Trust-building, knowledge generation and organizational innovations: the role of a bridging organization for adaptive comanagement of a Wetland landscape around Kristianstad, Sweden.
Hahn, Thomas ; Olsson, Per ; Folke, Carl 等
Published online: 18 July 2006
[c] Springer Science+Business Media, Inc. 2006
Abstract The literature on ecosystem management and assessment is
increasingly focusing on social capacity to enhance ecosystem
resilience. Organizational flexibility, participatory approaches to
learning, and knowledge generation for responding adequately to
environmental change have been highlighted but not critically assessed.
The small, flexible municipal organization, Ecomuseum Kristianstads
Vattenrike (EKV) in southern Sweden, has identified win-win situations
and gained broad support and legitimacy for ecosystem management among a
diversity of actors in the region. Navigating the existing
legal-political framework, EKV has built a loose social network of local
stewards and key persons from organizations at municipal and higher
societal levels. As a 'bridging organization', EKV has created
arenas for trust-building, knowledge generation, collaborative learning,
preference formation, and conflicts solving among actors in relation to
specific environmental issues. Ad hoc projects are developed as issues
arise by mobilizing individuals from the social network. Our results
suggest that the EKV approach to adaptive comanagement has enhanced the
social capacity to respond to unpredictable change and developed a
trajectory towards resilience of a desirable social-ecological system.
Key words Social-ecological systems * resilience * adaptive
comanagement * collaborative learning * organizational innovation *
ecosystem management.
Introduction
Social and economic development relies on the support of dynamic
and functioning ecosystems generating valuable goods and services (http://www.maweb.org). Resilience--the capacity to buffer, adapt to and
shape change--has emerged as a crucial concept in the search for
understanding complex ecosystem dynamics (Holling, 1973). Sustaining and
enhancing ecosystem resilience is a function of successful ecosystem
management and this in turn rests on the social capacity to understand
and respond to environmental feedback over time as well as space (Berkes
and Folke, 1998). (1)
We focus on the dynamic interplay of ecological and social systems,
which we term social-ecological systems (Berkes et al., 2003; Folke et
al., 2002; Gunderson and Holling, 2002). Our concern is resilience in
social-ecological systems, which is determined by ecological dynamics as
well as the social capacity to respond to and shape ecosystem change in
a fashion that sustains and enhances the ecological preconditions for
human societies. The question is how to sustain or develop a desired
social-ecological trajectory (Carpenter et al., 2001) in the face of
change and uncertainty (Folke et al., 2003). This has been referred to
as adaptive governance of ecosystems or social-ecological systems (Dietz
et al., 2003; Eckerberg and Joas, 2004; Folke et al., 2005; Ostrom,
2005).
Advocating an adaptive ecosystem approach, Boyle et al.(2001)
suggest a triad of activities, where governance is the process of
resolving tradeoffs and providing a vision and direction for
sustainability, management is the operationalization of this vision, and
monitoring provides feedback and synthesizes the observations to a
narrative of how the situation has emerged and might unfold in the
future. In a recent review (Folke et al., 2005) we concluded that
successful adaptive approaches for ecosystem management under
uncertainty involve (Fig. 1):
1) building knowledge and understanding of resource and ecosystem
dynamics; detecting and responding to environmental feedback in ways
that enhances resilience requires knowledge of ecosystem processes and
functions. Hence, managers need to mobilize all sources of understanding
to reduce ecological illiteracy. This involves linking people and
steward organizations with different knowledge systems (Gadgil et al.,
1993; Olsson and Folke, 2001).
2) feeding ecological knowledge into adaptive management practices;
successful management is characterized by continuous testing,
monitoring, and adaptive responses acknowledging the inherent
uncertainty in complex systems. Management plans are adapted to new
understanding of uncertainty rather than striving for optimization based
on past records (Berkes et al., 2003). Forming a learning environment
that accepts continuous testing and changes requires leadership within
management organizations (Danter et al., 2000).
3) supporting flexible institutions and multilevel governance
systems; The sharing of management power and responsibility may involve
multiple, often polycentric, cross-level institutional and
organizational linkages among user-groups or communities, government
agencies, and nongovernmental organizations, i.e., neither
centralization nor decentralization (Ostrom, 1998). This collaboration
and adaptive governance draws on visions and narratives from the social
memory of past ecological crises and responses and requires enabling
legislation and social incentives for collaboration (Malayang et al.,
2005; Pretty, 2003). Social networks are instrumental for mobilizing
social memory, generating social capital as well as legal, political,
and financial support to ecosystem management initiatives.
