A qualitative inquiry on Schadenfreude by sport fans.
Dalakas, Vassilis ; Melancon, Joanna Phillips ; Sreboth, Tarah 等
Consumption of sport is often associated with extreme passion and
loyalty and can turn people into fanatics (Bristow & Sebastian,
2001; Hunt, Bristol, & Bashaw, 1999; Kelley & Tian, 2004). Most
fans usually demonstrate their devotion to their favorite team through
socially acceptable behaviors; however, in some occasions, fanaticism
can become extreme and lead to inappropriate and/or dangerous behaviors
(Hunt et al., 1999; Wakefield & Wann, 2006; Wann, Haynes, McLean,
& Pullen, 2003) prompting calls for more research regarding the
"dark side" of strong team identification (Madrigal &
Dalakas, 2008).
The competitive nature of sport fuels fanaticism and negative
behaviors targeting rivals. This study focused on Schadenfreude by sport
fans, a phenomenon that is widely documented in the media (e.g., Blythe,
2007; Egan, 2012; Gibbs, 2010; Krell, 2012) but has received limited
attention by sport academic researchers. Schadenfreude is a German word
that is used to describe feelings of pleasure and joy that one party
experiences at the misfortunes of another; it is especially likely to
occur when there is an antagonistic relationship between the two
parties. Given that Schadenfreude represents an emotion rather than an
actual behavior, it may be seen as harmless demonstration of fans'
passion. Nonetheless, the causes that elicit Schadenfreude in sport fans
may need further attention, especially if it pertains to serious events.
In that case, feelings of pleasure and joy should probably cause concern
as they reflect dehumanizing one's rivals. In this study, we
specifically focus on responses to one's death, a misfortune of
serious nature and we examine whether fans experience pleasure when a
person considered a hated rival passes away.
Sport Team Identification
The basic premise of social identity theory suggests that people
define themselves in part by their memberships and affiliations to
different social groups (Hogg & Abrams, 1988; Turner, 1982). Social
identity is especially powerful in the context of sport given that sport
teams are social groups with whom people form strong connections and
become identified (Kelley & Tian, 2004; Madrigal, 2000).
Sport team identification is associated with several positive
outcomes for the fans' well-being in terms of self-esteem, social
well-being, experiencing positive emotions, and lower likelihood to feel
lonely (Branscombe & Wann, 1991; Wann, 1994; Wann, 2006a; b).
Furthermore, team identification can be beneficial to sport
organizations, especially when it comes to watching games (Bristow &
Sebastian, 2001; Fisher & Wakefield, 1998) even to the point of
changing one's work or school schedules or canceling social
engagements in order not to miss a game (Wann, Friedman, McHale, &
Jaffe, 2003), purchasing team-related licensed merchandise (Bristow
& Sebastian, 2001; Fisher & Wakefield, 1998), and having
positive responses toward the team's sponsors (Bee & Dalakas,
2014; Madrigal 2000).
Nonetheless, in some cases strong identification with sport teams
can have negative consequences as it may be associated with problematic
behaviors. Often such behaviors entail some form of aggression or
willingness to engage in aggressive behavior. In general, fans with high
team identification have less control over aggressive behavior (Dimmock
& Grove, 2005); therefore, it is not surprising that research has
found highly identified fans are more likely to be aggressive (Warm,
1993), to consider anonymous act of hostile aggression like tripping an
opposing player or coach or breaking the opposing player's or
coach's leg (Wann et al., 2003), or to consider engaging in those
behaviors after their team's loss (Wann et al., 2005). Stories from
the news confirm such tendencies ranging from well publicized cases of
fan violence like the Heysel tragedy where 39 soccer fans died
(Luckhurst, 2012) to other incidents of fans' aggression like fans
assaulting opposing fans (Norwood, 2012; Townsend, 2013), fans shooting
opposing fans (Mucha, 2012), fans stabbing opposing fans (Hannan, 2013),
fans running over opposing fans with their car (Schoetz, 2008), or even
more bizarre cases of fans poisoning landmark trees associated with
their rivals (Schlabach, 2011). In addition to physical aggression,
identification can also lead to verbal aggression (Wann, Carlson, &
Schrader, 1999); in the context of sport, this is often exhibited
through "blasting," where fans make derogatory comments about
their rivals (Cialdini & Richardson, 1980; End, 2001; Havard, Gray,
Gould, Sharp, & Schaffer, 2013). Verbal aggression is especially
prevalent in an online environment; in an examination of comments by
college sports fans, Havard and Inoue (2012) found that at least half of
the posts were derogatory toward a rival, with many of them using
especially strong language.
