African American mothers, adolescent girls and the value of sport and physical activity: navigating the cultural conundrum.

Perkins, Amanda M. ; Partridge, Julie A.

Recent statistics from the Centers for Disease Control (2007a) reported that 34% of U.S. adults aged 20 and older are obese; however, adults are not the only population with disconcerting rates of obesity. In 2003-2004, 17% of U.S. adolescents aged 12-19 were predicted to be overweight (CDC, 2007b). Not only are the adolescent years fundamental in the development of lifelong physical activity (Bush, Leenders, & O'Sullivan, 2004), but participation in sports during adolescence may increase the likelihood of a high level of physical activity participation in adulthood, and thus, maintenance of a healthy body weight (Tammelin, Nayha, Hills, & Jarvelin, 2003). This suggests that it is imperative that children and adolescents participate in sport and/or physical activity; however, physical activity rates dramatically decline during the high school years (Pate et al., 2005). This decline is most noticeable in adolescent females, with African American females being the least active segment of the population during the high school years (Bush et al., 2004; CDC, 2010), with a decline in activity nearly twice that of Caucasian girls (Kimm et al., 2002). According to the Center for Disease Control (2010), only 21.9% of African American girls were physically active at least 60 minutes per day on five or more days each week, compared to 31.3% of Caucasian girls.

Though the African American female faces several challenges to achieving an active lifestyle, perhaps the most salient barrier is African American culture, which generally has a greater social tolerance for overweight and obesity than other cultures (Alleyne & LaPoint, 2004). Although African American girls' values and attitudes may not reflect those of the larger culture until later in life (Kimm et al., 2002), the values ascribed to physical activity are worthy of research in the area of social psychology of sport and physical activity because of the well-documented influence parents have in the socialization of their children into sport and/or physical activity, as role models, providers, and as interpreters of the experience (Eccles & Harold, 1991).

One of the most popular theories used to explain parental influence in achievement domains is Eccles' expectancy-value model. The Eccles' model demonstrates that achievement behaviors (i.e., sport/physical activity) are largely determined by performance expectations and by the importance individuals give to the options available to them (Eccles & Harold, 1991). Eccles and colleagues' (Eccles, Wigfield, & Schiefele, 1998) comprehensive model of parental influence on children's motivation and achievement demonstrates the ways in which parent, family, and neighborhood characteristics, cultural norms and stereotypes, child and sibling characteristics, and the parents' general and child-specific beliefs and behaviors all cooperate to influence the child's subjective task value assigned to the activity, and ultimately the achievement behavior itself. Therefore, it is a highly relevant theoretical framework through which to view the socialization of African American females' physical activity choices.

Although previous literature has introduced the importance of culturally appropriate activities to meet the physical activity needs of African American girls (Bush et al., 2004; Dowda et al., 2004; Fahlman, Hall, & Lock, 2006; Pate et al., 2005; Trost, Pate, Ward, Saunders, & Riner, 1999), insights into what these culturally appropriate activities actually are have been minimal. More importantly, if African American parents place low value upon particular leisure activities, their children are likely to understand the low value placed on those activities, and are likely to assign the same low value to the activity (Eccles & Harold, 1991). Research suggests that when African Americans have values and traditions that are strongly embedded, "authentic" or appropriate activities may be created (Philipp, 1999).

Perceptions of what activities are valued as important, interesting and useful are shaped by the culture into which one is socialized. In the sport/physical activity domain, certain activities may be more common among specific ethnic groups and cultures than others, and differences in activity choice and participation are observed during adolescence (Goldsmith, 2003). Given the role of parents as a primary socializing agent, it is important to examine whether parents perceive certain activities to be more culturally appropriate than others, and whether those perceptions might ultimately influence the socialization process. Mothers' perceptions of culturally appropriate sports and activities are of particular interest because more than half of all African American children live in single-parent households, with 92% being single-mother households (Casper & Fields, 2000). Parents perceptions, in turn, may influence the potential participants' beliefs, value placed on that activity, and finally, the achievement behavior itself. Likewise, the type of value assigned to an activity may designate a sport or activity as culturally appropriate.

To date, there has been a lack of systematic research examining perceptions of culturally appropriate sports and activities among African American parents and their children. Therefore, the purpose of this study was two-fold. The first was to explore the types of value mothers of high school age African American girls place on sport and/or physical activity participation. The second was to gain a better understanding of the mother's perceptions of what activities are culturally appropriate for their daughters. The following research questions were examined: (a) What values do mothers of African American adolescent girls place on sport and physical activity? (b) Are certain sports/activities considered by African American mothers to be more culturally appropriate than others? If so, what are examples/common characteristics of culturally appropriate activities?