4) dealing with external drivers, change and surprise; it is not
sufficient for a well-functioning multilevel governance system to be in
tune with the dynamics of the ecosystems under management (referred to
as the "internal resilience" by Folke et al., 2004, p. 567).
It also needs to develop capacity for dealing with changes in climate,
disease outbreaks, hurricanes, global market demands, subsidies, and
governmental policies (Dietz et al., 2003). The challenge for the
social-ecological system is to accept uncertainty, be prepared for
change and surprise, and enhance the adaptive capacity to deal with
disturbance (Berkes et al., 2003). Nonresilient social-ecological
systems are vulnerable to external change while a resilient system may
even make use of disturbances as opportunities to transform into more
desired states (Walker et al., 2004).
In this paper we focus on the second and the third issue of
ecosystem management, i.e., the links between organizations,
institutions, and knowledge systems (Fig. 1), which has received
relatively little attention (Berkes and Folke, 1998; Berkes et al.,
2003; Dale et al., 2000; Imperial, 1999). The case study for our
analysis is the ecosystem management system in Kristianstads Vattenrike
(KV), which was established in 1989. This case has been chosen because
it appears to be an example of successful collaboration for ecosystem
and landscape management and illuminates many theoretical concerns of
adaptive governance, adaptive comanagement, and resilience in
social-ecological system. The social response is a result of
self-organization at the local level but it involves interaction between
organizations and institutions at municipal, county, national, and
international levels.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
The aim of this study is to understand the social processes and
strategies that contribute to resilience. We want to assess whether
'adaptive comanagement' is applied at KV. We are particularly
interested in the organizational structure of adaptive comanagement, the
role of leadership and key persons, how knowledge, meaning, and visions
are generated and communicated, how learning and collaboration are
carried out at KV, and how local actors have managed to
"navigate" among national and international institutions and
organizations for legal, political, and financial support.
The first section examines the flexible organizational structure of
Ecomuseum Kristianstads Vattenrike (EKV) and its surrounding social
networks. In the next section, we examine the horizontal collaboration,
i.e., how EKV is coordinating and engaging local actors and local
steward associations in the knowledge generation and ecosystem
management process. We then examine vertical collaboration in
multilayered institutions, how EKV navigates the larger environment by
connecting to formal institutions to safeguard achievements from
informal collaboration. These sections are both descriptive and
analytical. Important findings are analyzed in the subsequent section
followed by conclusions.
Methods and Definitions
To understand the institutional and organizational dynamics of the
adaptive comanagement process in KV we have chosen two projects from
about 20 for closer examination; the Flooded Meadow Project and the
Crane Project. Together with the Vrams[epsilon]n Creek Project, analyzed
in Schultz et al. (2004), these projects involve a diverse set of
collaborators operating at different levels. We have used qualitative
methods including semistructured in-depth interviews (Bernard, 1994;
Kvale, 1996) with key informants of KV. An extensive review of other
information sources was also conducted to complement the interviews.
Our approach is historical rather than structural (McAllister,
2002), analyzing the dynamics underlying the ecosystem management of KV.
Variables like trust building, social capital, strategic collaboration
in ad hoc projects/networks, knowledge generation, sense-making,
identification of win-win situations, preference formation, conflict
resolution, etc., were only to a limited extent preconceived from theory
and hypotheses. Instead, they largely emerged from the in-depth
interviews. We then analyzed the material within the theoretical
framework of adaptive comanagement and resilience in social-ecological
systems without trying to isolate independent variables and single
causes for complex events (Gaddis, 2002).
The study was conducted over a two-year period 2002-2003. The three
core staff of EKV were interviewed on several occasions throughout this
period, using a tape recorder or taking notes. Telephone interviews were
also conducted for supplementation, clarification, or verification of
data. The goal was to capture the interviewees' experiences
regarding the strategies for ecosystem management in KV, including how
they deal with change and uncertainty. Three landowners/farmers at three
different sites were interviewed several times using a tape recorder.
These key informants, who are involved in one or both of the projects
chosen for this study, were identified by other farmers and the EKV
staff. They were asked to describe how the projects have evolved and
evaluate the collaboration with EKV.
Results from the in-depth interviews have been triangulated with
other sources of information such as project proposals, progress
reports, municipal protocols, inventories, maps, correspondence,
Internet sites, and newspaper clippings. Shorter interviews have also
been conducted with other actors in the area including an official from
a municipality administration with responsibility for the environmental
issues of KV, as well as farmers and other persons representing local
steward associations. Informal meetings with these and key persons at
the national level have provided us with opportunities to air
controversies and triangulate the in-depth interviews.
