Perceptions of eating behaviors, body image, and social pressures in female division II college athletes and non-athletes.
Gaines, Stacey A. ; Burnett, Taylor Beth S.
Much research has examined the relationship of body image attitudes
and psychosocial functioning and well-being. The antecedents and
correlates of body image are complex and include the developmental
influences of cultural, familiar, and interpersonal experiences as well
as the individual's actual physical characteristics (Cash &
Pruzinsky, 2002; Thompson & Smolak, 2002). Negative body image and
body dissatisfaction have been shown to have adverse psychosocial and
psychological consequences, including disordered eating (Cash &
Deagle, 1997; Gamer, 2002; Stice, 2002), depression and anxiety
(Kostanski & Gullone, 1998), social anxiety and inhibition (Cash
& Fleming, 2002), and poor self-esteem (Kostanski & Gullone,
1998; Powell & Hendricks, 1999).
Body image has been defined in numerous ways; however, most
theorists and practitioners alike describe body image as a
multidimensional construct with physiological, psychological, and
sociological components (Cash, 1994; Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002; Parks
& Read, 1997). Body image has repeatedly been identified as the most
important factor in the development of eating disorders, and body
dissatisfaction is the most consistent predictor of the development of
an eating disorder (Hausenblas & Downs, 2001; Thompson, Heinberg,
Altabe, & Tantleff-Dunn, 1999).
Many find themselves engaging in disordered eating behaviors in
efforts to try to lose unwanted weight and achieve a culturally-defined
"ideal" body image (Gamer & Kearney-Cooke, 1996). In the
United States, an estimated seven million women have some form of
disordered eating pattern (Bachner-Mehnan, et al., 2006). Gender has
been linked as a factor in the level of satisfaction with one's
body. Research has indicated that in America, approximately 50 percent
of all females express dissatisfaction with their bodies. They are
deemed more dissatisfied with their bodies than males, often
experiencing distorted perceptions of their bodies (Cash & Deagle,
1997; Molloy & Herzberg, 1998).
The idea that college-aged females are generally dissatisfied with
their bodies is not something new. Rather, research has consistently
shown that females have become increasingly dissatisfied with their
physical appearance. For years, researchers have suggested female
college students to be at significant risk for negative body
image-related behaviors and disorders (Hoerr, Bokram, Lugo, Bivins,
& Keast, 2002; Mintz & Betz, 1988). Females often report
participation in fitness programs as an effort to alleviate concerns
with body image (Leary, 1992).
Eating behaviors of students on college campuses have garnered
substantial research attention and have consistently linked positively
with dissatisfaction with one's body, particularly in environments
where upholding an "ideal" body image is prevalent (Fumham,
Badmin, & Sneade, 2002; Gamer & Garfinkel, 1980; Sundgot-Borgen,
1993). Negative body image or body dissatisfaction is a major
contributing factor to eating disorders (e.g., Cooley & Toray, 2001;
Striegel-Moore & Cachelin, 1999). Disordered eating in college
students has positively related with low self-esteem (Button, et al.,
1997), and seems to be stronger when environmental pressures to maintain
an ideal body image are present (Berry & Howe, 2000). Similarly,
positive body image has consistently been shown to be lower in females
than males (Davidson & McCabe, 2006; Gamer & Karney-Cooke, 1996;
Kostanski & Gullone, 1998; Lowery et al., 2005); in addition,
negative body image is more salient to females' sense of self and
has a greater negative impact on females than males (Choate, 2005;
Kostanski & Gullone, 1998; Powell & Hendricks, 1999).
Self-esteem has often positively linked with body image (Kostanski
& Gullone, 1998; O'Dea & Abraham, 2000). Self-esteem is how
much one values one's self as a person (Harter & Whitesell,
2003) and represents a global sense of self-worth and self-acceptance as
an emotional response to self-evaluation. An overall self-attitude that
permeates all aspects of life, high self-esteem carries the implication
that one will be accepted, as opposed to rejected by others (Wrosch
& Scheier, 2003). Previous work has found high self-esteem to
associate with life satisfaction and psychological health (e.g.,
Heatherton & Wyland, 2003). Research on college women has revealed
negative body image to predict self-esteem (Mercurio & Landry,
2008).