Method

Participants

Twelve African American mothers of high school age daughters of African American ethnicity participated in this study. The participants were selected from a Mid-southern metropolitan area and were drawn from various neighborhoods in order to account for variations in the population (e.g., socioeconomic status, neighborhood demographic). The purposeful sample included four participants in each of the three categories: mothers/female guardians of sport participants, sport nonparticipants, and sport nonparticipants whose daughters participate in extracurricular activities that involve physical activity (e.g., dance). Mothers of sport participants had daughters that competed in track (n = 2), cheerleading (n = 1), and one daughter competed in both basketball and volleyball. Mothers of extracurricular activity participants had daughters that participated in step (n = 2), and dance (n = 2). Demographic characteristics of the sample can be found in Table 1.

Procedure

After obtaining approval of the Human Subjects Committee, the researchers located participants by contacting athletic directors at high schools to receive approval to contact team coaches and/or sponsors. Coaches or sponsors identified potential participants, and then the researchers sent a cover letter to those individuals' parents containing information about the study along with a consent form. The researchers also recruited participants by gaining permission from local ministers to make announcements during their church meetings and events. The researchers obtained informed consent forms from all of the participants. Upon recruitment of the participants, interviews were scheduled at a convenient time and location for both the interviewer and participant. The first author conducted all of the interviews, which were recorded with a Sanyo digital recorder.

The interview guide was informed by the Eccles' expectancy-value model (Eccles & Harold, 1991) and the comprehensive model of parental influence (Eccles et al., 1998). The interview guide consisted of four areas of inquiry. The first section consisted of relevant demographic information (e.g. marital status, daughter's age/grade), parent's sport and physical activity experiences, and daughter's sport and physical activity experiences (e.g., Does your daughter currently engage in regular physical activity?). The second section addressed the value African American parents place on their daughters' sport and physical activity. Concepts such as parental encouragement, and awareness and education regarding sport and physical activity benefits were explored (e.g., In what ways do you encourage your daughter to be physically active?). The third section focused on identifying activities that mothers believe appeal to girls, particularly African American girls, as well as sports that mothers perceive as gender appropriate (e.g., What makes a sport/physical activity appropriate for your daughter to participate in?). The final section explored the mothers' perceptions of culturally appropriate sports and physical activities (e.g., Do you feel some sports are more socially accepted by the African American community?).

Data Analysis

After the interviews were completed, the recorded information was transcribed verbatim and the data were inductively analyzed to identify emergent themes (Creswell, 2003; Krefting, 1999; Kvale, 1996). The second author independently read all interview transcriptions until familiar with the content of all the data. The interview guide was informed by the expectancy-value (Eccles & Harold, 1991) and the comprehensive model of parental influence (Eccles et al., 1998); therefore, emerging themes were consistent with those constructs central to the models. Both authors independently identified and coded raw data themes (i.e., quotations) that represented the basic units of analysis for the study. Consensus validation of the themes and supporting quotations ensued until the researchers reached agreement on the themes represented by the raw data. Within-case analyses were conducted, paying particular attention to commonalities among groups. Cross-case analyses were used to compare findings between groups and identify commonalities and differences. Themes were then compared between respondents from each group: daughters who were sport participants, sport non-participants, and participants in activities involving physical activity.

Results and Discussion

Results from this study indicate that more similarities than differences existed among mothers, regarding value placed on sport and physical activity participation for their daughters. The higher order themes that emerged for this research question were: utility value, interest value, attainment value, cost, and culturally appropriate activities. Furthermore, mothers did perceive the existence of culturally appropriate activities for their daughters, and the interviews revealed some common characteristics of these activities. Table 2 outlines the common themes, sub-themes, and examples of raw data themes.

Values Mothers Place on Sport and Physical Activity

Results from the content analysis indicated that mothers place four types of value on physical activity: (a) utility value, (b) interest value, (c) attainment value, and (d) cost. These findings are consistent with Eccles' (1993) expectancy-value model. According to Eccles' model, each type of value contributes to the importance the participant attaches to being successful in sport and/or physical activity, and thus contributes to levels of achievement motivation. Each of the four types of value identified by Eccles' theory and supported by the data in this study is further divided into subthemes which are discussed below.

Utility Value

Utility value is defined as how useful an individual believes an activity will be in helping meet their short or long-term goals (Eccles & Harold, 1991). Utility value for sport and physical activity was characterized in this sample by (a) health and appearance, and (b) purposeful participation.

Health and appearance. Respondents cited improved health and appearance as a benefit of engaging in sport and/or physical activity. Karen explained why she believed engaging in physical activity was important:

   To get rid of the flabby-flab. I mean health wise too. You know,
   some things that's in the family. I lost my dad to heart disease
   ... she's at a good weight ... I think that if she continues to do
   what she does now it will carry on into the future. When she gets
   older I think her health will be pretty good.

Katy stated, "It (track) makes her more health-conscious because she knows that she has to eat in order to perform properly so participating in sports makes her more healthy."

Citing the health benefits of engaging in sport and physical activity were not limited to mothers whose daughters were physically active. Cynthia, whose daughter is not physically active, responded, "It stops the overweight, so you don't have your weight issues ... and it also gives kids more energy, and it allows kids to make healthier choices and have a healthier lifestyle when they get older."

