GLOBALISATION AND REGIONAL RENEWAL: COMPATIBLE OR MUTUALLY EXCLUSIVE?
Sinclair, Ian
All truths wait in all things, They neither hasten their own
delivery nor resist it. Walt Whitman
The changing economy and regional Australia
Over the past two decades, Australia has witnessed marked changes
in population, employment and educational opportunity. Some regions have
declined, while others have experienced growth. The causes are diverse
and far from consistent. As noted in a 1999 Productivity Commission
report: `Globalisation, technological advances, government policy
changes and other factors [have] placed added pressure on businesses and
communities in some regions. Yet these same factors [have] resulted in
employment growth in other regions.'
The population in New South Wales between 1986 and 1996 increased
significantly but not uniformly. In coastal regions numbers grew by
13.3%, from 4.5 to 5.1 million, while inland the population grew by only
5%, from 840,000 to 880,000. In remote New South Wales, population fell
by 4.6%, from 41,000 to 39,000. The ABS analysis of the 1991 and 1996
censuses with respect to non-metropolitan population in Australia notes
that growth is concentrated in particular ecological areas:
* peri-urban areas surrounding major urban centres with significant
commuter populations;
* attractive coastal localities, especially along the east,
southeast and southwest coasts;
* some major regional centres;
* some mining and tourist destinations; and
* along some major roads such as the Hume Highway, and rivers.
Employment over the period grew by 16.9% in coastal regions, by
7.9% inland, but fell by 2.7% in remote New South Wales. Interestingly,
the employment figures better the population number in each instance,
probably reflecting the increase in female participation in the work
force. Since 1996 these trends in population and employment appear to
have accelerated as the impact of micro-economic reforms starts to be
felt throughout the whole economy; while advances in information
exchange, communications and technology bring new opportunities for
economic development in both metropolitan and country regions.
In this same period domestic and export markets have expanded, with
a more cost-effective operation of existing businesses and the
development of many new businesses and services -- but often at a high
social price for non-competitive enterprises and individuals.
The theory behind trade liberalisation, globalisation and the new
economy may be understood and even accepted; yet adapting to change
remains difficult. For country Australia the pressures are more intense
than in the cities because of the progressive decline in rural incomes
from traditional farming sources, aggravated by selling on open markets
where price has no relationship to the cost of production.
A report released in 1999 by the National Institute of Economic and
Industry Research identifies a growing concentration of wealth in Sydney
and Melbourne. The assessment is based on the availability of 21st
century jobs -- in accountancy, computers, engineering, finance, health,
media, science and management. All are part of and hence competitive in
a global trading environment. In contrast many formerly profitable rural
industry sectors have languished or disappeared. In most smaller country
towns, population and employment continue to decline and annual personal
income in rural Australia remains far lower than in the cities. Banks
closures, empty shops, vacant offices and unemployment remain a sad
reality.
Indeed we may well ask how the rural sector can become part of the
new economy. Or, more fundamentally: Is globalisation compatible with
regional renewal?
Vinod Thomas, a vice-president of the World Bank writes (Economist
7 October 2000) of the centrality of growth in reducing poverty and
suggests that what is needed is not merely `more growth but better
growth'. Addressing the problems of the developing world, he
identifies three difficulties in achieving equal trade opportunity:
* severe inequalities in investment in health and education;
* poor governance; and
* environmental quality.
These three apply equally to regional and rural Australia.
Health and education
The most serious problems facing country Australia go beyond
personal finances and into people's homes, to health and education.
Research quoted by Dr Wendy Craik, the retiring CEO of the National
Farmers' Federation (address to the NSW Farmers' Association
Conference, July 1998) showed that in 1995 premature death rates were
32% higher for women living in remote Australia and 22% higher for men.
In regional areas, coronary heart disease was 14% higher for men
and 15% higher for women; in remote areas the figure for women was 29%.
