.P]).
Having derived equivalence expenditure equations--whereby given an
expenditure level in Brisbane the expenditure required in another city
to obtain the same living standard--equivalent expenditure were
translated into gross income points using an Excel-based tax-benefits
model developed by the author. (9) With a given private income in
Brisbane, this tax-benefits model calculated a household's
disposable income, which was then taken as the expenditure level
inserted into the equivalent expenditure functions. The resulting
equivalent expenditure in a different capital city was then converted
into a household's private income (ie before tax and benefits)
using the tax-benefit calculator in reverse.
Findings
For the March quarter 2003, equivalent salaries in other cities
were calculated for Brisbane households with salaries of $35,000,
$50,000, $75,000 and $100,000 and for five different household
characteristics (single adult; couple adult; couple with one child;
couple with two children; sole parent with two children). For each
household type, variations in housing tenure (private rental or
purchasing) and in labour force status of the second adult were also
calculated (see e.g. Table 2). In households with more than one working
adult, a range of household incomes was used derived by combining
salaries from the above levels to take account of the impact of the
labour force status of the second adult (and thus associated child care
costs) and the consequent tax-social security policy mix. Wage
relativities between husband and wife were maintained to estimate
relative wages in other cities. Incomes for the later two time periods
were inflated by the seasonally adjusted wage price index (ABS Cat. No.
6345.0).
Table 2 presents the results of these calculations for the couple
with no child household types for September quarter 2006. (10) The
averages for Tables 3 to 5 have been obtained by using a simple mean of
the different household types. These statistics therefore are averages
of the range of household types defined by the budget standards and are
not measures of disparities relating to the Australian population. Table
2 illustrates the range of household private income levels for which
equivalent salaries were calculated. The Table should be read across
each row. Thus, for example, the Table demonstrates that the equivalent
salaries for the Brisbane private renter couple with no children having
salaries of $58,000 per annum and $29,000 per annum are: $62,700 and
$31,300 in Sydney; $59,800 and $29,900 in Melbourne; $52,700 and $26,300
in Adelaide; and $60,100 and $30,100 in Perth.
The overall results across all household types indicate that in the
September quarter 2006, equivalent salaries relative to Brisbane are
higher in Sydney, mostly higher in Melbourne (although to a lesser
extent), almost always lower in Adelaide, and sometimes lower and
sometimes higher in Perth.
The results also show that equivalent salaries between Australian
capital cities can vary considerably in dollar amounts. As expected, as
salaries in Brisbane increases, the variation generally increases. As a
result, for some household types, earning at least $100,000 in Brisbane
requires an extra 50 per cent more private income in Sydney to achieve
the same standard of living. This is a result of two main factors: the
greater housing costs in Sydney, particularly for mortgagees; and the
high marginal taxation rates for high-income earners (45% income tax;
1.5% Medicare Levy; 1% Medicare Surcharge). (11) As a result of these
factors, differences in expenditure are almost doubled in terms of the
salary required to service that expenditure. For example, consider the
case of the purchaser couple without children, when one adult is earning
$116,000 and the other has no income (see Table 2). In Brisbane, this
equates to an expenditure of approximately $73,500 per year, with an
equivalent expenditure in Sydney of approximately $98,000 per year; an
increase of about $24,500. The Sydney salary required to achieve this
expenditure is found to be about $165,000, or $39,000 more than the
Brisbane salary, representing a 42 per cent increase. These considerable
variations are mainly evident for high-income households and only in
Sydney.
Percentages differences provide a clearer picture of the
differences between capital cities and how they vary. Summarising the
findings, we examine the differences in equivalent salaries first
according to household type, then to income level and finally to
dwelling type.
Table 3 provides the range and mean of relativities between
Brisbane and other capital cities for different household types for
September quarter 2006. The Table reinforces the previous observation
about the higher costs in Sydney. The bottom row of the Table shows that
compared with Brisbane an average increased private income of 24 percent
is required for households living in Sydney, an average increase of 7
percent in Melbourne, an average increase of 4 percent in Perth, and
incomes in Adelaide are required to be on average 7 percent less than
Brisbane. Table 3 also indicates that at times salaries in Adelaide need
to be close to half that of Brisbane salaries to obtain the same living
standard. This occurs when the Adelaide households can supplement
private income with social security benefits, as in the case in the
shaded cell in Table 2. Looking down the columns of Table 3, it appears
that the larger the household size, the larger the variation between
Brisbane and another capital city. This could be partly related to the
greater average income for a larger family--given government
benefits--than for smaller families.