Low self-esteem in females has negatively related with body image
(e.g., Heatherton & Wyland, 2003; Lowery et al., 2005; Williams,
2004). Additionally, body dissatisfaction has negatively correlated with
self-esteem (Davison & McCabe, 2006; Kostanski & Gullone, 1998).
College females with positive body image have been found to be higher in
self-esteem than females with normative body image discontent or
negative body image (Williams, 2004).
Negative body image, disordered eating, and low self-esteem have
been linked in several studies. Low self-esteem positively relates with
body dissatisfaction, which positively predicts disordered eating
(Lawrence & Thelen, 1995; Tiggemann, 2001). Tiggemann (2001)
examined leisure time activities, disordered eating, body
dissatisfaction, and self-worth and found disordered eating and body
dissatisfaction to link positively with low self-esteem. Likewise,
Thomas, Ricciardelli, and Williams (2000) found disordered eating
related positively with low self-esteem and body dissatisfaction. Some
work has also suggested females' self-esteem to be influenced by
social relationships (e.g., Josephs, Markus, & Tafarodi, 1992).
Cultural ideals and expectations play a critical role in the
development of one's perceived body image (Guinn, Semper, &
Jorgensen, 1997). Culture has instilled in women the notion that
thinness is what is attractive and what is acceptable. This has led to
psychological disorders such as eating abnormalities and depression,
which demonstrates that body image has the ability to incorporate itself
into all aspects of one's life (Cash & Deagle, 1997). Several
researchers and practitioners have adopted a sociocultural model in an
effort to understand negative body image and body dissatisfaction in
females. Such a model recognizes social demands as the force behind the
need of an individual to conform to the norms of body shape (Fallon,
1990; Heinberg, 1996; Stormer & Thompson, 1996; Cusumano &
Thompson, 1997).
Social factors influencing body image and body dissatisfaction
include cultural demands to obtain the ideal body based on physical
appearances. These demands are often shaped by significant social agents
(i.e., peers) in one's environment (Lieberman, Gauvin, Bukowski,
& White, 2001). Individuals who are teased about their weight,
strive to achieve popularity status, or experience patterns of negative
body image and disordered eating from one's peers (i.e., peer
pressure) are more likely to hold negative body image perceptions and
engage in disordered eating behaviors themselves (Lieberman, et al.,
2001; Littleton & Ollendick, 2003). While these relationships among
body-related variables and eating behaviors is alarming in a general
college female population, for athletes, this relationship may be more
marked.
Athletes face unique social pressures brought on by coaches and
judges in competitive environments. Some work has examined the positive
association of athletic status with improved self-image and decreased
depression (Hausenblas & Downs, 2001). However, much of this work
has focused on females in sports where one's body is not easily
judged due to the nature of the uniforms utilized (i.e., basketball,
softball). Previous research has suggested that disordered eating is
more prevalent in athletes who participate in sports that accentuate a
slim body type (Berry & Howe, 2000). Additionally, perceived body
image of peers and social pressures from coaches and peers are
considered to be key social factors in the development of disordered
eating behaviors (Berry & Howe, 2000; Davis & Cowles, 1989).
Athletes are believed to be vulnerable to disordered eating
behaviors, particularly in sports where lower weight is thought to
enhance performance or appearance is thought to be judged (Gamer, 1993).
It is estimated that female athletes make up a significant percentage of
the over seven million women in the United States with eating disorders,
and the NCAA reports that 64 percent of member schools report at least
one female athlete with a diagnosed eating disorder. This number is
likely larger when we consider disordered eating behaviors (NCAA, 2008).
In higher levels of competition, such as the collegiate level,
weight becomes particularly important in many sports (Williams, 1991;
Wright, 1998). In some instances, athletes have reported their coaches
to initiate the misconception that lower weight could positively impact
one's performance, leading some athletes to engage in disordered
eating patterns or exercise more than necessary for optimal performance
(Wright, 1998). Further, chemical patterns within the body may alter
one's perceptions of normal eating behaviors to the point where
purging or complete abstention from food become normal (Williams, 1991).