We define the legal framework and other official rules with formal
sanctions as the formal institutions (or institutional arrangements) of
a society, while conventions and social norms of behavior are defined as
informal institutions (Bromley, 1989; North, 1990). Organizations also
provide structure but are regarded as the actors or "players"
rather than the rules.
Multilayered or polycentric institutional arrangements are nested
sets of institutions that involve local as well as higher levels of
society, allowing a balance between decentralized and centralized
control. Due to their overlapping functions, polycentric institutions
enhance the diversity of response options (Ostrom, 1998). This provides
an "institutionally rich environment [that] improves the prospects
of resolving complex problems. It can encourage innovation and
experimentation by allowing individuals and organizations to explore
different ideas about solving problems" (Imperial, 1999).
Interaction between institutions at different organizational levels
may be benign or malign depending on the degree of congruence and
collaboration (Young, 2002). Benign interactions enable adaptive
comanagement where "adaptive management" stands for learning
from deliberate experimentation (Gunderson and Holling, 2002) and
"comanagement" is collaboration among local actors as well as
with higher level organizations and institutions (Pinkerton, 1989).
Adaptive comanagement is a way to operationalize adaptive governance
(Olsson et al., 2004a). We believe a focus on adaptive comanagement will
illuminate many issues addressed by the literature on the ecosystem
approach (Boyle et al., 2001) and ecosystem management (Dale et al.,
2000).
In the two projects of this study we assess the dynamics of social
responses, at various organizational levels, to ecosystem change to find
out whether adaptive co-management exists and if so, how it works. If
data reveal that local steward associations self-organize, experiment
with new management practices, learn, generate and store ecological
knowledge, collaborate, and manage to get support for this from
authorities at different levels, then we interpret the process as
adaptive comanagement (Olsson et al., 2004a).
The Case Study: Kristianstads Vattenrike (KV)
Kristianstads Vattenrike (2) is the name of the lower
Helge[epsilon] River catchment, southern Sweden, that stretches 35 km
from upstream forests, through agricultural land, wetlands, and the City
of Kristianstad to the Hano Bay a coastal area on the Baltic Sea (Fig.
2). The whole Helge[epsilon] River catchment is 4,775 km (2). The lower
part of the catchment including the coastal area (1, 110 k[m.sup.2])
belongs to the Municipality of Kristianstad and this area is referred to
as Kristianstads Vattenrike (KV). The core of KV (80 k[m.sup.2]) is
listed by the Ramsar Convention on Wetlands and contains flooded meadows
as well as two shallow lakes. The agriculture of KV is among the most
productive in Sweden. The wetland areas are located within walking
distance from the center of the City of Kristianstad with about 28,000
inhabitants. There are 75,000 inhabitants in the whole municipality and
this translates to a density of 56 persons per square kilometer. (3)
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
The most characteristic feature of KV is that large parts of the
wetland area are flooded meadows that are used for pastures (1100 ha)
and hay harvesting (500 ha) (Ovesson, 2003). Due to an annual average
water fluctuation of 1.4 m at Kristianstad, these meadows are flooded in
fall and early spring and can thus be used for agriculture only in
summer. The lower demarcation of the flooded meadows is the summer brink
of the Helge[epsilon] water system and the upper demarcation is where
permanent agricultural is possible (Fig. 3). Most of the flooded areas
in between have been used for agricultural purposes for centuries and
have unique cultural-historical values (Cronert, 2001). Other important
habitats include large beech forests, wet forests, willow bushes, and
sandy grasslands with unique flora and fauna. In June 2005, KV became
the first UNESCO Man and the Biosphere (MAB) Reserve in Sweden
fulfilling the Sevilla requirements of 1995.
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
A Flexible and Adaptive Organization
In 1989, a small group of concerned inhabitants convinced the
municipal executive board of Kristianstad to establish Kristianstads
Vattenrike (KV) as an area of interest for ecosystem management and
employ a director (we call him SEM here) of the office Ecomuseum
Kristianstads Vattenrike (EKV). SEM himself played a key role in this
transformation and is still the director of EKV (Olsson et al., 2004b).
Other key persons include HC, who works half-time for the technical
municipality administration and halftime for the County Administration
Board (CAB) and is responsible for issues concerning nature conservation
and nature reserves, and KM, one of the founders of the Nature School
and information secretary at the Man and Biosphere (MAB) Candidate
Office that was established to make preparations for KV to become a MAB
Reserve.