Not surprisingly, the target of negative anti-social behaviors by
sport fans is mostly associated with a rival (e.g., rival fans, rival
players, rival coaches, etc.); strong attachment to one side facilitates
and encourages vilification of the opposing side. As a result, fans
dislike, sometimes very intensely, their rivals (Bergkvist, 2012; Simons
& Taylor, 1992). Given the main premises of balance theory (Heider,
1958), to maintain balance, people tend to have favorable responses to
objects that have a positive relationship with what they like and tend
to have a negative response to objects with a negative relationship to
what they like (e.g., "my friends' friends are my
friends" and "my friends' enemies are my enemies").
In the context of sport, this kind of affect transfer is manifested
through strong negative feelings toward a favorite team's rivals
(Havard et al., 2013).
The distinction between "us" and "them" among
fans reinforces an in-group bias which influences fans' perceptions
in a way that is favorable for one's own side and unfavorable for
the opponent (Hastorf & Cantril, 1954; Madrigal & Dalakas,
2008). Similarly, fans would use favorable language when describing the
in-group and less favorable language when describing the out-group, a
tendency known as Linguistic Intergroup Bias (Maass, Salvi, Arcuri,
& Semin, 1989). What makes those biases noteworthy is the fact that
they take place even in the presence of objective information that
implies they are flawed (Madrigal & Dalakas 2008), which is
consistent with the very notion of rivalry in that people's
emphasis on outcomes overlooks the objective characteristics of a
situation (Kilduff, Elfenbein, & Staw, 2010). Highly identified fans
consistently evaluate fans of their own team more favorably than
opposing fans (Wann & Dolan, 1994; Warm & Grieve, 2005). Similar
tendencies have been reported in the context of fans' responses to
sponsors; highly identified fans respond positively to sponsors of their
team and negatively to sponsors of their rivals (Bee & Dalakas,
2014; Bergkvist, 2013; Davies, Veloutsou, & Costa, 2006).
Interestingly, such biases were evident despite arguments about the
quality of a sponsor's products; highly identified fans responded
positively to sponsors of their favorite team, even when the information
relating to the product quality was weak, while they responded
negatively to sponsors of the rival team, even when the information
relating to the product quality was strong (Bee & Dalakas, 2014).
Schadenfreude
A big part of the appeal of sport is the opportunity for vicarious
achievement through victories of the teams and athletes that fans
support; consequently, fans Bask In the Reflected Glory (BIRG) of those
successes (Cialdini et al., 1976; Ware & Kowalski, 2012). In
addition to rooting for their teams to win, fans also root for specific
teams to lose; according to the disposition theory of sport
spectatorship (Zillmann, Bryant, & Sapolsky, 1989), fans'
emotions of joy and disappointment are a function of what happens to
liked and disliked competitors alike. Fans rejoice when their favorite
team wins but also when a disliked competitor loses; similarly, they are
pained by their team's losses but also by their rival's
victories.
The notion of Schadenfreude, a German word that refers to feeling
pleasure at the misfortunes of another, captures the essence of rooting
against rivals and essentially wishing for bad outcomes for them.