Pressures from significant and evaluative others in the athletic
domain seem to link with disordered eating in athletes (Kerr, Berman
& De Souza, 2006). Muscat and Long (2008) suggest that athletes who
report receiving critical comments targeted at one's body image
and/or eating behaviors reported greater disordered eating behaviors.
However, several studies have indicated that athletes report more
positive perceptions of body image when compared to their non-athletic
peers (Gamer, 1997; Hausenblas & Downs, 2001). Brownell (1991)
suggests this to be a result of the increased physical demands placed
upon athletes that generally contribute to a more fit physique.
Women's perception of body image and engagement in disordered
eating behaviors is an important area of research, yet little work has
examined the role of social pressures on these perceptions and
behaviors. The overarching purpose of this study is to examine
perceptions of body image, body satisfaction, and social pressures in
college-aged females. Several hypotheses are forwarded: first, it is
expected that female college athletes will show relatively greater signs
of disordered eating and more positive perceptions of body image than
their non-athletic peers. Second, athletic status is expected to
function as a moderator in the relationship of disordered eating and
self-esteem, such that athletes with relatively higher disordered eating
patterns will demonstrate relatively higher self-esteem than their
non-athletic peers. Third, it is hypothesized that social pressures
relevant to the individual (i.e., for athletes, coach, non-athletic
peers, teammates, romantic partner; for non-athletes, peers, romantic
partner) to maintain body image will positively relate with disordered
eating, low self-esteem, and negative perceptions of body image.
Method
Participants
Participants (N= 254) were current female college athletes (n = 58;
22.8%) and non-athletes (n = 196, 77.2%) aged 18 to 42 (M= 20.8, SD =
3.6) years of age. Participants largely reported ethnicities of Hispanic
(n = 175, 68.9%) or Caucasian (n = 61, 24%) origin, with the remaining
participants reporting African American (n = 15, 5.9%) or other (n = 3,
1.2%). Participants reported grade classifications of freshmen (n = 86,
33.9%), sophomore (n = 60, 23.6%), junior (n = 41, 16.1%), senior (n =
64, 25.2%), and graduate student (n = 3, 1.2%). Female athletes reported
participation in cross country (n = 4, 1.6%), track and field (n = 10,
3.9%), basketball (n = 11, 4.3%), volleyball (n = 11,4.3%), and softball
(n = 22, 8.7%). The non-athlete sample was comprised of females enrolled
in several general education courses at a moderately-sized university.
Measures
Those participants who volunteered to participate completed a
multiform questionnaire measuring study variables as well as demographic
information. Previously validated and reliable measures were used to
assess eating attitudes and beliefs, self-esteem, body dissatisfaction,
and social pressures. Reliability information for each measure in this
study can be seen in Table 1.
Disordered eating. The Eating Attitudes Test (EAT: Gamer &
Garfinkel, 1979) is a measure of disordered eating based thoughts and
values using a 6-point self-report Likert scale ranging from (1)
'never' to (6) 'always' (e.g., "I avoid eating
when I am hungry"). Previous research has established adequate
internal consistency reliability and validity of disordered eating
scores in females (Gamer & Garfinkel, 1979).
Self-esteem. The Self-Esteem Scale (Rosenberg, 1965) measures
global self-esteem using a 4-point structured-alternative scale (e.g.,
"I wish I could have more respect for myself"). Previous work
has demonstrated adequate internal consistency reliability and validity
of self-esteem scores in college-aged females (Harris, 2000).
Body dissatisfaction. The Contour Drawing Rating Scale (CDRS:
Thompson & Gray, 1991) is a measure of body dissatisfaction using
nine female figure drawings ranging from (0) very slim to (8) very
overweight. Participants are asked to rate their present female body
type and their ideal female body type. A body dissatisfaction score is
obtained by subtracting the present from the ideal body type. Previous
research has established adequate internal consistency reliability and
validity of body dissatisfaction scores in female college students
(Cusumano & Thompson, 1997).