Unlike ordinary municipal administrations, EKV has no legal
authority to make or enforce rules. To get access to larger resources
within the municipality, EKV presents various ecosystem management
projects as "profitable", in terms of fulfilling nonmonetary
goals, for the municipal administrations concerned with education,
environmental protection, and development. As SEM puts it: "You
must present your idea so they see why it's worthwhile to
cooperate. Win-win situations are necessary." The same strategy
applies for EKVs external contacts with the CAB, the EPA, Region Scania
and other authorities as well as organizations like the WWF. The ability
to attract financial resources from various sources to concrete projects
has been characteristic for EKV since the beginning (Olsson et al.,
2004b).
The purpose of EKV is to preserve the ecological values and
cultural heritage connected to water, recreate values that have been
lost, and use the natural resources for economic purposes in a way that
sustains the values. (5) The major role of EKV is to coordinate
activities related to the water resources. EKV is the agent that
determines which outdoor museum sites and which projects belong to and
are undertaken in the name of KV. Since 1989 EKV has defined five
sections of collaboration within KV. (6)
1. Nature conservation,
2. Environmental protection,
3. Ecotourism and recreation,
4. Education and the Nature School, and
5. Cultural heritage management.
At present, EKV has around 20 projects running, engaging some 200
persons. Over the years a social network of actors has developed in
relation to the management of KV. It includes individuals representing
local steward associations (Schultz et al., 2004) and authorities and
organizations at higher levels of society. (7) EKV is the central node
of this network. From a loose social network collaborative ad hoc
projects are formed as issue arise. As a consequence each of these
projects consists of a subnetwork and is coordinated, but not
necessarily administered, by EKV. The oldest project and also the
largest in terms of number of participants and budget, is the Flooded
Meadows Project; its structure is illustrated in Fig. 3.
The projects often start as initiatives from the EKV staff, such as
the protection and restoration of flooded meadows, the nature school,
the stork project, and compiling a list of all birds that have been
observed in KV. (8) Several small nature conservation inventories have
been initiated and/or conducted by EKV or other stakeholders within
KV--the bird-watching association, the nature conservation association,
and a fishing association. External scientists are often hired to make
such inventories.
Some project ideas have to wait for the right moment to be
implemented, e.g., "The Riverboat for tourists," an idea SEM
that materialized a few years later when an entrepreneur with suitable
skills and interests turned up, and is the harvest machine for wetlands
that was constructed when the state provided an opportunity for farmers
to apply for investment grants. In this case EKV assisted a farmer to
write an application, hence "navigating" formal institutions
(Table I).
Table I Processes and Strategies Used by EKV for Local
Collaboration
Trust-building for identification of common interests
Generating, mobilizing, and communicating ecological knowledge
Inspiring preference formation
Creating meaning by "elevating" the issues to identify
win-win projects
Arena for conflict resolution
Assisting farmers and tourist entrepreneurs in navigating formal
institutions
A fixed structure with regular meetings for all these projects
would require a large administration. EKV has deliberately chosen a
flexible project organization to take advantage of and respond to sudden
changes. As SEM puts it: "There is no optimal organization, it has
to continuously adapt and be flexible. A nucleus of reliable staff is
essential, and the competence they lack is borrowed from the actors
involved in each specific project." Hence, the EKV operates as a
dynamic organization (Westley, 1995) that uses social networks to build
a broad support for integrated ecosystem management.
The flexibility of EKV has resulted in a lot of activities at a
small cost to the municipality, 1.8 MSEK (200,000 Euro) per year. This
covers the costs for the office and other technical costs as well as the
salaries for the director and two other persons who work with the
practical issues concerning maintenance and development of the outdoor
museum (9) and administration. Most of the physical outdoor museum, with
trails, footbridges, and exhibitions, was built during the economic
recession at the beginning of the 1990s by government programs. The
outdoor museum has made the recreational value of the wetland ecosystems
accessible to the local inhabitants and provides experience-and-learning
sites with extensive monitoring of biodiversity and ecosystem conditions
and functioning.
Collaborative Learning with Local Stakeholders
In western societies, public participation and collaborative
learning is increasingly being employed for sustainable community development (Berkes, 2002; Hoff, 1998; Ljung, 2001; Roling and
Wagemakers, 1998; Wondolleck and Yaffee, 2000). People from the wider
social network around EKV are mobilized in different collaborative
learning projects. The connections between individuals and organizations
at different levels are coordinated and facilitated by EKV. The
horizontal collaboration takes place at the municipal and submunicipal
levels (Fig. 3). Important characteristics of this collaboration are
summarized in Table I.