Table 4 reports both the range and the mean variation in equivalent
salaries, relative to Brisbane, for households of different private
income levels for September quarter 2006. For example, the Table
indicates that households with a total private household income of
$58,000 in Brisbane require between a 1 percent and a 42 percent
increase in salaries in Sydney (with an average increase of 21 percent)
to achieve the same standard of living. The variation results from
varying the household type. In contrast, an average increase of 8
percent is required at this income level in Melbourne and a 2 percent
and a 7 percent decline is, on average, required in Perth and Adelaide
respectively to maintain the same standard of living.
Table 4 also suggests that as total household income rises, the
increased equivalent household income in Sydney is relatively stable,
whereas the disparity between Brisbane and Adelaide and Melbourne
declines. In contrast, disparity between Brisbane and Perth households
appears to increase with household income.
Table 5 provides the breakdown in relativities according to
dwelling type. It shows that the dwelling type and when a house was
purchased can make a significant difference to the relativities between
cities. For example, in September quarter 2006, privately renting in
Sydney requires an average increased salary of 15 percent relative to
Brisbane, which is identical to the 15 percent increased salary required
for those who purchased a dwelling in March quarter 1993, whereas
purchasing in September quarter 2006 requires a massive 41 percent
increase in salary to maintain the same standard of living. As this
example illustrates, the greatest disparities between Brisbane and other
capital cities are for recent home purchasers. (The Adelaide rental
market is the exception.) However, care should be taken when
interpreting this fact. This outcome is not because recent mortgages are
larger than private rents, but reflects the growth in the disparities
between cities in mortgage/purchase prices.
This brings the discussion to the final point of analysis. How have
these relativities changed over time? The discussion thus far has
considered the analysis for the September quarter 2006. How do the
findings at this point in time compare with earlier time periods? As
indicated earlier, this exercise was also undertaken for two earlier
periods: September quarter 2005 and March quarter 2003. Figure 1
provides a graphical summary of the change in average relativities
between Brisbane and other capital cities across all household types and
living standards in early 2003, late 2005 and late 2006.
It can be seen from Figure 1 that the average differential between
Brisbane and Sydney remained reasonably constant at about 40 percent
from early 2003 to late 2005, but in the year from late 2005 to late
2006 that differential significantly dropped to 27 percent. (12) In the
same three and half year period, the relativities between Brisbane and
Melbourne have also declined somewhat--from 15 to 7 percent. However the
narrowing of the differential occurred in the period 2003 to 2005,
instead of the later period for Sydney. In contrast, the equivalent
salary differential between Brisbane and Adelaide has remained
remarkably constant at 7 percent less than Brisbane. Moving in the
opposite direction is the differential between Brisbane and Perth. From
2003, when Perth was similar to Adelaide, Perth became more like
Brisbane, and in 2006 overtook Brisbane in incomes required to achieve
the same standard of living.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
Clearly shifts in housing costs are a major explanation for the
relativities and changes in relativities. Indeed, since September 2006
and December 2007, median house prices in Sydney relative to Brisbane
have dramatically declined from 58% to 34%. (13) However, childcare
costs can also contribute to differential costs. Calculations undertaken
by the author suggest that Sydney childcare costs are amongst the
cheapest of the cities considered in this report, whereas Melbourne is
the most expensive. (14) Food costs are also a significant component of
household budgets, and this most expensive in Sydney.
Discussion
For commentators and scholars watching real estate movements, the
differentials between cities would not come as a surprise. No doubt, the
differences in housing costs--and thus the salaries required to attain a
similar standard of living--result from a number of regional factors,
including economic growth levels, population growth and the supply of
land. The question that I wish to briefly consider is what should be the
public policy response to these differentials, if any.
As noted at the beginning of this paper, Australia's public
policy setting largely does not differentiate on the basis of location.
Clearly we have differences between States in their policies and
differences occur in local governments by charging rates on the basis of
land value. The benefits and taxation systems include a Remote Area
Allowance and a Zone Tax Offset, but no distinctions in costs are made
between cities. Research showing the differential costs of households
living in different parts of Australia raises the question as to whether
to introduce more targeted policies to enhance equity, particularly for
lower income households.
If it costs more to live in Sydney and less in Adelaide, then it
would seem to follow that policy could be smarter in addressing these
differentials. For example, instead of the current nation-wide Rent
Assistance policy, a regionally-based Rent Assistance for low income
families could be introduced. This could also be seen to encourage and
enable the unemployed to move towards areas of high job growth, and away
from low-cost, low-employment areas and would be consistent with the
Federal government's welfare to work agenda. Another response would
be to introduce tax allowances for high cost areas, or for employers to
offer loadings for living in the more expensive areas.