Social pressures. The Peer Pressure and Eating Scale (PPES:
Lieberman, et al., 2001) is a measure of peer pressure, eating
behaviors, self-esteem, and interpersonal relationships adapted to
assess peer, romantic, coach, and teammate social pressures. The measure
utilizes a 6-point Likert scale ranging from (1) 'false' to
(6) 'true' (e.g., "My friends encourage me to diet"
or "I feel that my romantic partner expects me to be thin").
Previous work has demonstrated adequate internal consistency reliability
and validity of pressure scores in females (Lieberman, et al., 2001).
Procedures
After approval from the Institutional Review Board was obtained, as
requested by the IRB, potential participants were contacted by way of
coaches and instructors. Additionally, an email detailing the study and
inviting participation in the study was sent to all female students and
athletes at the university where the study was conducted. This broad
population was targeted to receive a variety of responses from athletes
and non-athletes. Researchers met with potential participants at the end
of a practice session or class where potential participants were
introduced to the study's purposes and given an opportunity to
voluntarily complete the study survey. Participants were assured of
their confidentiality, informed that no "right" or
"wrong" answers exist, and asked to answer the questions as
honestly as possible. At the completion of the survey, a short
debriefing session was offered and participants were thanked for their
participation.
Data Analysis
Data were screened prior to all analyses to test for statistical
assumptions (Hair, Anderson, Tatham, & Black, 1998; Tabachnick &
Fidell, 2007) and descriptive statistics were calculated. There were no
missing data. Confirmatory factor analyses were calculated for all main
study measures. MANOVA was used to determine group differences on body
image and disordered eating by athletic status (i.e., athlete vs
non-athlete). Next, following procedures outlined by Aiken and West
(1991), a test of moderation using hierarchical multiple regression
analysis examined the potential moderating effect of athletic status on
the relationship of disordered eating with self-esteem. Main effects
were entered in the first step and the two-way interaction was entered
in the second step. Predictor variables were centered and interaction
terms were created by multiplying the centered predictor variables.
Finally, standard multiple regression was utilized to examine if body
image, disordered eating, and self-esteem are predicted by social
pressures (peer and romantic pressure).
Results
Preliminary Analyses
Means and standard deviations, correlations, and internal
consistency reliability values appear in Table 1. All internal
consistency reliability values were [greater than or equal to] .70.
Overall, participants reported relatively low perceptions of body image
and disordered eating, moderate perceptions of self-esteem, and
moderate-to-high perceptions of teammate, peer, and romantic pressure.
Correlations among all study variables were calculated and were in
projected directions. Body image was positively correlated with
self-esteem, and negatively related with disordered eating and peer
pressure. Disordered eating was negatively related with self-esteem, and
positively related with team, peer, and romantic pressure. Self-esteem
was negatively related with peer pressure, while coach pressure was
positively related with team and peer pressure. Team pressure was
positively related with peer and romantic pressure, whereas peer
pressure was positively related with romantic pressure only.
Main Analyses
Group differences between athletes and non-athletes. A MANOVA was
conducted with body image and disordered eating as dependent variables
to evaluate the presence of athlete and non-athlete differences on these
variables. The range of correlations between these variables was -.46 to
.59, and diagnostic tests suggested no concerns with multicollinearity
(Tabachnick & Fidell, 2007).
A 2 x 2 (disordered eating x body image) MANOVA with body image and
disordered eating as dependent variables was performed to establish the
presence of athlete and non-athlete differences. The MANOVA revealed a
main effect for athletes verses non-athletes (Pillai's Trace = .07,
[F.sub.(2,251)] = 9.73, p < .001, [[eta].sup.2.sub.p] = .07).
Follow-up univariate tests revealed significant effects for disordered
eating ([F.sub.(1,252)] = 14.88, p < .001, [[eta].sup.2.sub.p] =
.06), and body image ([F.sub.(1,252)]= 12.99, p < .001,
[[eta].sup.2.sub.p] = .05). Athletes reported higher body image
perceptions (M= -.79, SD = .19) than non-athletes (M = -1.59, SD = .11).