Participants also noted the mental health benefits of exercise for their daughters. Karen, whose daughter participates in dance, acknowledged this by stating, "Her anxiety levels will be lower, she'll focus better, burn off some stress. It's fun." Others cited mental health benefits as well. Christine, the mother of a dual-sport athlete, stated, "... besides being good for your health, I think it's good for your mind because you have to be able to make decisions quickly, when you play a lot of sports."

Purposeful participation. In addition to health and appearance, respondents identified ways in which sport or physical activity participation could help their daughters reach their short and long-term goals. Mothers viewed sport or physical activity as a means of occupying their daughters' time, and as a means of staying out of trouble. Pam, the mother of a dancer, responded, "I do think that the more you have a child involved in activities, the less time they have to get involved in activities that are not healthy, or are harmful". This sentiment was further illustrated in the comments of other respondents. When asked what makes sports and extracurricular activities important, mothers whose daughters did not participate in sport and physical activity cited this utility, as well. Michelle blatantly responded, "Cause I don't want them to get pregnant". Similarly, Cynthia commented, "Short-term (outcomes) I would say staying out of trouble ... You know, drinking, drugs, getting pregnant at a young age."

Mothers identified short-term benefits, but also believed participation in sport and physical activities could potentially lead to scholarships and other opportunities which may further their daughters' educations or careers. When asked what she believed the long-term outcomes of sport participation were, Pam, the mother of a dance participant responded,

"It could possibly long-term lead to scholarships, so it's something that could help her with her future education." Deborah, whose daughter runs track explained, "... when you get out into the real world, you really have to juggle a lot of stuff, and everybody wants a hundred percent ... So I think if she carries a heavy load now, she'll do much better when she gets in college." LaTonya, the mother of a step participant, believed sports can provide career opportunities:

   ... I feel like some sports will take them (my daughters) further,
   career wise ... I want them to be well-rounded. I mean, you can
   negotiate a lot of business on the golf course. I think playing
   different sports is good because you meet different types of
   people. It might make you uncomfortable, but it pays off in the
   long run.

In summary, the utility value of sport and physical activity was identified both by mothers whose daughters were physically active, and by those whose daughters who did not engage in sports or regular physical activity, emphasizing the importance of this theme.

Interest Value

Interest value is defined as the immediate intrinsic and extrinsic results received as a result of participating in an activity (Eccles & Harold, 1991). Based on the interview comments, components that mother perceive as contributing to the interest value of sport and physical activity participation for their daughters are (a) affiliation and acceptance, and (b) mothers' physical activity and sport experience.

Affiliation and acceptance. The first subtheme of interest value for physical activity was affiliation and acceptance, and related to the opportunity to make new friends. Christine, stated, "She's an only child, so I think she always thought doing stuff with other people was more fun". When asked what benefits she believed resulted from sport participation, Pam, the mother of a dancer, stated that "... it gives her a circle of friends that have shared interests, so it expands her social network". Finally, Deborah cited that Hilary's friends had a large part in her initial interest in trying out for the track team at her school.

Affiliation and acceptance also related to the mothers' perceived acceptance (i.e., stereotypes and perceptions of certain activities). In a discussion of activities that appeal to African American girls, LaTonia, whose daughter is a step participant, demonstrated an association between comfort, perceived discrimination, and participation:

   If you're the only black girl on the soccer team, you know
   everybody else knows you're the only black girl on the soccer team.
   Your friends know, your white teammates know, everybody knows.
   Being the only black girl is uncomfortable ... and I think being
   the only black parent can be uncomfortable too. I think it just
   depends on the people. But don't get me wrong, I still think black
   kids are discriminated against. It's just not as obvious anymore,
   but we won't go into all that.

In a discussion of culturally appropriate sports and activities, Karen, the mother of a dancer, expressed an internal conflict between her own comfort level with certain activities and supporting her daughter, "I think / would feel kind of awkward sitting at the (field hockey) games, cheering her on. But I would! I love my kids. But I would try to talk her out of it! But maybe I would like it too ... I guess it's okay to feel uncomfortable every now and then". Cynthia, whose daughter does not participate in physical activity, stated:

   A lot of these things, we as parents have to be the ones to be
   there to help with it, to take them to the game and to practice,
   and cheer them on. We discourage it, or just don't encourage it,
   because we don't want to be put out of our comfort zone, to an
   extent. To support it.

This theme of the influence of affiliation and acceptance within the African-American community is explored in greater detail in the section examining perceptions of culturally appropriate activities.

Mothers' physical activity and sport experience. Interest value was also determined by the mother's physical activity and sport experience, as well as family structure. Respondents commented on the role they believe parents have in the sport and physical activity participation of their daughters. Raqueal stated, "She either has to want to do it, or I have to see a need for it. If I think it's real important, she needs to do it. If she needed help with school, she'd do tutoring."