Despite being a widely discussed topic in the media, Schadenfreude by
sport fans has received relatively limited attention in academic
research (Dalakas & Melancon, 2012; Leach, Spears, Branscombe, &
Doosje, 2003; Sierra, Taute, & Heiser, 2010). Specifically within
sports, Dalakas and Melancon (2012) reported that fans'
identification with their team combined with high importance on winning
were related to Schadenfreude toward rivals for a variety of incidents:
sponsor of a rival going out of business, owner of a rival facing legal
troubles, player on rival team getting suspended for a year, even if the
suspension was not completely deserved, and facility (stadium, arena) of
a rival suffering damage. Those incidents were considerable as they
suggested Schadenfreude in contexts above and beyond simply the outcome
of the game and the disposition theory of sport spectatorship (Zillmann
et al., 1989) indicating that such feelings can emerge in response to
more serious incidents. Additionally, research has found that
Schadenfreude emerges more easily when the misfortune occurs to a
disliked person (Hareli & Weiner, 2002) or when a misfortune is
perceived as deserved (Feather & Sherman, 2002; Van Dijk, Ouwerkerk,
Goslinga, & Nieweg, 2005).
A study by Wann and Waddill (2007) provided interesting insight
regarding fan response to misfortune, by examining how Earnhardt fans
and other NASCAR fans reacted to the crash and death of racecar driver
Dale Earnhardt, Sr. Consistent with the premises of the disposition
theory, the results showed a difference in the level of sympathy
reported by highly identified Earnhardt fans and other fans with the
latter being less sympathetic than the former; thus, a fan's
relationship with a sports entity influenced responses to one's
death.
Our study also focuses on fan reaction to the death of a sport
figure; we aim to provide insight on Schadenfreude among sport fans in
terms of fans actually experiencing pleasure at a perceived rival's
death. The selection of this particular event is important because of
its gravity. While it may not always be considered a serious matter when
fans experience Schadenfreude at a rival team's loss at a game, the
idea of cherishing and celebrating a person's death is obviously
more disturbing. Consequently, examining their reactions to one's
death offers interesting insights to psychology of sport fans and
Schadenfreude in sport.
Method
Context
Specifically, we examined reactions by fans to the news of the
passing of Art Modell, owner of the Baltimore Ravens from the National
Football League (NFL) on September 6, 2012. Modell was the owner who
moved the Cleveland team (the Browns) to Baltimore (where they were
renamed the Ravens) before the 1996 NFL season began; news of losing
their team caused great distress and anger among Cleveland fans who
subsequently viewed Art Modell as one of the greatest villains in their
mind (In Cleveland, ripping Modell is an acquired art, 2001). Despite
the move, the league allowed Cleveland to continue ownership of the
Browns name and Browns colors and it awarded Cleveland a new franchise
in 1999 to be the Cleveland Browns; however, the team has struggled for
many years and has caused much disappointment to the Cleveland fans
(Rainey, Yost, & Larsen, 2011) who have maintained their resentment
and animosity toward Art Modell. Therefore, his death in 2012 presented
an appropriate real-life situation to study Schadenfreude.
Procedures
Data were collected through publically available comments shared by
fans on ESPN's open response forums following the online article
about ModelFs death. Researchers on rivalry have recommended qualitative
research for gaining useful insight on fans' feelings toward rivals
(Havard et al., 2013). The qualitative approach to data analysis in this
study was Netnography, the observation of participants'
thoughts/behavior through commentary in online communities and forums
(Kozinets, 1998). Netnographic research is especially useful in the
collection of data on potentially sensitive social topics such as
Schadenfreude experienced in response to the death of another; the
anonymity of the internet may allow individuals the freedom to express
their true feelings without any fear for repercussion (Kozinets, 1998).
A total of 233 posted comments were used in the analysis; many of them
were by fans of the Baltimore Ravens or the Cleveland Browns. The
comments were unfiltered actual responses by fans, therefore providing
rich data that captured people's true emotions and reactions in
real time shortly after the event occurred.
The textual data from the online forum were coded using an
iterative reading procedure called grounded theory (Strauss &
Corbin, 1990) whereby researchers initially categorized fans'
responses by similarities and differences into themes (open coding) and
then grouped like themes together (axial coding). The last stage of
analysis involved telling the story of the data through broad categories
that explain Schadenfreude in this situation (selective coding). All of
the categories and themes are described in the following section.