However, athletes reported lower disordered eating (M= 1.92, SD = .09)
than non-athletes (M= 2.31, SD = .05). Table 2 presents the means and
standard deviations of the dependent variables for body image and
disordered eating.
Moderation of the disordered eating-self-esteem relationship.
Hierarchical regression analysis was used to determine if athletic
status moderated the relationship between disordered eating and
self-esteem. Main effect terms (athletic status and disordered eating)
were entered in step 1 and the interaction term (athletic status x
disordered eating) was entered in step 2. Self-esteem served as the
dependent variable in both steps. Athletic status and disordered eating
significantly predicted self-esteem in the first model ([F.sub.(2,251)]
= 20.22, p < .001), with 14% of the variance being explained by the
predictors (see Table 3). In this model, athletic status and disordered
eating were significant predictors of self-esteem with being an athlete
and lower disordered eating predicting self-esteem. Addition of the
interaction term in the second model yielded a nonsignificant change in
self-esteem variance ([DELTA][R.sup.2] = .002), therefore failing to
support the moderation hypothesis.
Social pressure as a predictor. To address if body image,
disordered eating, and self-esteem are predicted by social influences
(peer and romantic pressure), multiple regression analysis was utilized.
In the first model, peer and romantic pressure collectively predicted
individuals' body image, [F.sub.(2,169)] = 18.09, p < .001. Peer
pressure contributed significantly to this model. The second model, peer
and romantic pressure collectively predicted disordered eating
behaviors, [F.sub.(2,169)] = 42.75, p < .001. Peer pressure
contributed significantly to this model. In the third model, peer and
romantic pressure predicted self-esteem, [F.sub.(2,169)] = 20.43, p <
.001. Peer pressure contributed significantly to this model. See Table 4
for individual regression coefficients.
Discussion
The purpose of this study was to examine perceptions of body image,
body satisfaction, and social pressures in college-aged females, with
particular attention given to differences in these perceptions between
athletes and non-athletes. It was hypothesized that female college
athletes would show relatively greater signs of disordered eating and
more positive perceptions of body image than their non-athletic peers.
Second, that athletic status would moderate the relationship of
disordered eating and self-esteem, such that athletes with relatively
higher disordered eating patterns would demonstrate relatively higher
self-esteem than their non-athletic peers. Finally, that greater social
pressures to maintain body image would positively relate with disordered
eating, lower self-esteem, and negative perceptions of body image in
both athletes and non-athletes.
Potential differences as a result of athletic status were examined
among body image and disordered eating behaviors. The first hypothesis
was partially supported. Female athletes reported lower perceptions of
negative body image when compared to non-athletes, non-athletes reported
greater disordered eating than athletes. Athletes may report lower
perceptions of negative body image because they engage in daily physical
activity, aiding in the development of a toned physique, which may
improve body image perceptions (Putukian, 2001; Reinking &
Alexander, 2005). It is also possible that athletes may see improvements
in their performance due to changes in weight, failing to see that
inadequate diet may be underlying the changes in weight (Davis &
Cowles, 1989). This sequence may encourage athletes to engage in
disordered eating behaviors, perhaps without consciously doing so,
however future research is warranted to explore this hypothesis. One
possible explanation for athletes showing lower incidence of disordered
eating behaviors than non-athletes is the Hispanic culture. The
examination of cultural influences on eating behaviors is a relatively
new area of study, however the role of culture seems to be important
(Gamer, 1993). The minority population in the United States is rapidly
expanding, a large portion of which is composed of Hispanics, one-third
of whom reside in Texas (Cousins et al., 1992). Hispanics have a greater
amount of fat in their central and upper bodies and the Western cultural
ideal of thinness has not necessarily become a cultural idea for
Hispanics. Dieting and exercise are also uncommon in this ethnic group
(Cousins et al., 1992). Nearly 80% of our athletic population reported
ethnicities other than Hispanic, while nearly 70% of the non-athletic
population reported Hispanic ethnicity. While this contention, also,
must be explored in future research, it seems plausible that the
Hispanic cultural ideals are coming into play with these results.