Collaboration with Selected Key Persons
HC, who is in charge of the nature conservation section of EKV,
describes the working methodology in three steps:
* Assessment of which lands have the highest conservation and other
values.
* Personal contacts with landowners or tenants on these lands to
identify common interests and discuss win-win projects.
* Further contacts within the municipality and at higher
organizational levels to gather and develop knowledge as well as attract
funding and support of the project.
SEM is very careful about the selection of individuals who are
invited to participate in a project: "We don't invite negative
persons in the beginning of the process; increased knowledge and
enthusiasm among the positive persons take care of them later. Sooner or
later we have to face the negative farmers but often they approve when
they see how it works and that their neighbors are content." SEM
does not recommend inviting a lot of strangers to an unconditional
meeting: "That is the worst thing you can do. Having talked to so
many people out in the district we realize what bombs might be dropped
if we were to bring everybody together for a large meeting. I mean, you
don't gather people if you don't think anything positive will
come out of the meeting."
When initiating collaboration with farmers and fishing associations
with private property rights, EKV must make attractive proposals
(win-win) to influence management. On public (state or municipal) land
and water there are often several stakeholders claiming management
authority or at least use rights--conservationists, developers or
exploiters, and boating associations. Sometimes these conflicts can be
resolved through consensus, which is the EKV approach, but sometimes it
becomes an issue for The Consultancy Group for Nature Conservation, in
which EKV and with a dozen other interest groups meet to advise the
municipal executive board on land use plans. This consultancy group is
the only "political" or collective-choice forum that EKV
participates in and as part of this forum they do not, and cannot,
select who participates, as they do in their "private"
projects. We describe two projects involving substantial horizontal
collaboration.
The Flooded Meadows Project
The Flooded Meadows Project involves managing ecosystem services like water regulation, nutrient filtering, bird habitats, and a cultural
landscape dependent on grazing cattle before the 1989 inventories. The
uniqueness of the flooded meadows of Kristianstad was not appreciated
(Olsson et al., 2004b). The project consists of several subprojects,
each embracing one or several landowners or tenants. Restoration
includes clearing bushes and reeds and then fencing the meadows for
cattle. The project depends heavily on restoration and grazing subsidies
from the EU's Common Agricultural Policy. The landowners we
interviewed appreciate flooded meadows and the contact with water.
Landowner A told us: "Today we can see the lake. When I was a child
we could only see the reed, my father did not dare to harvest near the
water given the technology he had. At the time of my grandfather they
harvested by hand with a scythe and today we are harvesting the water
brink again but with the new machine. Apart from the aesthetic values we
gain fodder or grazing land. Besides, the number of birds and other
animals has increased."
In 1989 EKV chose to focus on six areas for restoration. One of
these flooded meadows became a pilot case when Landowner B showed
interest. EKV encourages the local media to report on all successful
projects and several landowners outside the original six areas have
approached EKV for collaboration. Hence, the social network for flooded
meadows has self-organized and new actors have entered. EKV has
mobilized funds from the municipality, the CAB, the EPA, and the WWF to
respond to opportunities provided by these landowners. Together with the
strong focus on monitoring and learning described by Olsson et al.
(2004b) these are good indications of adaptive comanagement.
These subprojects have faced various conflicts. For example,
farmers were asked to pay back annual EU grants for any year if an
unusually high water level made the management plan difficult or
impossible to implement. The present EU program is more flexible,
according to HC. Another source of conflict has been that the EU grants
require that no chemical fertilizers or pesticides are used on flooded
meadows. Landowner B told us that "some farmers think the meadows
don't provide enough fodder without fertilizers. But EKV supports
this prohibition [of fertilizers]. This is the only conflict with EKV
that I've heard about."
The Crane Project
KV has 150,000 visitors each year including hundreds of school
classes, other local inhabitants, researchers, and ecotourists from
outside the region. Cranes are very popular birds and there are
increasing numbers of bird-watchers visiting the area. There have always
been cranes in KV but since 1997 their number has increased. The farmers
who were most affected by cranes feeding on their crop were unhappy
although severe damage may be compensated by the CAB.