Results
Analysis of the comments revealed seven emerging themes in
fans' responses, which related to Schadenfreude. The themes could
be classified within three broader categories: Schadenfreude
Intensified; Schadenfreude Curbed; Disapproving Schadenfreude.
Category I: Schadenfreude Intensified (42.4% of all comments)
Theme 1: Justifying hatred (30% of all comments). Many comments
were about the sense of injustice that Cleveland Browns fans felt
because Modell moved the team from its longtime home of Cleveland to
Baltimore in 1996. Sixteen years later, Cleveland fans continued to feel
wronged by that move. As a result, they felt their ill will towards
Modell was clearly justified and they took this opportunity to write
comments that explained to others their viewpoint. For example, a quote
representing this position is by a fan with the username TheMostModest00
who stated:
All this talk of Cleveland right now proves Art Modell secured the
infamy of his legacy with The Move. This bloodbath in here right
now is his own fault. He tarnished his own legacy. He soiled his
own reputation and he deserves these unbecoming epitaphs that come
as a direct result of the decision he alone made.
Interestingly, some non-Cleveland fans agreed that the Cleveland
fans were within their rights to have such feelings of hatred against
Art Modell and came to their defense like the statement by username
Mikedaniels illustrates:
Not from Cleveland, never even been to Ohio or care about the
Browns, yet I find it mystifying that some fans, certainly not from
Cleveland, seem to have no ability to understand why Cleveland fans
are angry at Modell. "Get over it." seems to be the common refrain.
If your childhood, your life, is filled with positive memories,
family experiences, that revolved around rooting for a local team,
being part of that spanning generations and then one day an owner
just ends it all, packs up shop and moves the team away, you'd
likely be fairly angry, too. Especially if you had to watch the
team that moved away be successful and a replacement team come into
your city and be God awful.
Theme 2: Bringing back painful memories (2.1% of all comments).
Closely related to justification of hatred toward Modell for moving the
team out of Cleveland, a few fans' comments reflected on how the
move of their team caused substantial pain and distress to them and/or
their loved ones. Consistent with the premises of social identity theory
(Hogg & Abrams, 1988; Turner, 1982), the team was part of their
identity, making the relocation a difficult personal loss. The comment
by username xquv captures this sentiment:
I wish I could say something nice. But i just can't. I think of my
sister, the die hard Browns fan who took me to the 1964
championship game. As she lay dying during the 1998 football
season, she turned to me and said, "I'd give anything to see
another Browns game." So Art, I wish I could say rest in peace. But
I just can't.
Thus, the person they considered responsible for the move of the
team was also to blame for their personal pain. The news of
Modell's death reminded fans of those painful memories and brought
back the old resentment, leading them to refocus their anger on Modell
and rejoice in his death, clearly illustrated by the comment by username
buckeye_07:
Art, you took years away from my NFL life that I will never get
back. I will never forget the look on my father's face (a
lifelong/die-hard Browns fan) when he broke the news to my brother
and I that the Browns were moving. When he passed in 2004 (days
before the Browns took on Detroit in the pre season opener) he
still had fresh in his mind the Cleveland Browns of old. I know he
wished he would be alive to see this day ... I'm just happy my
brother and I can cherish this for him.
Theme 3: Celebrating death (10.3% of all comments). Reaching well
beyond some readers/fans' feelings of injustice, several
respondents viciously outpoured their animosity by expressing their
overwhelming joy about the death of Art Modell. Comments like "i
guess Christmas came early this year fellas! go browns!!!" (by
username CakeBoss421) or "best day ever, go browns" (by
username 862matt) unmistakably and unquestionably demonstrated the very
essence of Schadenfreude. In these cases, Cleveland fans made a point of
expressing their joy at Modell's death with comments like "I
wonder if his funeral will be open to the public? If so, I say we Browns
fans go and say good riddance with a smile on our faces!" (by
username fmichigan14) and even went as far as mocking the deceased with
comments like the one by username Neshade:
Enjoy your ride to HELL you SOB! You stole what wasn't yours! The
team might have been yours but our hearts and souls were NOT! The
people of Cleveland will NEVER forget or forgive you for what you
did! You were going broke because you were a poor businessman. The
Browns averaged over 69,000 per game for over 50 years! Art owned
the stadium group, and received all the ticket money! You ripped
our hearts and souls out when you stole the Browns. You left
nothing, you were forced to give it to Cleveland or face many a
lawsuit! Let the truth be known! There is a special place for you!