Such policy responses are not without difficulties. Increasing
incomes (by employer loadings or government benefits) may only have the
effect of increasing the differential. If people were encouraged to go
to high cost areas, this would generate more demand, and potentially
increase housing, child care and other localised costs. Indeed, it is
worth noting that Canberra currently has one of the highest housing and
childcare costs, arguably driven up by one of the highest average
salaries in a supply-restricted market. The flip side is that
encouraging people to move away from low-cost areas may actually
(further) undermine the local economy of that area. The case of Tasmania
is a case in point. Rather, if areas of low cost reflect lower economic
outcomes, then higher relative wages may be a strategy to encourage
population growth and hopefully economic growth.
Another problem with regionally-targeted benefits to counter
geographical variation in prices is one of perception. Whilst such
policies are aimed at enhancing equity, the public may well view giving
benefits or tax breaks to people in high-cost areas as unfair, because
policy treats people differently (cf Henman 2005).
A final problem with a public policy response to geographical price
differences is that the differential identified between cities may
reflect locational benefits not measured in research. For example,
compared to Brisbane, residents in Sydney are closer to beaches, better
restaurants and other niche services, and arguably may have better
public transport. These factors are not included in the above
comparisons, and may explain why people are prepared to pay more for
housing, child care and so on in Sydney. Of course, there are also other
unmeasured benefits in Brisbane, over Sydney, such as reduced pollution
and traffic congestion, lovely weather and a relaxed lifestyle.
The above comments clearly demonstrate that any public policy
responses to differential costs are problematic. That is not to say that
nothing can or should be done, but that policy needs careful political,
technical and social consideration.
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(1) Examples of Australian geographical socio-economic research
abound. For example, see Gregory and Hunter (1996) as an important early
contribution, Bray (2001) in the government literature, Vinson (2004) as
an important recent study, Swan (2005) in the popular political
literature, and almost any article in the journal People and Place.
(2) Saunders {1998) provided an earlier and much limited derivation the capital city budget standards.
(3) Another constraint is information about relative quality. See
the later discussion on housing.
(4) See Saunders et al (1998, 628-631) for a discussion of these
issues and Saunders et al (2004) for the creation of a higher
"comfortably affluent but sustainable' living standard for
retirees.
(5) In this respect, it is notable that several public policy
changes, especially the halving of capital gains tax, has contributed to
the growth in housing demand in the period from 2000.
(6) Saunders et al (1998) cautioned against updating the Australian
budget standards beyond 5 to 7 years solely on prices and without a
review of the content of the basket of goods and services. Ideally, such
an update should be done. However, while updating a basket's
contents would change the cost of a household budget standard, the
relativities between cities would not significantly change.
(7) The specially constructed data set from the HES 2003-04
involved three different household types each with reference adult of
age less than 65: single adult households; couple only households; and
couple with dependent children households. Each of these three
populations were segmented into quintiles according to household income
(not expenditure). The average expenditure for different expenditure
categories was calculated for the households in each quintile. Budget
standards for high income sole parents were based on the couple with
children relativities.
(8) Straight linear regression and quadratics were also considered,
but it was found that the log-linear equation produced the most accurate
approximation to the expenditure points, particularly at lower
expenditures where small errors have greater significance.
(9) The tax-benefits model was designed for single and couple
adult-headed households, with varied number and age of children. An
input of the private income of each adult in the household is used to
calculate the impact of relevant taxation and social security policy for
each of the three time periods examined and the consequent household
disposable income. Policies incorporated into the model were: income
taxation on wages/salaries; Medicare Levy and Medicare Surcharge; Low
Income Rebate; Dependent Spouse Rebate; Family Tax Benefit Parts A and
B; Child Care Benefit; Child Care Rebate (for the September quarter 2006
only); and Income support payments for households with low income,
namely, Parenting Payment (Partnered); Parenting Payment (Single);
Newstart Allowance; Rent Assistance; and Allowance Rebate.
(10) All other calculations can be obtained from Henman (2007b).
(11) For families with children, this marginal tax rate can
increase by a further 30 per cent in the tapering out of Family Tax
Benefit Part A around the vicinity of private household incomes of
$90,000 to $110,000.
(12) Data for 2006 in Figure 1 are slightly different to those
presented in Table 3. This is because the analysis for earlier years did
not contain consideration of a sole parent household. Figure 1 maintains
the same population to ensure comparisons are like with like.
(13) Calculated from data from REIA's Market Facts.