The first meeting on this issue took place on October 8, 1997,
between the bird-watchers association and EKV. It was decided to contact
ornithologists and farmers from Hornborgarsjon, the most famous Swedish
bird-watching lake, to learn from their experience on how to minimize
damage. The Crane Group was initiated at a meeting on December 1, 1997,
where experiences from Hornborgarsjon were presented and strategies for
Kristianstad discussed. Three local farmers participated, including the
chairman of the local division of the Federation of Swedish Farmers
(LRF), together with three representatives from the bird-watchers
association as well as SEM and HC at EKV.
The Crane Project is a spin-off from the Flooded Meadows Project,
partly drawing on the same social network. Information of this emerging
potential for conflict between birdwatchers and farmers reached HC at an
early stage through his ordinary contacts with farmers. HC and SEM had
personal talks with individual farmers to avoid stereotypes and
"elevate the discussion" prior to the first meeting (Table I).
Not all affected farmers were invited to the initial meetings. By making
an early response, a conflict escalation was forestalled. According to
SEM: "Had we not acted and gathered this first meeting, the
farmers' organization would probably have developed their own
policy and strategy only looking at their own interests."
Landowner B, who has been involved in the Flooded Meadows Project
since the beginning, got involved in The Crane Project as well in 1998.
In Sweden, crane hunting is prohibited and according to Landowner B, he
and other farmers "used to drive around on our fields trying to
chase them away to other lands. EKV contacted some of us to find a
solution that considers several interests."
In 1998 The Crane Group decided to monitor the behavior of the
cranes and develop a response strategy. A coordinating farmer spread
cereals, donated by the farmers' organization (LRF) or paid for by
the CAB, to attract the cranes. However, the cranes did not respond to
that. Since then they have tried to follow the cranes by feeding them
with cereals as soon as they have landed. This trial-and-error process
of learning resembles adaptive management.
[The coordinating farmer] consults the landowner/tenant before he
spreads cereals. But if the next group of cranes has chosen other
fields, it's not easy to steer them. We knew how they have solved
this around Hornborgarsjon. They [also] feed cranes to prevent damage
on other arable lands. A farmer from Hornborgarsjon came down to
share his experiences. But we learn mostly from our own experiences,
if something doesn't work one year we try something else next year.
We learn together but we still have a lot to learn. (Landowner B)
In October 2002, The Crane Group made a study trip to northern
Germany (Stralsund) to take part of their experiences in handling large
concentrations of cranes. The CAB provided funding for the trip
(Magnusson and Magntorn, 2002). However, this should not be interpreted
as a formalization of The Crane Group, Landowner B explained:
If the problems of cranes disappear then The Crane Group will also
vanish. We don't have any board, we just meet. When the problems with
geese emerged the other year, some farmers thought The Crane Group
should look after the geese as well. But HC argued that they [those
affected by geese] should make a new group because nobody in The
Crane Group is paid, we are all volunteers.
Farmers gain self-esteem from participating in these projects. As
Landowner A puts it: "We have started arranging bird-watching
events on our land. It feels good because we farmers have not generally
a good reputation--'farmers always complain although they live on
subsidies and produce the wrong stuff'--but the involvement in KV
is only positive. They [EKV] lift us to the sky. We have an interest in
nature and we can make money on it! It's fun, I think everybody
agrees."
The Crane Project is an example of the importance of early
response. A conflict escalation would probably have stifled learning and
eroded trust. The feedbacks and responses between ecological and social
systems were tightened thanks to the crane group. These examples of
experimentation, learning, and collaboration are also good indications
of adaptive comanagement.
Building Trust
To assess the trust building that EKV has invested in we asked the
farmers their opinions about collaboration. Landowner A:
"Previously I was almost afraid of authorities, it felt so
bureaucratic somehow. But now thanks to this project I have learned a
lot and I have a completely different view now it's more like we
all sit in the same boat. We've had an open communication where
everybody's opinion has the same value." This is in line with
Westley (1995) who argues that ad hoc networks are more egalitarian
since the participants need not represent their respective organization.
HC notes: "They [the farmers] tell us a lot about previous
conflicts on conservation issues. I feel this dialogue is one of the
biggest differences compared to the time before KV."