When asked how important she felt it was for her daughters to participate in physical activity, Michelle, the mother of a sport and physical activity non-participant, highlighted ways in which the physical activity behaviors of the parents may influence those of their children. She responded, "I don't know what else to do! They see me walking, but I don't do it on a regular enough basis. You know, a good month or two of walking, then I'm eating brownies and ice cream. So I don't know. I can't make them go to the gym". Michelle also expressed remorse when she reflected on the role of parents in sport and physical activity participation, stating, "I blame myself that no matter how busy my schedule was, I really should have started them younger, and maybe that would have helped ..."

In summary, interest value for an activity existed in the opportunity for the daughters to make friends. However, interest value for sports and physical activities is also established through the perceptions of the mothers, in terms of their daughters' as well as their own comfort.

Attainment Value

Attainment value is defined as whether or not an activity is consistent with an individual's self-image of whom they are or who they would like to be (Eccles & Harold, 1991). Based on the interview comments, attainment value for sport and physical activity is characterized by a variety of self-concept variables including self-confidence, self-esteem, and self-efficacy.

Self-concept. The analysis of transcripts revealed ways in which mothers noticed changes in self-confidence and self-esteem as a result of their daughters' activity participation. Self-confidence is defined as an individual's perceptions of his or her abilities, and may be global or specific in nature (Lox, Martin Ginis & Petruzzello, 2006). Katy described the benefits of her daughter participating in track, "It also promotes self-discipline, self-confidence, you know it's motivating she can use track as a benchmark for other things as a guide to success ... It makes you mentally stronger I think mentally and emotionally." Self-esteem is the evaluative or affective consequence of the way in which we see or define ourselves (Lox, Martin Ginis & Petruzzello, 2006). Pam acknowledged psychological benefits: "I think it's important because, you know, it's really helped build her self-esteem ... With the dance team, she gets to compete."

Mothers also discussed self-efficacy in relation to attainment value for sport and physical activity participation. Self-efficacy is defined as beliefs in one's capabilities to organize and execute the courses of action required to produce given attainments (Bandura, 1997). When asked what she felt were some of the outcomes of engaging in sport and physical activity, Alicia, whose daughter is not physically active responded, "... the feeling of conquering ...", illustrating belief in self-efficacy.

Cost

Cost is defined as the negative consequences of engaging in an activity (Eccles & Harold, 1991). Based on the interview comments, cost for sport and physical activity is characterized by (a) monetary constraints, (b) academic demands, and (c) physical costs.

Monetary constraints. The first subtheme related to cost associated with sport and physical activity participation was monetary constraints. Respondents cited expenses as being a potential barrier to sport and physical activity participation. Deborah explained, "Hillary wanted to cheer at Ballard, but it was like $3000. Track was like $40, so we ran track." Michelle, whose daughters are not physically active, illustrated the association between money and time as barriers:

   ... after the day is done, I'm tired too ... In our community we
   work long days, or two or three jobs. I don't know one of us that
   has had the luxury of ever being a stay-at-home mom. If you're
   staying at home, you can be the soccer mom. You should be! You
   ain't got nothing else to do! I understand she gotta take care of
   the house and all that, but you got time for it, if you can afford
   to be a stay-at-home mom. But we don't have the luxury. I don't
   know any!

Raqueal's experience was much different in that her daughter's gymnastics coach helped out financially for her participation. She said, "Her coach pays for her gymnastics ... Yep. And she's white too. All the cheerleaders have to go to gymnastics on top of regular practice, but her coach pays for it so Tiara can cheer. I didn't ask her or anything, but she's real nice".

Academics demands. An additional subtheme that emerged in the interviews was academic demands. Some mothers believed that sports are not complementary to academics. When asked if she saw any negatives to her daughters participation in dance, Pam responded, "... last year, there was a period when they (dance team) were in competition and her grades suffered a little bit because they had so many practices for the competition, she could hardly finish her homework." Similarly, Christine whose daughter plays basketball and volleyball, recounted, "... well I did have to complain because last year her coach didn't realize there were school activities ... her school had to come first. He was like, "you must be here no matter what", you know ... but that's only the coach, not the sport." Karen, whose daughter is on the dance team at her school, determined a solution to the problem: "... get those grades then you can shake your tail-feather afterward! Then everybody will be happy." Karen then went on to illustrate the negative relationship between academics and her daughter's extracurricular involvement:

   ... I think just being tired all the time because she's doing a lot
   between school and work and dance. I don't tolerate, you know,
   overdoing it with the rehearsals and

   practices and competitions and stuff like that, and then the
   homework is not done ... There just has to be a balance.

Although mothers cited that sports were not complementary to academics, no respondents cited that they were complementary.