Athletic status was examined as a potential moderator in the
relationship of disordered eating with self-esteem. Contrary to the
hypothesis, athletic status did not moderate this relationship. While
being an athlete and less disordered eating behaviors independently
predicted higher self-esteem, the interaction of these terms did not
significantly predict self-esteem. This suggests that athletes
exhibiting more disordered eating behaviors are not showing higher
self-esteem than non-athletes with similar eating behaviors. This may be
partially explained by our choice in examining only female athletes and
non-athletes. Several researchers have proposed an ideal physique for
females in the United States, it is possible that an athletic body build
closely resembles that ideal physique (Beals & Manore, 1994; Berry
& Howe, 2000). As a result, athletes may not experience negative
body image perceptions because they are not focused on their weight or
physique, resulting in a higher self-esteem. Similarly, athletes may not
be engaging in disordered eating behaviors specifically to alter their
weight. In addition, participants in the athletic population of this
study were primarily comprised of Hispanic and African American ethnic
backgrounds. Cultural implications of body image and disordered eating
were not examined in this study, and may be an avenue for future
research. The ideal physique for these cultures is different than the
ideal physique for Caucasian women, which may have factored into this
nonsignificant moderating relationship (Abood & Chandler, 1997;
Russell & Cox, 2003).
Finally, social pressures (peer and romantic) were examined as
predictors of body image, disordered eating, and self-esteem. While peer
and romantic pressure collectively predicted females' body image,
disordered eating behaviors, and self-esteem, romantic pressure did not
significantly contribute independently. Peer pressure positively
predicted disordered eating behaviors, and negatively predicted
self-esteem and body image perceptions. Previous work has suggested that
actions and remarks from peers (i.e., persuasion to go on a diet,
criticism concerning weight, copying others' behaviors) may promote
dissatisfaction with one's body, pressure to sustain an ideal
physique, and disordered eating behaviors (Stice, 1998). The present
findings do not support previous literature associating pressure from
romantic partners with perceptions of negative body image, disordered
eating, and low self-esteem (e.g., Liberman, et al., 2001). It is
possible that the participants in the present study do not experience
criticism regarding body image or eating behaviors from their romantic
partners, or participants did not have a romantic partner (n = 47; 18.5%
of our population). This lack of criticism may lead to a decreased risk
of disordered eating behaviors or lower self-esteem.
Collectively these results reveal there to be differences between
athlete and non-athlete female college students as athletes reported
higher body image perceptions and lower disordered eating behaviors than
non-athletes. Further, athletic status did not moderate the relationship
of disordered eating with self-esteem. Finally, peer pressure
significantly predicted females' body image perceptions, disordered
eating behaviors, and self-esteem. However, pressure from romantic
partners showed no relationship with body image perceptions, disordered
eating behaviors, or self-esteem.
There are several limitations and delimitations that should be
considered when interpreting these findings. First, the sample was
primarily Hispanic, which is representative of the population where the
data were collected, but reduces the generalizability of these findings.
Second, only two sports where an emphasis is placed on the body by means
of the uniform (e.g., volleyball and track/cross country) were examined
in this study. Finally, the athlete sample was considerably smaller than
the non-athlete sample, which made it necessary to pool data for some
analyses.
There are several avenues for future research that can overcome
these limitations and delimitations, as well as provide additional
insight into these variables. Furthermore, the present findings suggest
that future study of body image perceptions and the link with
self-esteem and social pressures is warranted. Related to the present
study, ethnic and cultural differences on body image perceptions should
be examined. Most of the research investigating these variables has
examined Caucasians, who generally report greater disturbance with body
image and higher incidence of disordered eating behaviors (e.g.,
Lawrence & Thelen, 1995; Cash & Pruzinsky, 2002; Russell &
Cox, 2003). Further work examining Hispanic, as well as other minority
populations, will provide a clearer picture of body image perceptions in
female college students.