Death rates from injury in regional centres for men were 22% higher
while in the outback the injury figure climbs to 69% higher for men and
43% for women. Deaths of men from road accidents in remote areas were
over 100% higher. Deaths from asthma in rural areas for both men and
women were 25% higher and those for diabetes 118% higher for women and
88% higher for men. Yet both asthma and diabetes are treatable
complaints.
These appalling statistics, while embracing all residents in
country areas, reflect the major disadvantage suffered by indigenous
Australians and dramatically illustrate the challenge in delivering
total health care to sparsely populated remote communities.
A Committee I recently chaired assessed health services in smaller
country towns in New South Wales. Challenges here included attracting
and retaining younger professionals -- doctors, nurses, allied health
practitioners -- and adapting the public hospital, always a local icon,
to the efficient delivery of a modern health service. Caring adequately
for the elderly in an ageing society is a fundamental task, especially
given that the proportion of those over 55 in country towns exceeds that
in the city.
As with health, so with education. There are marked disadvantages
in the country. Most rural children can go to primary school while
living at home; and even in remote communities they have access to the
School of the Air. However, to attend secondary school many have to
travel considerable distances by car or bus, or else stay in town or
board. Almost all must leave home for a tertiary education, whether at
TAFE or university. There are external courses, but internet links are
usually slow and mail infrequent; and, in any case, for a young adult
social interaction is most desirable.
In short, for a good many families, access to education is
prejudiced by remoteness, cost and the range (and level) of subjects
available. Participation rates for rural and remote residents in higher
education are markedly lower than those for urban Australians. Yet
education is essential if country people are to take advantage of
technological change, benefit from the new economy and communities are
to retain or attract the young back to the country.
One major factor affecting both health and education is access to
telecommunications. As recognised in the Besley Report to the Federal
Government, reliable telecommunications are the key to future
productivity, keeping pace with new technologies and removing the
barriers of distance. Telemedicine also significantly enhances the
prospect of quality health care. In education, health and business,
available bandwidth prejudices almost every country community. Community
Service Obligations for Telstra are yet to meet the community
requirements and public sensitivity is well reflected in the passion
about Telstra's full privatisation. Without competitive and
reliable communications in regional Australia, the objectives of
reversing population drift and sustaining local employment in a
globalised world will not be met.
Governance
The political consequences of this sense of frustration at the real
and perceived disadvantages of country Australians have been apparent at
the ballot box. The Victorian Coalition Government led by Jeff Kennett was defeated in rural electorates, One Nation has attracted significant
country support and the increase in the number of independents in lower
House and state and federal parliaments has been mainly from country
electorates.
One Nation's policy includes a call to `maintain constant
pressure on the Federal Government to resist economic rationalism and
globalisation'. The question is how? And what are the alternatives?
Slower economic reform and a retreat behind trade barriers will mean
slower growth, lower productivity, fewer jobs and lower living standards for the whole community. One Nation calls for the Government to provide
protection for primary and manufacturing industries through tariffs. For
many export industries this would result in forced loss of the markets
gained through trade liberalisation; and, as we are all to well aware,
once you turn inwards and become defensive the debate so easily moves
from economics and trade to immigration and race.
Gary White, the Westpac representative in Bangkok and President of
the Australia-Thai Chamber of Commerce, addressed a Parliamentary
delegation of which I was a member a few years ago. Speaking on the
difficulties the Hanson movement added to commercial trade negotiations
he said: `You don't have any moral high ground when you go into
negotiations with someone like her behind you.'
The environment
In 1992 the UN Conference of Environment and Development (UNCED)
meeting in Rio de Janeiro concluded with the Rio Declaration: a set of
27 non-binding principles to govern the economic and environmental
actions of individuals and governments towards the goal of global
sustainability. Within it, Agenda 21 set down some 300 pages of an
action plan for governments to follow. To monitor their performance, the
1992 UN General Assembly established the Commission on Sustainable
Development. And in Japan in December 1997, the Kyoto Protocols were
adopted to prescribe a reduction in industrial emissions by the advanced
economies of the world. There were, of course, disagreements over the
detail of the Protocol and now President Bush has indicated that for his
administration United States economic interests must come first. But if
national politics require compromise and a long-term perspective, this
is even more so on a global scale.