The non-legal status of EKV is appreciated by Landowner C, who is
involved in The Flooded Meadows Project: "The first time I met SEM
he told me that their method is to talk to people, try to identify
common interests and start projects in common. I have great confidence
in both of them, they belong to the municipality authority but I think
everybody feels they work differently." Landowner C is skeptical
about the merits of nature reserves, favored by EKV, since these would
transfer management rights to the CAB. HC discusses with farmers the
vulnerability of voluntary commitment; "One day you die or need to
sell your land and who comes next? The good efforts of farmers, who have
put their hearts and souls in the land can be sustained with nature
reserves." HC also points out that the subsidies from the EU are on
a five-year basis. "If public support schemes are eroded
financially the last land that will be abandoned [for conservation
purposes] would be the nature reserves." Landowner C responded:
"HC is a very good person and as long as he is at the CAB I'm
not worried. But who comes after him? Imagine if that is an arrogant
person? National authorities are crowded by idiots who think it's
their job to boss people around! EKV has succeeded because they listen
to the landowners instead of forcing us with rules and legislation. I
think everybody agrees with the aim of KV, there is no conflict about
this. They have built trust. However, they must be careful not to lose
it."
Vertical Collaboration: Navigating the Larger Environment
As a municipal organization, EKV operates at the landscape level
within the municipality's borders. Municipalities in Sweden have a
more executive role compared to County Administrative Boards (CABs), and
are involved in the practical work of land management as they are
generally large landowners. From EKV's point of view there are
three reasons to collaborate with authorities and nongovernmental
organizations (NGOs) above the municipal level. The first is to get the
institutional (legal and moral) support for protection of the most
valuable land, to safeguard achievements of local collaboration or, as
SEM puts it, to "create a friction" in the system in case a
local key politician or civil servant is be replaced by a person who is
less interested in ecosystem management. The second is to get financial
support for various projects. Last, vertical links enable scientific and
experiential knowledge from other wetland areas and Biosphere Reserves,
to be incorporated with the more "fine-grained" local
ecological knowledge to make comprehensive inventories and management
plans (Olsson et al., 2004b).
As for horizontal collaboration, vertical collaboration is founded
on personal contacts ("key persons"). Through these efforts,
various EKV projects have received fundings from the CAB, the Local
Investment Program (a national employment program), the EPA, the WWF,
and various companies with interests in the local area (Table II). And
nature reserves have, thanks to collaboration with the EPA and the CAB,
increased from a 182 ha in 1989 to over 3,500 ha in 2004.
Table II Formal Institutions Linked up to by EKV
Formal institutions Level of institution
Man and the Biosphere Reserves (MAB) (a) Global (UNESCO)
Restoration grants Regional (EU) (b)
Environmental subsidies Regional (EU) (b)
Local Investment Grants National (Government)
Prohibition of embankment District (CAB)
Nature Reserves District (CAB)
(a) MAB is indeed a non-statutory institution but due to the enormous
political and moral support it enjoys it works de facto as a formal
institution.
(b) These are administrated by the national EPA.
Since 2001, EKV's collaboration with global institutions has
expanded dramatically, especially with UNESCO. A draft of the
application to become a MAB Reserve was submitted in March 2004 for
review within Sweden (Magnusson et al., 2004). KV has also been approved
as a Sub-Global Assessment within the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment (10) global program and is currently collaborating with scientists under
the umbrella of the Resilience Alliance (http://www.resalliance.org) to
make comparative studies of local cases across the world.
Analysis of the EKV Approach
In our analysis of the governance system of the wetland landscape
of Kristianstad we have searched for the social processes and strategies
that promote and sustain ecosystem management. Our findings suggest that
the EKV approach to collaboration, within a social network of dynamic
interactions horizontally and vertically, includes the following key
characteristics:
* A flexible 'bridging organization' and
'adhocracy' (11)
* Leadership through trust-building and conflict resolution
* Generating and communicating ecological knowledge
* Collaboration and value formation conditional on fixed objectives
* The interplay between formal and informal institutions
A Flexible 'Bridging Organization' and
'Adhocracy'
Transformation towards ecosystem-based management is probably
impossible without a corresponding organizational change (Danter et al.,
2000). When analyzing EKV's organizational function we observed a
lot of 'bridging' between local stakeholders and between
actors at several organizational levels. Westley (1995) used the term
'bridging organization' for interorganizational collaboration.
Based on our results from KV, we see key persons as the unit for
collaboration and suggest that a bridging organization provides an arena
for trust-building, vertical and horizontal collaboration, learning,
sense-making, identification of common interests, and conflict
resolution. As an integral part of adaptive governance of
social-ecological systems, bridging organizations reduce transaction
costs of collaboration and value formation and provide social incentives
for participating in projects. Unlike economic incentives, social
incentives may have a lasting effect on behavior even after the project
ends (Pretty, 2003). The initiative to a bridging organization may be
bottom-up (like EKV), top-down, or from research institutes/NGOs
(Malayang et al., 2005).