Bum baby Burn!
Category II: Schadenfreude Curbed (18.8% of all comments)
Theme 4: No grave-dancing, but no sympathy or forgiveness (12.4% of
all comments). Building on their feeling of injustice, some readers/fans
verbalized their deep-rooted anger against Modell. However, these
comments still maintained a sense of decency and respect under the light
of the news of the death of Art Modell; there is no love for Modell
here, but no celebration of his death either. Those responses implied
that maybe the fans recognized that actively and publically celebrating
someone's death may be inappropriate and not socially acceptable;
so, they made a point to state they were not doing that while at the
same time also made a point to explain they were justified to not feel
sad or sympathetic in any way and they still held a grudge against him.
For example, username bigukfan0 wrote:
As a Browns fan, I won't dance on the guy's grave. But the idea
that somehow all the hate and anger will now go away is a joke.
It's like the ex-wife who cheats on you, stomps on your heart and
leaves and takes everything. You can move on in your life, but you
don't have to suddenly say forgive, forget and say nice things.
Username tvjrc603 made a similar statement capturing the spirit of
the several comments that reflect this theme:
just because he died doesn't change the circumstances of his
life--if you had asked me how i felt about art modell a week ago,
my response would have been the exact same thing: for all the good
he may or may not have done, and as good of a guy as we all
hear he was, he betrayed the fans who had supported him for the
past 30+ years, and took away one of the things they were most
passionate about, maybe the city should have funded a new stadium,
etc., but that doesn't change the way that the fans do or should
remember his impact on their lives, while i don't agree with
reveling in his death, nobody can intelligently expect us to all of
the sudden forgive and forget now that he is gone.
Theme 5: Forgiveness (6.4% of all comments). Some fans'
comments expressed forgiveness; while admitting their pain, they
suggested they had moved on and encouraged their fellow fans to do so as
well with statements like "He broke our hearts ... Agreed but we
need to let go ... New beginnings" (by username dew68blue).
Although there were relatively few comments representing this sentiment,
it is important to note this different reaction by these Cleveland fans
that seemed to not hold animosity directed at Modell and who made a
conscious effort to communicate no feelings of Schadenfreude,
independent of the disappointment for losing their beloved Browns. For
example, username mgraber1985 wrote:
I'm a Cleveland fan, and I hated losing the browns as much as
anyone, but nobody wants to be in business to lose money, except
maybe Michael Jordan, but at the end of the day he fielded many
excellent browns teams and did a lot of charity work, I don't hold
hostility and maybe my fellow browns fans should also get over it
like I did, and hope our new owner cares for the browns the way
modell did. Go browns, and r.i.p. art.
Category III: Disapproving Schadenfreude (38.6% of all comments)
Theme 6: Criticizing Schadenfreude (but unintentionally supporting
its principle; 11.6% of all comments). Given that Art Modell moved the
team to Baltimore, Baltimore fans were also quite active in posting
comments on the story of his death. There was consistent comparison
between the situation of how Cleveland lost its team when owner Modell
moved it to Baltimore and how Baltimore had lost its previous team, the
Colts, when their owner Robert Irsay moved them to Indianapolis. As
Baltimore fans criticized Cleveland fans for their reaction to
Modell's death, they made a point about having the right to make
such statements because they had endured a similar or, in their mind,
even worse situation when they had lost their own team. For example,
username howboutdemOs420 stated:
Here's the thing. Yeah, sure. It sucked for the city of Cleveland
for 4 years. Maybe Modell didn't do what you wanted. And as someone
who was robbed of 13 years of hometown football, I can understand.