There is little need to set down here the difficulties in reducing
global warming and carbon dioxide emissions; but mining and agriculture,
the major industries of country Australia, place the greatest stress on
the environment and the measures necessary to meet targets have
financial and social consequences.
For rural sustainability the most significant environmental
challenge is salinity. It comes in several forms:
* dryland salinity;
* irrigation salinity;
* urban salinity;
* river salinity; and
* industrial salinity.
The NSW Salinity Summit, held in Dubbo in March 2000, was told that
the impact of salinity is increasingly serious. There are pressures on
town water supplies, on buildings, roads, manufacturing and food
processing industries and on high value enterprises such as irrigated
and horticultural crops, as well as increasing pressure on arable land and inland river systems.
The annual cost in lost agricultural production in Australia is
estimated by the Department of Industry, Science and Resources at $130
million and rising. In the south west of New South Wales alone, salinity
damage annually to roads and highways is estimated to cost $9 million.
Yet it was only in 2000 that salinity was addressed by comprehensive
strategies at a federal and state government level.
The challenge all this poses has been well expressed by Marie Fox,
the CEO of Volunteering Australia (Australian 18 October 2000): `We live
in a time of great disconnect. The challenge is ... to find ways of
reconnecting. We are too inclined ... to say: "Oh, we can't do
that" or find reasons for not doing something.'
Trade liberalisation and new opportunities
How difficult, then, is the task of regional renewal in Australia,
let alone that of achieving equal trade opportunity?
I will not canvass the tortuous course of international trade
reform. Suffice it to say that with the endorsement of the
Australian-initiated Cairns Group, a body of like-minded agricultural
exporting countries, the Uruguay Round of Trade Negotiations was
successfully concluded and the World Trade Organisation (WTO)
established on 1 January 1995. Unlike its predecessor, GATT (the General
Agreement on Tariffs and Trade), it includes agriculture within its
trade rules. This dimension of globalisation is of enormous advantage to
Australia.
One of the main objectives of the WTO is to help international
trade in goods and services flow as freely as possible. The removal of
trade barriers combined with improvements in international
communications, technology and transportation has led to increasingly
interdependent and trade-exposed economies. This has been accompanied by
significant trans-national investment and capital flows.
Many in the export sector recognise the advantage of these
initiatives. Others believe Australia is undertaking trade
liberalisation faster than other nations to the detriment of local
producers, contributing to the rural decline. They assert that removing
trade barriers unilaterally gives overseas competitors with larger scale
production an advantage and deprives producers of any `Australian
made' price benefit.
These concerns are enhanced by the apprehension that the Americans
and Europeans are powerful enough to ignore the trade sanctions available through the enforcement mechanisms of the WTO and the belief
that their governments are more responsible to pressure from their
farmers than any Australian government.
In spite of the problems, there has been significant reform in
international trade since the formation of the WTO. Groups like the
Cairns Group and the Asia Pacific Economic Council have helped to
maintain the momentum. Yet further trade liberalisation will depend as
much on the attitude of the new Bush Administration to world trade as on
any international forum.
In looking at the actual and potential response of regional
Australia, we might bear in mind the words of the former United States
Ambassador to Australia, Genta Hawkins Holmes, who said at a conference
in Canberra a few years ago: `If the benefits of (globalised) trade are
so self-evident, why is there still resistance to it? Why the doubt and
worries and the general sense of anxiety about the fundamental value of
trade to our economies?'
She continued: `the answers are not always to do with economics
...'
Or to put it another, slightly different way: for economic
progress, we sometimes have to think outside the economic square.