(14) This finding is based on updating government administrative
data on the gross childcare costs from late 1998 (Henman (2001: 17) to
the present using ABS's CPI childcare index for each capital city.
This finding does seem at odds to the government's Child Care
Census which found that the ACT and NSW had the highest costs (FaCS
2005).
Table 1: Budget Standards Household Types
Low Cost Low Cost+ MBA
Private renters Purchasers Private renters
Single adult 2 bed unit; FT 2 bed unit; FT 2 bed unit; FT
Couple no 2 bed unit; FT/ 2 bed unit; FT/ 2 bed unit;
children NILF NILF a) FT/NILF
b) FT/FT
Couple with one 3 bed unit; FT/ 3 bed unit; FT/ 3 bed house;
child NILF NILF a) FT/NILF
b) FT/FT
Couple with two 3 bed house; 3 bed house; 4 bed house;
children FT/NILF FT/NILF a) FT/NILF
b) FT/FT
Sole parent with 3 bed house; 3 bed house; 4 bed house;
two children FT FT FT
MBA+ Luxury
Purchasers Purchasers
Single adult 2 bed unit; FT 2 bed unit; FT
Couple no 2 bed house; 2 bed house;
children a) FT/NILF a) FT/NILF
b) FT/FT b) FT/FT
Couple with one 3 bed house; 3 bed house;
child a) FT/NILF a) FT/NILF
b) FT/FT b) FT/FT
Couple with two 4 bed house; 4 bed house;
children a) FT/NILF a) FT/NILF
b) FT/FT b) FT/FT
Sole parent with 4 bed house; 4 bed house;
two children FT FT
Key: FT-employed full-time; NILF=not in the labour force;
MBA=modest but adequate living standard.
Table 2: Equivalent Salaries and Disposable Incomes--Couple only
households ($'000s/year, rounded to nearest $100)
Brisbane Sydney
Salary1 Salary 2 Disp Inc.* Disp Inc.* Salary 1 Salary 2
Couple--One full-time--Private renter
$40,600 $0 $32,000 $33,900 $43,600 $0
$58,000 $0 $43,100 $45,600 $61,900 $0
$87,000 $0 $60,300 $64,100 $94,200 $0
$116,000 $0 $73,500 $78,500 $125,800 $0
Couple--One full-time Purchaser 2006
$40,600 $0 $32,000 $42,900 $57,700 $0
$58,000 $0 $43,100 $56,400 $79,600 $0
$87,000 $0 $60,300 $79,400 $127,400 $0
$116,000 $0 $73,500 $98,000 $165,000 $0
Couple--Both full-time--Private renter
$40,600 $40,600 $60,900 $64,800 $43,700 $43,700
$58,000 $29,000 $65,000 $69,300 $62,700 $31,300
$58,000 $58,000 $80,600 $86,500 $62,700 $62,700
$87,000 $58,000 $97,300 $104,800 $95,200 $63,400
$116,000 $58000 $112,200 $121,400 $127,000 $63,500
Couple--Both full-time--Purchaser 2006
$40,600 $40,600 $60,900 $80,100 $57,500 $57,500
$58,000 $29,000 $65,000 $85,800 $83,800 $41,900
$58,000 $58,000 $80,600 $108,200 $181,500 $81,500
$87,000 $58,000 $97,300 $132,700 $126,300 $84,200
$116,000 $58,000 $112,200 $155,200 $170,600 $85,300
Melbourne (^) Adelaide
Disp Inc.* Salary 1 Salary 2 Disp Inc.* Salary 1 Salary 2
Couple--One full-time--Private renter
$31,500 $39,800 $0 $29,600 $22,000# $0
$43,500 $58,700 $0 $40,000 $53,200 $0
$62,200 $90,500 $0 $55,700 $78,400 $0
$76,400 $121,700 $0 $67,500 $104,300 $0
Couple--One full-time Purchaser 2006
$32,600 $41,500 $0 $31,300 $34,100 $0
$44,600 $60,300 $0 $41,400 $55,300 $0
$63,200 $92,400 $0 $57,700 $82,100 $0
$77,500 $123,800 $0 $70,500 $110,200 $0
Couple--Both full-time--Private renter
$62,200 $41,600 $41,600 $56,300 $36,800 $36,800
$66,600 $59,800 $29,900 $60,000 $52,700 $26,300
$83,600 $60,400 $60,400 $73,900 $52,500 $52,500
$101,600 $91,700 $61,100 $88,500 $77,600 $51,700
$117,800 $122,600 $61,300 $101,600 $102,900 $51,500
Couple--Both full-time--Purchaser 2006
$63,300 $42,500 $42,500 $58,300 $38,500 $38,500
$67,700 $60,900 $30,500 $62,300 $55,100 $27,600
$84,700 $61,300 $61,300 $77,600 $55,500 $55,500