I'm not telling you to like the guy. And at the same time, to act
like he and Jim Irsay are the same is just absurd. I think that is
what gets Ravens fans the most riled up. Because the situations
just aren't comparable. Plus, you are celebrating a man's death
like it was the Browns winning the Super Bowl.
Classy.
Interestingly, although the purpose of such comments was to
criticize Cleveland fans for their Schadenfreude, they actually,
indirectly and unintentionally, supported the principle of
Schadenfreude. In other words, Baltimore fans essentially implied that
Schadenfreude is okay to be experienced when justified but they just did
not feel that Cleveland fans were justified because, in the mind of
Baltimore fans, the Cleveland situation was not as a bad as what
Baltimore had experienced before as statements like the one by username
reisig08:
Which is why every fan in Baltimore has room to talk and voice our
opinion ... because we've been through it and went without a team
for 13 years. The difference between Modell and Bob Irsay is that
Modell left the team's history, colors, logo, and legacy in
Cleveland and expressed his love for the city and the fans. Irsay
publically berated Baltimore fans, took the entire Colts brand with
him, and snuck out under the cover of night. Cleveland fans need to
understand that Baltimore fans were pretty conflicted about the way
that we got a new team because of all fan bases, we got it. But be
glad that you are still rooting for the Browns in Cleveland. If
Modell didn't care about the fans and the city, he wouldn't have
left that brand and legacy in place.
Theme 7: Denouncing Schadenfreude and defending the victim of
Schadenfreude (27% of all comments). Lastly, there were a number of fans
whose comments reacted to Cleveland fans' resentment of Modell;
these comments denounced Schadenfreude as inappropriate with statements
like "Some of these comments from Browns fans are simply
disgusting. Condolences to the Modell family. R.I.P." (by username
Englishterp1) or "ESPN, please close the comment section, this is
beyond ridiculous. No man deserves this" (by username
BballJunkieDFlow). Consequently, some fans, like username
SatanicCheeto714, criticized the Cleveland fans for their Schadenfreude
on Modell's death:
The reason the national media piles on Cleveland is the fans in
Cleveland show their lack of class every chance they get, and this
is about as perfect an example as one can get. As much of the
vitriol aimed at Mr. Modell as there is, you would think he was a
mass murderer or some other sort of heinous creature. He moved a
damn football team, and said football team has been back in
Cleveland for 13 years, yet "Cleveland won't forgive or forget",
instead choosing to $@%! on a man's grave before he's even buried.
Get over it, you asinine vultures. Nobody outside of Cleveland
gives a rat's $@% if you forgive him or not. To any sports fan with
half a brain, you just remind the rest of the country why Cleveland
will always be known as "The Mistake By The Lake."
Moreover, some of the comments within this theme defended Modell
and offered a justification for his decision along with praise for his
overall contributions to Cleveland and the NFL; for example, the fan
with username EvanEvan721 stated:
I'm rooting for the Browns to recover (Cleveland seems to go
through hell in sports) but I think there's almost no way to deny
the HOF based on Modell's resume. You could say he moved the team
in 96 and that it was unfair, but without him the NFL itself
wouldn't have been able to get nearly as popular as it is today.
Who knows, if TV continued to shy away from the NFL they might have
had to cut teams instead of expanding. There might have been far
greater consequences for Cleveland without him than with him, warts
and all.
Not surprisingly, most of these comments were written by
non-Cleveland fans and especially by Baltimore fans, the beneficiaries
of Modell's decision to move the team, as they regained a franchise
after having their Baltimore Colts move to Indianapolis several years
prior to Modell's decision. However, there were few comments by
Cleveland fans that also defended Modell and condemned fellow fans for
celebrating his death, as the one by username MattCarpenter81
illustrates:
I am a huge Browns fan, but there is no way in hell I am going to
celebrate another man's death. Hitler did not die last night, Art
Modell did, a guy who was a good owner, was he wrong for pulling
the Browns out of Cleveland? Hell Yes he was and I hated him every
minute for it, but turning this guy into a Hitler or a Bin Laden
and celebrating his death is just wrong.