In the case of traditional rural industry, the WTO will remove the
price distortions from production subsidies in import markets, and offer
a major stimulus for exporters of agricultural goods and services.
Growing crops and fattening livestock can be scaled to meet wider market
opportunities for producing to contractual specifications for guaranteed
returns. For producers, globalisation facilitates communication,
computerisation, mechanisation, knowledge-based innovation and greater
specialisation. This stimulates processes such as laser testing super
fine wool fleeces in the woolshed and crushed grape maturation in
stainless steel casks instead of traditional oak viticulture to reduce
costs and supply products tailored to consumer demand.
In every State and Territory both producers and their communities
gain significant benefit from alternative land and water use, resource
development, new plant varieties -- temperate and tropical, organic and
non-organic enhanced agriculture, viticulture, horticulture,
aquaculture, large-scale mechanised mineral extraction and processing,
sophisticated livestock production matched by better packaging,
transport, handling and marketing. In western New South Wales and rural
Queensland there has been the remarkable commercial success of the
cotton industry. In the Hunter Valley, open-cut coal mining and the wine
grape replace the dairy cow (but not the blood horse). In the semi-arid
interior the strong-wool merino and bos taurus cattle decline as cotton
and agriculture expand, while leisure and tourism take over from
small-scale dairying, pig farming and marginal agriculture as in the New
South Wales north coast and Queensland's Gold Coast. Bourke and
Menendee provide the season's first table grapes into Asia and
Moree offers pecan nuts from western plains sheep country to the
discerning palates of the world.
But, as just noted, the traditional character of rural and regional
areas is changing. Everywhere, tourism, eco-tourism, leisure, sport and
the retirement industry foster new services oriented to changing public
demand.
Highly successful events like Tamworth's Country and Western
Festival and Gunnedah's Ag-quip are as much the product of
developments in electronics and communications as they are venues for
musicians and the marketing of agricultural machinery. Each has produced
its own dynamics with spin-off new employment opportunities; for
example, in purpose-built facilities and related industries such as
hospitality and recording studios, and generated valuable international
media focus.
Employment has increased across many occupational groups, including
retail and wholesale trade, property and business, education, health and
personal services. Elsewhere -- in electricity, gas and water,
transport, agriculture and mining -employment has consistently
decreased, with those losing their jobs and investments not always those
benefiting from change. In this lies a major educational and social
challenge.
Population and employment trends have been accentuated by migrant
and refugee settlement patterns and lifestyle changes. High rise, medium
density housing dominates urban landscapes, while personal mobility
means many people from the capital cities have moved to the coast and to
the country for a cleaner, more leisurely lifestyle, perceived to be
`safer' and more environmentally friendly. Some retirees with
redundancy packages have sold suburban homes and bought country
properties at a significantly lower capital cost or moved into
purpose-built retirement villages such as those on the central and far
north coast of New South Wales.
Inland towns like Gilgandra have developed a retirement industry in
aged hostels and nursing homes beyond local demand. Regional centres
like the City of Armidale, conscious of the ageing population, foster a
vigorous, not-for-profit aged service sector supplemented by facilities
run by private enterprise. All generate significant new employment
opportunities.
Food tastes and eating patterns have changed, reflected in the
diversity of Australia's restaurants and fast food outlets. Food
and meat processing employ more people and earn more export dollars.
With regard to meat processing, it is relevant to note that, with a few
minor exceptions, abattoirs and meat works today are located outside
capital cities. Government and council controlled works such as those
formerly in the Sydney suburb of Homebush, and in Gunnedah, Guyra,
Tamworth, Dubbo and Wagga, have closed and their private sector
replacements, whether in Dubbo, Tamworth, Inverell, Wallangarra, or
elsewhere prosper, often in association with major cattle feed lots. The
shift from densely populated areas has lowered transport costs and
enhanced carcass quality by reducing animal handling before slaughter.
As the Economist survey on the new economy (September 23 2000)
noted: `historically, the biggest gains from a new technology come not
from its invention and production but from its exploitation'.