$102,700 $92,800 $61,900 $94,000 $83,500 $55,600
$118,900 $123,900 $62,000 $108,900 $111,800 $55,900
Perth
Disp Inc.* Salary 1 Salary 2
Couple--One full-time--Private renter
$31,400 $34,600 $0
$42,300 $56,700 $0
$61,400 $89,000 $0
$77,000 $122,800 $0
Couple--One full-time Purchaser 2006
$34,600 $44,600 $0
$49,300 $67,700 SO
$72,100 $113,300 $0
$89,600 $147,300 $0
Couple--Both full-time--Private renter
$62,100 $41,600 $41,600
$66,900 $60,100 $30,100
$85,800 $62,200 $62,200
$106,600 $97,000 $64,700
$125,600 $132,100 $66,100
Couple--Both full-time--Purchaser 2006
$71,200 $48,800 $48,800
$76,700 $73,000 $36,500
$97,500 $71,700 $71,700
$119,600 $111,100 $74,100
$139,400 $149,000 $74,500
* Disposable income is after tax and a 5% superannuation contribution
from gross private income
(^) Linear regression without a logarithm was used for Adelaide and
Perth due to distortions at the higher income households with the
logarithm regression.
Shaded cells indicate that private income is supplemented by Newstart
Allowance and, where relevant, Rent Assistance.
Note: Private income is supplemented by Newstart Allowance and, where
relevant, Rent Assistance indicated with #.
Table 3: Range and Average Percentage salary change to obtain
equivalent salary relative to Brisbane, by household type,
September quarter 2006
Household type Sydney Melbourne
Single adult Range Average 7% to 43% 17% -8% to 10% -0%
Couple only Range Average 7% to 47% 26% -2% to 7% 4%
Couple + 1 Range Average 9% to 52% 28% +0% to 14% 4%
Couple + 2 Range Average 1% to 56% 32% -6% to 32% 8%
Sole parent + 2 Range Average 13% to 56% 37% 3% to 35% 22%
Overall Range Average 1% to 56% 24% -8% to 35% 7%
Household type Adelaide Perth
Single adult Range Average -27% to -4% -17% -16% to 29% -0%
Couple only Range Average -46% to +1% -10% -15% to 30% 13%
Couple + 1 Range Average -15% to 17% -5% -13% to 37% 7%
Couple + 2 Range Average -46% to +1% -6% -18% to 32% 7%
Sole parent + 2 Range Average -20% to -5% -10% -37% to 66% +1%
Overall Range Average -46% to 17% -7% -37% to 66% 4%
Table 4: Range and average salary change to maintain living standard
equivalence, by total private household income, September quarter
2006
Household private income Sydney Melbourne
in Brisbane
$40,600 Range 7% to 56% -2% to 33%
Average 28% 10%
$58,000 Range 1% to 42% -3% to 35%
Average 21% 8%
$87,000 Range 8% to 56% -6% to 31%
Average 28% 9%
$116,000 Range 7% to 42% -8% to 13%
Average 20% 4%
$145,000 Range 9% to 45% -1% to 11%
Average 22% 4%
$174,000 Range 8% to 47% -6% to 12%
Average 22% 3%
Household private income Adelaide Perth
in Brisbane
$40,600 Range -46% to 17% -37% to 66%
Average -10% 1%
$58,000 Range -17% to +1% -31% to 28%
Average -7% -2%
$87,000 Range -23% to 1% -27% to 30%
Average 6% 5%
$116,000 Range -27% to -1% -26% to 27%
Average -8% 3%
$145,000 Range -11% to -1% -5% to 31%
Average -6% 9%
$174,000 Range -11% to -2% -6% to 37%
Average -8% 10%
Table 5: Range and average salary change to maintain living standard
equivalence relative to Brisbane, by dwelling type, September quarter
2006
Dwelling type Sydney Melbourne
Private renter Range 1% to 34% 8% to 35%
Average 15% 5%
Purchaser 2006 Range 15% to 56% -3% to 32%
Average 41% 8%
Purchaser 1993 Range 8% to 31% -6% to 26%
Average 15% 7%
Dwelling type Adelaide Perth Overall
Private renter Range -46% to +1% -37% to 14% 1%
Average -10% -6%
Purchaser 2006 Range -46% to 17% -2% to 66% 16%
Average -7% 20%
Purchaser 1993 Range -20% to +1% -27% to 14% 4%
Average -4% -3%