Time or scheduling difficulties were also identified as important barriers to, or negative consequences of, sport or physical activity participation. Carolyn reflected on the effect of time constraints on her daughter's lack of sport participation:

   I think time constraints have been the majority of our problem
   because her dad has had lots of physical problems so I had to
   assume responsibility for getting Alex to her places she needs to
   go, and I have a very busy schedule. I think the time thing is why
   she hasn't participated in more organized types of physical
   activity.

Physical costs. Mothers also discussed physical costs associated with sport and physical activity, particularly injury and an undesired appearance. The majority of respondents stated explicit concerns about their daughter sustaining an injury as a result of sport or physical activity participation. One respondent, Christine, stated, "... she was injured one time, but I guess that comes along with the territory ... a concussion. She got it playing basketball." Although not a contact sport, Deborah expressed concern about her daughter's participation in track, "I think (track) is very hard on your body ... The conditioning and keeping her in shape is good, but running and pounding I don't think is good. I think walking is more beneficial, but they ain't giving out scholarships for walking". Further, most respondents indicated that they would either not allow or not approve of their daughter participating in contact sports. Analysis of the transcripts also revealed that health may also be a concern. Alicia, a single mother whose daughter is not physically active, stated, "... my oldest has asthma, so that scares me. So that part I haven't figured out. I'm just skeptical because of her health. I'm still learning."

One cost of physical activity participation unique to this sample was the negative impact on the look of girls' hair and skin, particularly in reference to swimming. Alicia, whose daughter does not participate in sport or physical activities, discussed sport and activities that may appeal to African American girls:

   ... Girls don't want to be in the hot sun, getting darker, they're
   not tanners normally! They don't want to be getting darker. I'd
   thought maybe swimming, but I don't know. I used to love swimming,
   but I know girls now that don't want to get their hair wet ... I
   think also being worried about looking cute and trying to impress
   boys.

When asked what she liked about swimming, Deborah responded, "(it gets you) in shape. But now girls can't get their weave messed up. Hilary doesn't have weave, but she still don't swim much."

In summary, the cost associated with an activity was evaluated by concrete determinants such as money and injury, and also by subjective determinants such as perceptions of tiredness, hair, and the mothers' perceptions of their own experiences.

Sport/Physical Activities Considered to be Culturally Appropriate

The second research question explored whether or not African American mothers perceive certain sports and physical activities to be culturally appropriate for their daughters, and if so, to describe examples/common characteristics of these activities. Emergent themes regarding whether mothers perceived there to be culturally appropriate sports and physical activities included: (a) significant others, (b) low physical risk, and (c) accessibility.

Significant others. The first theme that emerged regarding which sports and/or physical activities were considered to be culturally appropriate was the influence of significant others. This theme encompassed peer participation in sports and activities, the presence of stereotypes, and the presence of role models. Activities that had other African Americans participating, or were seen as stereotypically/historically African American, were seen as more culturally appropriate. Karen illustrated this theme when discussing sports that are less common in the African American community:

   If Sheena played field hockey her friends would call her 'white
   girl' and everything else! 'Girl what's wrong with you!' That's
   just how it is! It's a stereotype, you know. They wouldn't expect a
   black child to play field hockey. There are some who probably do,
   but you know, it's not the norm. You know other black kids would
   give it to her raw!"

Karen's statement embodies sentiments of the other mothers that in order for a sport or physical activity to be culturally appropriate, other African Americans should participate. When discussing culturally appropriate sports Raqueal stated, "... first, I think that black girls can see black people playing them, so it's kind of reassuring them that it's okay (to play)". Analyses of the transcriptions revealed that participation is closely related to exposure, of which recognition may be a factor. Furthermore, gender mediates this relationship. LaTonia stated:

   ... Most of the time ... like if a black child played like
   volleyball, they're not really recognized by their community ...
   Our community doesn't really pay attention to many sports except
   the big ones like basketball, football ... Now, for women, they
   can't really get any recognition unless they play basketball, and
   it's still not as much.

The presence of identifiable role models (i.e., due to gender or race) was also important in determining the appropriateness of an activity. Respondents believed the media shapes perceptions through providing athletes as role models, and through exposure to activities. Cynthia, whose daughter does not play sport or participate in regular physical activity, stated:

   ... I think a lot of it is that that's what they think they can do
   because of what the television has put out there ... with the WNBA,
   you see women on TV playing basketball, so it is making some girls
   out there think "Ooh, I can do this too". We need to try to promote
   black women in other sports. If girls saw more people in other
   sports, then maybe they would want to try.

In addition to exposure to activities, the mothers believed the media also serves to expose children to role models. Alicia, whose daughter is not physically active, summed up the importance children might see in having role models in certain sports, stating, "You have to be able to use somebody else's name, or have somebody that's a star. I'm sorry! But kids gotta be able to name-drop!"