Discussion
Our analysis provided meaningful insight regarding Schadenfreude
toward a hated rival's death. Specifically, the findings support
the premises of disposition theory by establishing that a number of fans
experienced (and were willing to publically admit) substantial joy at
another person's death. This is quite telling given the nature of
the misfortune and the fact that, in general, it is a type of event that
others should not celebrate. In other words, some highly identified fans
appear to be quite comfortable admitting to experiencing positive
feelings for bad outcomes on rivals, even when such behaviors are
considered socially inappropriate and are denounced by many others.
Therefore, the findings lend support to the disposition theory by
showing it being pertinent even in contexts where one would not expect
to witness such emotions and behaviors. In other words, a number of
highly identified fans would root for and celebrate negative outcomes
occurring to rivals independent of the nature and gravity of those
outcomes.
The themes that emerged through the content reveal some key points
regarding this emotion among sport fans and whether experiencing
Schadenfreude and admitting to it is acceptable. The first key issue is
the nature of the misfortune. Clearly, in the case of someone's
death, the intensity of the event is very severe and, as a result, there
was debate on whether it was appropriate; the themes pertaining to
Schadenfreude Curbed and Disapproving Schadenfreude included comments
that considered it inappropriate and wrong to take joy in someone's
death independent of the circumstances. However, the three themes
pertaining to Schadenfreude Intensified (accounting for more than 40% of
all comments) included comments that supported experiencing such
pleasure even at the expense of someone's death.
The nature of those comments shed light into the second key issue
in our findings, if, and under what circumstances, a fan's
Schadenfreude toward someone's death can be excused and even, as it
was evident in some of the comments, encouraged and applauded.
Supporting findings from previous research (e.g., Feather & Sherman,
2002; Van Dijk et al., 2005), the fans' comments in the three
themes under Schadenfreude Intensified suggested that Schadenfreude can
(or even should) emerge when it happens to a disliked person and when
the misfortune is perceived to be deserved. Many fans focused their
comments on the fact that, despite the intensity of the misfortune
(death), it was entirely appropriate to not only celebrate Modell's
death but also communicate such joy publically. In their eyes, it was
justified due to Modell's actions toward their team (and,
consequently, the fans themselves) which subsequently also classified
him as a despised villain; therefore, their argument was that
celebrating the death of a hated villain is not only permissible but
normal and natural.
One reason for Cleveland fans' willingness to experience
Schadenfreude and to justify it may be that they used it a coping
mechanism for dealing with their team's struggles and
disappointments, especially in the years following the move to
Baltimore. As the Team Identification --Social Psychological Health
Model (Warm, 2006a) maintains, highly identified sport fans often
develop and use coping strategies when there are threats to their
identity as sport fans of a team. Through such strategies they try to
deal with team-related events that are distressing (Warm, 2006a). In the
case of Cleveland fans, there has been much distress and frustration
over the years; fans have been upset for the team's poor
performance on the field, its inability to attract and maintain top
players, and, of course, the lack of wins and post-season appearances.
Hating Modell and celebrating his death may make it easier for the fans
to cope with those struggles and continue to maintain positive
well-being (one of the goals for using coping strategies). In fact, some
of the comments from the fans that criticized Cleveland fans for their
Schadenfreude towards Modell, made a point of drawing attention to all
the other factors that are likely to have caused the Browns'
struggles over the years that had nothing to do with Modell. Not
surprisingly, they were not successful in convincing the Cleveland fans
who continued to defend their position on why their hatred towards
Modell was justified and that he was the one to blame, further
confirming the possibility this was used as a coping strategy.