Diversification is not only possible but desirable: on-farm stays,
indigenous tourism, art displays, trade shows, musical performances,
sporting events, theatrical productions. The field is limitless.
The role of government
For most of our post-Federation history, agricultural production
has been supported by policies offering some price certainty against the
volatility of world market fluctuations. Government assistance has
included price-related intervention particularly through
commodity-oriented marketing schemes, quantitative and tariff related
protection against imports, input subsidies, natural disaster relief,
tax concessions and rural adjustment. The aggregate level of support has
not been high relative to other exporting nations and always
considerably below Australia's principal competitors from Europe
with the European Union's Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) and
North America with the US Export Enhancement Program (EEP).
Even though more than 70% of Australia's farm produce is
exported, there has been only a slow acceptance by many producers of the
high cost of protectionist policies and a reluctant shift towards
accepting the benefits of trade liberalisation in rural and regional
Australia. Certainly these are tempered by the costs of adjusting to the
changed trading environment. It is in dealing with these adjustment
costs that government has a crucial role to play.
A good example of constructive revival is the pig industry. Until
competition came from imports from Canada and Denmark in the late 1990s,
consumer attitudes and levels of domestic production were the main
determinants of product and price. The tariff reductions that were a
condition of accession to the WTO and the resulting flood of imports
initially had a significant negative impact, culminating in 1998 in the
lowest prices for pork and bacon for more than 30 years.
Facing the reality of trade liberalisation, the pork industry
established the Confederation of Australian Pork Exporters (CAPE) to
strategically plan and manage export development. In contrast to the
previous ad hoc strategies which had little regard to quality, the new
body established a comprehensive marketing plan based on quality and
labelling aiming to double 1999 exports to 20% of production by 2002.
A vigorous marketing drive led to significant export contracts with
Japan and Singapore and it is assessed that the value of sales for 2000
will already meet the 2002 target. To assist in this industry
transformation, the Federal Government provided the pork industry with
$1.5 million to establish essential new alliances between producers,
processors, retailers and exporters.
Underpinning trade liberalisation and globalisation is the economic
principle of comparative advantage. Liberalising countries accept that
they will prosper by taking advantage of their assets (natural, human,
environmental, financial and technical), allowing the efficient
production of goods and services and then trade these for goods and
services produced more efficiently by other countries. As liberalisation
proceeds, producers have access to more efficiently produced inputs, as
well as more customers for their own products.
Trade liberalisation not only means new markets for exporters, but
also that markets open up to those not previously involved in export. It
also, of course, means more imports as well as more exports. This
increases pressure on domestic companies, stimulating more efficient
production and increasing price competition to the benefit of consumers.
The efficient use of resources fosters economic growth which results in
higher national income and improved living standards. Agricultural
support policies, on the other hand, are costly to the countries
applying them and reduce the benefits from enhanced global economic
activity.
Conclusion
Regional renewal does not mean recreating the industries of 30 or
50 years ago in their former image. It means applying today's
technology and finding new opportunities enjoying comparative advantage.
The challenge is to reverse the population drift and job loss with
communities working in concert to adapt and benefit from changed market
and production circumstances. In facing the future, Martin Stewart-Weeks
comments (Australian 18 October 2000): `the biggest fear is that we are
losing our capacity for community even as we work out that we need it
now more than ever.'
Yet communities, like markets, if static, stagnate. Globalisation
offers the stimulus for positive change. Globalisation is irreversible
because it makes sense. But, as with the computer, it should be our
servant and not our master.
In the words of poet Leonard Mann:
You see now Bill
That country yonder, the promised land,
Does not as yet exist.
Because we have not reached it yet.
We have reached the boundaries,
We know now what the task is,
We set ourselves for the achievement.
The Rt Hon. Ian Sinclair AC is a former Leader of the Federal
National Party, senior Minister in numerous portfolios and Speaker of
the House of Representatives.