Several respondents also cited stereotypes or history of stereotypes as a determinant of what sports may be culturally appropriate. Katy summarized the presence and effect of racial stereotypes in sport:

   To me it's just very obvious when someone uses it (a stereotype) as
   a joke and you know in your head that it's not a joke, that's
   really the way they think ... I think comments like that are just
   based on ignorance. Because I don't see how an activity can be
   based on a person's color, at least not in 2008. So if I was to go
   skiing, no one should tell me that black people don't ski. That's
   stupid. Snow is snow, a hill is a hill, and skis are skis. That's
   solely based on ignorance. And I think some people make comments
   like that, not realizing, not paying attention to what they're
   actually saying.

Finally, culturally appropriate activities may also be influenced by the perception of possessing "natural ability". Carolyn expressed this theme, "Being able to play it and be good at it without the extra lessons and coaching that some sports require. Being able to use natural ability to become good at it. That has contributed a lot to us being so prevalent in certain sports I think."

Low physical risk. As previously noted, respondents cited injury as a cost of engaging in sport and physical activity; however, mothers also cited low physical risk for sports and physical activities to be culturally appropriate. Mothers offered several examples of activities that they thought were inappropriate for their daughter to participate in, particularly football and boxing. While the interview question directed the mothers to comment on what activities are culturally appropriate for African American girls, it appeared that the children's gender guided this theme, meaning these activities weren't seen as appropriate for females, regardless of ethnicity/race. For example, Cynthia, whose daughter is not physically active, stated, "Something physical like football is not something I would want my girl to participate in. I know there are females that do, but that's not something that I think is appropriate. Not in a setting with boys." Katy, the mother of a track athlete, stated, however: "If she were on a girl's football team, I could deal with that. I can deal with tennis, I can deal with golf ... I would just say boxing because it has a profound effect on the brain."

Snow skiing, in particular, was cited as an inappropriate activity by several respondents, with two of the mothers explicitly stating that, in general, winter sports weren't appropriate for their daughter. When asked why skiing or winter sports were not appropriate, the risk of injury was cited as the reason.

Accessibility. The final subtheme that emerged related to culturally appropriate activities was accessibility. During the interviews, mothers discussed accessibility in terms of history of accessibility, socioeconomic status, and recognition of differences in competitive and recreational sport involvement. The role of limited access or a history of limited access and discrimination in the cultural appropriateness of sports and activities was identified as an important characteristic of culturally appropriate activities. When asked whether or not certain activities are culturally appropriate, Karen, whose daughter dances, responded:

   ... We (parents) don't always think about putting them in other
   activities. And then it kinda goes from one generation to the next
   one. Our parents used to not be able to go to the same um ...
   places as white people, and our schools didn't have all the same
   sports. So their kids didn't play.

Carolyn, whose daughter is rarely physically active, shared similar thoughts, "Still today there are many blacks that don't swim! That could be attributed to the time when blacks were not allowed to be in swimming pools. We just didn't have access to swimming, and that goes from one generation to the next". Deborah, whose daughter runs track, discussed limited access in terms of schools and geographic location:

   ... So part of it may be that they don't have those sports cause
   people won't play them there, but they it could be that those
   sports just aren't there at the black school so that's why they
   don't play them. They got a swimming pool there, but ain't got no
   swim team (referring to Shawnee, a predominantly black high
   school). It just don't make no sense.

Similarly, Pam, whose daughter dances, cited the differences between public and private schools. She stated:

   ... Dakota had previously gone to a private school. At her private
   school they had things like lacrosse, they had field hockey, they
   had a lot of those types of sports ... Now at the school she goes
   to now, which is a public school, they don't have those types of
   activities. Now, they're starting to have them, but because we
   haven't seen that many African Americans involved in those
   activities, I'm not sure that many parent's think, 'Oh, this is
   something my child might want to do'.

Exposure to many sports and physical activities comes from media and peers, but also from parents. Respondents speculated that African American parents may not think about sports besides those heavily populated with black participants. This may relate to the aforementioned history of limited access, but may also be related to other reasons, such as affordability.

Respondents suggested that in order for sports to be culturally appropriate they should be affordable, as well. Deborah discussed how affordability directly impacted her daughter's sports involvement:

   If cheerleading had been affordable, Hilary probably would have
   never tried track. Affordability is a big thing for the
   not-so-privileged. And a lot of people generalize sports as white
   sports and black sports, and I think affordability has a big reason
   to do with it ...

LaTonya, whose daughter steps, discussed the relationship between socioeconomics and exposure in forming the interest in particular activities:

   ... when you go into schools before like tryouts, they have already
   told them basically how much it's going to cost to participate. And
   I think girls like cheerleading and dance team, but they're
   expensive, so stepping is an option I think. Now it is. And
   stepping does require a great amount of rhythm, and you know black
   people tend to think that we have rhythm ... So it's something that
   they were probably more familiar with from people in their family,
   or friends, or ... that's probably where they would see it and
   learn it.

Finally, Deborah identified an association between socioeconomic status and relatedness:

   If you play a sport that cost a whole lot of money to play, people
   are going to know that you got money, and they won't look at your
   child the same way ... if you want black girls to play sports, make
   it affordable. That way everybody gets to play and it don't
   separate the black kids with money from the poor ones.