Similarly, fans of other teams that were relocated held
long-lasting animosity toward the individuals they considered
responsible for the move, independent of any evidence that would suggest
these individuals may not be entirely to blame for moving the team. For
example, Walter O'Malley moved the Dodgers from Brooklyn to Los
Angeles and was reviled for decades by Brooklyn fans (who considered him
as evil as Stalin and Hitler), even though information suggested that
others may have been as or even more responsible for the team leaving
Brooklyn (Ellsworth, 2005).
The issue regarding whether Schadenfreude at serious misfortunes,
like death, is acceptable if it is justified, merits further attention.
As discussed earlier, research has established that highly identified
fans engage in biased processing of information, even in the presence of
objective facts and arguments (Bee & Dalakas, 2014; Hastorf &
Cantril, 1954; Madrigal & Dalakas, 2008). Consequently, the question
then becomes is it ever possible that highly identified fans'
animosity toward a hatred a rival and subsequent Schadenfreude for
misfortunes happening to such rival, would not be perceived as
justified, at least in the eyes of those fans themselves?
Along these lines, when fans feel it is justified, could that
motivate behavior to inflict pain and misfortune to deserving rivals? In
the case of our study, respondents who felt Schadenfreude were motivated
enough to engage in verbal aggression through posting inflammatory
comments in response to an online story about it. But could it motivate
stronger aggressive behaviors and cause harm? Previous research has
shown that highly identified fans are more likely to engage in
aggressive behaviors toward rivals (e.g., Wann et al., 2003; Wann et
al., 2005); is there a possible connection between fan aggression and
Schadenfreude where fans take it upon themselves to cause the misfortune
to a rival that gives them this feeling of joy?
Another interesting aspect of the results pertains to the venue
through which people expressed their feelings and opinions; posting
anonymous comments on an internet story may facilitate one's
animosity and verbal aggression as it was evidenced by many of the
comments either expressing Schadenfreude or criticizing fans for their
Schadenfreude. It is worth noting that in the summer of 2013 ESPN made a
change where readers can only comment on a story through logging in
their Facebook accounts. As a result, the posted comment is linked to an
account that, at least in most cases, shows a person's real name
and picture (as well as a link to his or her Facebook public page),
which may motivate people to be more careful about what they post and
reduce use of aggressive language.
Limitations and Future Research
This was an exploratory study to capture Schadenfreude in a
controversial context and the comments provided interesting insight on
the psychology of conveniently sampled sport fans, especially because
they represented fans' true feelings in a real-world setting.
However, the richness of the comments came at the expense of internal
validity; there was no ability to measure respondents'
identification level with the Cleveland Browns or to include other
measures. This would have been especially useful to facilitate
comparisons between highly identified fans and less identified fans; for
example, is low team identification more likely to be associated with
forgiveness whereas high team identification is more likely to relate to
unwillingness to forgive? Highly identified fans may maintain their
hatred and unwillingness to forgive as a coping mechanism for the
team's struggles (Wann, 2006a). In that case, if the team stops
struggling and becomes victorious again, it may facilitate letting go
and forgiving as there is less of a threat to the fans' identity
and, consequently, less of a need for coping strategies. The fans low in
identification are less likely to experience these threats and need to
hate as a way to cope in the first place; therefore, they would be more
likely to forgive earlier. This is an interesting topic on fan
psychology and future research should examine this question through
quantitative studies.
Given that in this study the context was someone's death, it
would be interesting to see how much stronger Schadenfreude may be when
it comes to lesser events; for example, a rival player's injury, a
rival player's suspension, a rival player's arrest, or a bad
call contributing to a rival's loss. Along those lines, it would be
interesting to examine how appropriate fans and non-fans consider the
emotion of Schadenfreude within sport and, if appropriate, for what
events.
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Vassilis Dalakas
California State University San Marcos
Joanna Phillips Melancon
Western Kentucky University
Tarah Sreboth
California State University San Marcos
Address correspondence to: Vassilis Dalakas, Department of
Marketing, California State University San Marcos, 333 S. Twins Oaks
Valley Rd., San Marcos, CA 92096-0001. Email vdalakas@csusm.edu