The present work focused on females, however males are also privy
to body image concerns, although manifested in different ways. By
examining behaviors such as the increased use of supplements or extreme
dieting may reveal intricacies salient to males. Similarly, examining
sport type or playing position and whether these variables place unique
pressures on athletes that may lead to disordered eating behaviors
and/or negative body image perceptions would be beneficial to our
understanding. Finally, longitudinal work examining changes in body
image perceptions over time, in particular across the transition from
high school to college, and the influence of peers on these changes in
transition, would be quite interesting.
Researchers and practitioners alike have agreed that the promotion
of positive body image will aid in the prevention of disordered eating
behaviors (e.g., Cook-Cottone & Phelps, 2003). Based on the current
findings, it appears that the consideration of peer influence on such
behaviors is warranted in practice. Through carefully designed education
and intervention programs, peer leaders, both on athletic teams and in
college counseling centers, can be a meaningful way to enrich
females' body image perceptions, decrease disordered eating
behaviors, and increase self-esteem. Understanding the mechanisms by
which peers, as well as other significant others, influence body image
perceptions, disordered eating, and self-esteem will be critical in
preventing the escalation of negative eating behaviors in college
females.
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Stacey A. Gaines
Taylor Beth S. Burnett
Texas A&M University-Kingsville
Address correspondence to: Dr. Stacey Gaines, Texas A&M
University-Kingsville, Department of Health & Kinesiology (MSC 198),
700 University Blvd (HREC 210), Kingsville, TX 78363 (USA). Email:
stacey.gaines@tamuk.edu
Table 1.
Means and Standard Deviations, Scale Reliabilities, and Correlations
Among Main Study Variables (N = 254).
Variable BI DE SE PP RP
Cronbach's Alpha ^ .89 .85 .86 .78
Body Image --
Disordered Eating -.46 --
Self-Esteem 27 ** _ 27 ** --
Peer Pressure -.42 ** .57 ** _ 37 ** --
Romanic Pressure .05 27 ** -.01 99 ** --
M 1.41 2.22 3.39 2.61 2.79
SD 1.51 .69 .44 .67 .69
Responsive Range 0-8 1-6 1-4 1-6 1-6
Note. * p < .05; ** p < .01; ^ = no reliability calculated due to
measure; BI = Body Image; DE = Disordered Eating; SE = Self-Esteem;
PP = Peer Pressure; RP = Romantic Pressure.
Table 2.
Means (Standard Deviations) and Univariate F-values for Disordered
Eating and Body Image by Athletic Status (N = 254).
Variable Non-Athletes Athletes Univariate
(n = 196) (n = 58) F
M (SD) M (SD)
Disordered Eating 2.31 (.05) 1.92 (.09) 14.88 ***
Body Image -1.59 (.11) -.79 (.19) 12 99 ***
Note. *** p < .001.
Table 3.
Model Dependent Independent B SE B [beta]
Variable Variables
1 Self-Esteem Athletic S tams .03 .06 .03
Disordered Eating *** -.24 .04 -.37
2 Self-Esteem Athletic Status .05 .07 .04
Disordered Eating *** -.25 .04 -.39
[Ath.sup.x]Disordered Eat .08 .10 .05
Model [R.sup.2]
1 .14
2 .14
Multiple Regression Analyses for Test of Moderation: Athletic Status
(N = 254).
Note. *** p < .001.
Table 4.
Peer and Romantic Pressure Independently Predicting Disordered
Eating, Body Image, and Self-esteem of Social Influence (N = 254).
Model Dependent Independent B SE B [beta]
Variables Variables
1 Disordered Eating Peer Pressure *** .58 .07 .53
Romantic Pressure .12 .07 .11
2 Body Image Peer Pressure *** -.94 .16 -.44
Romantic Pressure .17 .15 .09
3 Self-Esteem Peer Pressure *** -.32 .05 -.46
Romantic Pressure .09 .05 .13
Model [R.sup.2]
1 .34
2 .18
3 .19
Note. *** p < .001.