Finally, mothers believed that African American kids may not realize the difference between playing a sport recreationally and playing competitively. Katy, an elementary schoolteacher, stated, "Kids aren't exposed to competitive swimming, they're exposed to the community pools where they just jump in and swim. They're only out their during the summer cause it's free or cost a dollar and they just swim ... I don't even think a seed is planted in their head that they can become competitive swimmers".

LaTonya, a marketing executive, also discussed the difference in participation, as well as brought up the topics of socioeconomic status and relatedness:

   Well, you got to realize that there's a difference between us
   playing a sport and white people playing a sport, and I think it's
   because of lack of exposure, I guess. Cause like, when we talk
   about black girls cheerleading ... I think of community
   cheerleading. But it's much different when you go into the gym ...
   it takes the funds to be able to take lessons, to learn how to
   properly tumble, the uniforms; they also have to be able to compete
   and have the funds to compete. It's the same with dancing. It's
   offered within the community and within the church, but to actually
   compete on an all-star dance team, you have to be able to have
   funds for the lessons, and to travel. So that's where I think we
   start separating, and then the sport becomes less diverse. And
   worse, whenever you got the black kid whose parents can afford to
   put them in those activities, they don't want to because they're
   the only one!

In summary, activities the mothers perceived to be culturally appropriate are those which are accessible in the African American community, affordable, and provide relatedness among members of the culture. Culturally appropriate activities are perceived to be so because existing stereotypes and perceptions perpetuate the beliefs that African Americans can excel in them. This in turn can lead to increased participation in the activity. Issues of affordability, perceptions of being a low risk activity, and the role of the media in creating exposure to the activity, as well as providing role models, all contribute to the development of culturally appropriate activities.

Conclusions

Mothers in this study were asked a series of questions that allowed the researchers to explore types of value they placed on sport and physical activity. Further, the respondents discussed concepts such as natural ability and expectancy for success as criteria for culturally appropriate activities. Each of the respondents assigned the types of value to sport and physical activity participation that are clearly delineated in the Eccles' (1993) expectancy-value model. The four types of value outlined in the model are utility, interest, attainment, and cost. Eccles' model is based upon the assumption that children develop expectancies and values comparable to those of their parents (Eccles & Harold, 1991), hence the importance in understanding the concept of value in the mothers' responses. According to Eccles' model, each type of value contributes to the importance the participant attaches to being successful in sport and/or physical activity, and thus contributes to levels of achievement motivation. The mothers' perceived importance of sport and physical activity participation, and their beliefs in the value of demonstrating perceived competence and ability in certain, culturally appropriate activities, should ultimately trickle down to their daughters and lead to increased motivation to participate.

Mothers in this study were familiar with benefits of participation regardless of whether or not their daughters participated in any sports or physical activities. These benefits included opportunities to make friends, improved health and appearance, and increased self-esteem. Another commonly cited perceived benefit was that participation did result or would result in less time engaged in negative behaviors. Specifically, several respondents expressed their concern regarding teenage pregnancy. Research shows that the mothers' concerns are warranted. Sabo et al. (1999) found that girls' sports participation was associated with reduced rates of sexual activity, as well as teenage pregnancy. Further, researchers have found that African American girls engaging in high school sports requiring vigorous physical activity are less likely to have sex, and African American girls engaging in vigorous physical activity regardless of team participation, are less likely to report having ever been pregnant (Kulig, Brener, & McManus, 2003).

Mothers in this study also cited several barriers or costs associated with sport and physical activity participation. The majority of respondents explicitly cited injury as a cost associated with participation. Consequently, the majority of respondents in the study would not allow their daughters to participate in contact sports. This finding supports previous research from Grieser et al. (2006) which showed that girls also most commonly cite injury as a negative aspect of physical activity involvement.

Previous research on the influence of minority culture in the physical domain has been limited. Rather, the physical experience has been primarily framed within Caucasian culture. The concept of culturally appropriate activities has been introduced in the literature (Dowda et al., 2004; Fahlman et al., 2006); however, systematic research into what these culturally appropriate activities actually consist of has been minimal. The present study is significant because it explores the role that African American parental perceptions of the cultural appropriateness of sports and physical activities may have on the participation of African American girls.

In addition to expanding upon the body of knowledge on culturally appropriate activities, findings from the current study support previous research on adolescent African Americans' sport and physical activity participation. Goldsmith (2003) explored differences in sports and physical activities solely on the basis of race, and found that stereotypes associated with African American students' racial identities contributed to their sport participation. The respondents in the present study were asked to identify characteristics of culturally appropriate activities. Mothers believed that natural ability and possessing an innate advantage determine the cultural appropriateness of an activity. Therefore, the present study supports Goldsmith's (2003) notion that African Americans seem to emphasize activities (and are therefore more likely to participate in activities) that signal their superiority or equality.

The current study also supported previous research exploring racial acceptance and perceived importance of leisure activities. Philipp (1999) suggested that many leisure activities may have racial information embedded in them. This racial information, which derives from a history of racial discrimination, segregation, and socioeconomic barriers to certain activities, tells African Americans where they "fit in" and where they do not. Respondents in the present study discussed perceived discrimination, the comfort of their daughter in taking part in certain types of activities, as well as their own comfort in influencing their level of support for their daughters' participation in sports and physical activities where they may not "fit in". Further, in their discussion of culturally appropriate activities, respondents in the current study identified lack of accessibility to facilities as a determinant of which activities may be more appropriate than others. Similarly, Powell and colleagues (Powell, Slater, Chaloupka, & Harper, 2006) determined that predominantly African American neighborhoods had fewer physical activity-related facilities than in predominantly Caucasian neighborhoods.

Mothers in this study also believed that an activity must be associated with little risk of physical harm in order to be culturally appropriate. While respondents largely agreed upon this characteristic, activities they wouldn't want their daughters to participate in due to risk of injury varied. Interestingly, gender guided this theme and not race or ethnicity. Stereotypically "masculine" activities were seen as being inappropriate for girls. Specifically, mothers cited football, boxing, and coed sports as inappropriate. Gymnastics was also cited as an activity that wouldn't be encouraged due to the risk of injury. Winter sports, such as skiing, were also deemed inappropriate.

Further research is needed in order to better understand the area of culturally appropriate activities in meeting the sporting and physical activity needs and interests of African American girls. Although previous research has introduced the importance of culturally appropriate activities to meet the physical activity needs and interests of African American girls, the topic warrants further attention. A better understanding of how parents' perceptions of culturally appropriate activities influence the sport and physical activity participation of African American girls is essential. More knowledge in this area may provide parents, educators and administrators in sport, physical education, and physical activity, the ability to identify factors that may contribute to or inhibit sport and physical activity participation in this population. In mm, African American girls may be provided more suitable options for sport and physical activity, which may in turn increase positive outcomes such as participation motivation, enjoyment, and social support for sport and physical activity.

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Amanda M. Perkins

Missouri State University

Julie A. Partridge

Southern Illinois University Carbondale

Address correspondence to: Amanda M. Perkins, PhD, Department of Kinesiology Missouri State University, 901 S. National Ave. Springfield, MO 65897. email: amandaperkins@missouristate.edu

Table 1
Description of Participants

Name         Marital     Occupation                         Physical
             Status                                         Activity
                                                            Status

Raqueal      Single      Caregiver                          Inactive
Katy         Married     Elementary Schoolteacher           Active
Deborah      Single      Customer Service Representative    Inactive
Christine    Married     Homemaker                          Inactive

Carolyn      Married     Elementary Schoolteacher           Inactive
Alicia       Single      Data Entry Clerk                   Inactive
Cynthia      Single      Account Representative             Inactive
Michelle     Married     Electrical Engineer                Inactive
LaTonya      Divorced    Marketing Executive                Inactive
Pam          Single      Healthcare Administrator           Inactive
Karen        Single      Retail Manager                     Inactive
LaTonia      Single      Secretary                          Inactive

Name         Daughter                Sport/Activity

Raqueal      Sport Participant       Cheerleading
Katy         Sport Participant       Track
Deborah      Sport Participant       Track
Christine    Sport Participant       Basketball,
                                       Volleyball
Carolyn      Sport Non participant
Alicia       Sport Nonparticipant
Cynthia      Sport Non participant
Michelle     Sport Nonparticipant
LaTonya      Other Participant       Step
Pam          Other Participant       Dance
Karen        Other Participant       Dance
LaTonia      Other Participant       Step

Table 2
Examples of Raw Data Themes, and Subthemes and Major Themes

Raw Data Themes                   Subthemes              Major Themes

To get rid of the flabby-         Health/Appearance      Utility
  flab ... I mean health wise
  too.
...less time they have to get     Purposeful               Value
  involved in activities that       Participation
  are not healthy.
Being the only black girl is      Affiliation and
  uncomfortable ...                 Acceptance
                                                         Interest
                                                         Value
...maybe if both parents were     Mother's Experiences
  active, that would be better.
She was shy at first, but she     Self-Concept           Attainment
  really blossomed ...                                   Value

... (cheerleading) was like       Monetary Constraints
  $3000. Track was like $40,
  so we ran track.
I think time constraints have     Academic Demands       Cost
  been the majority of our
  problem ...
Girls don't want to be in the     Physical Costs
  hot sun, getting darker ...
... black girls can see black     Significant Others
  people playing them, so it's
  kind of reassuring them that
  it's okay (to play)                                    Culturally
I don't want her to break         Low Physical Risk      Appropriate
  anything.                                                Activities
... if you want black kids to     Accessibility
  play sports make it
  affordable.