EKV's organizational structure looks like an adhocracy, i.e.,
a project-driven organization (Mintzberg, 1979). In the management
literature, the work life of managers was described as a rational
process of planning, controlling, and coordinating until the 1970s
(Westley, 2002, p. 334). Since then a number of writers have highlighted
the role of uncertainty, surprise, contextual dynamics, and complexity
in managerial decision-making (e.g., Westley, 2002, p. 334). This is
related to the Organic School of Knowledge Management (Barth, 2000;
Malhotra, 1999). For instance, "self-organizing adhocracies"
have been suggested as solutions to the professional
compartmentalization of bureaucracies (Desveaux et al., 1994).
EKV is a municipal organization and reports directly to the
municipal executive board. Contrary to ordinary municipal
administrations, there is no law regulating EKV and it has no power to
enforce rules. This gives EKV an unusually free mandate but it is also a
source of vulnerability. As SEM puts it, "there is no ceiling and
no floor when it comes to what to do; if we don't flap our wings
we'll sink. We exist only as long as people within the municipality
like our work." Since the start 1989 there have been several
proposals to subordinate EKV to an ordinary municipal administration.
This would reduce the present flexibility and has been resisted by the
director SEM: "then we would have an additional layer or filter
[the head of this administration] to pass in all our contacts with other
municipal administrations and our external collaborators."
Leadership through Trust-building and Conflict Resolution
'Adhocracies' require flexibility in leadership. Hoff
(1998) concludes that, for local case studies, key persons are more
important for networking and collaboration than organizational
structure. The EKV experiences also suggest that it is more important to
support constructive self-organizing processes that generate knowledge
about how to respond to environmental feedback than to promote a
blue-print of an "optimal" organizational structure.
Leadership attributes or functions of "actor groups" important
for self-organization are discussed in Folke et al. (2005).
Our results indicate that farmers and landowners perceive the
collaboration with EKV as separate from the sanctioning role of the
municipal administrations, and thus as not posing any threat to them.
Besides resulting in extraordinary organizational flexibility, this
appears to have facilitated communication, trust-building and conflict
resolution. As Gunderson (1999) notes, learning and innovation appears
to thrive in informal settings. Persons are mobilized into various
project teams from the loose social network of local stewards and other
key persons representing authorities and organizations at municipal and
higher levels of society. These project teams have no formal
responsibilities; accountability resides in the participators and their
affiliations and this highlights the role of trust-building. As Kettl
(2000) argues, the challenge for public administration is to keep the
democratic accountability of hierarchical authority while adapting it to
more effective network-based approaches. The project teams of KV only
meet when an issue is pressing and action is needed. This type of
organization allows the very few staff at EKV to initiate and be
involved in a multitude of social interactions for dealing with
ecosystem dynamics. EKV's space for informal maneuvering would
decrease if it created more problems and conflicts than it solved for
its collaborators.
Generating and Communicating Ecological Knowledge
The organizational entrepreneurs at EKV have been sensitive to the
knowledge, social norms, and sentiments among farmers and other
stakeholders in the course of scientific inventories and other projects.
This sensitivity has resulted in a multitude of small projects that have
created a macro effect in the ecological and social dimensions. In 2002,
EKV received the Conservation Award from the Swedish Species Information
Centre (ArtDatabanken) for its "systematic work on integrating the
values of the wetlands into the ordinary operations of the
municipality." (12)
Extraordinary values for recreation and ecotourism have been
realized thanks to the enhanced accessibility provided by the outdoor
museum. Social results include a growing interest for sustaining
ecosystem services, reinforced legitimatization for ecosystem management
and hence constructive conflict resolution on issues of embankments and
nature reserves. Put together, a transformation seems to have taken
place in which the municipality has adopted the ecosystem approach and
started a trajectory of building resilience of a desired social
ecological system (Olsson et al., 2004b).
Interactions in the social network generate ecological knowledge
and provide memory for ecosystem management. Memory of crises is the
collective experience and accumulated understanding of environmental
change and human responses to such changes. Memory resides in
individuals, organizations, formal and informal institutions, and in
local and scientific knowledge systems (Berkes and Folke, 1992; McIntosh
et al., 2000). Drawing on this memory, EKV creates meaning by combining
and incorporating the skills and knowledge of researchers and a variety
of local and non-local stewards who for a long time have been observing
and interacting with the ecosystems of KV. EKV also maintains the memory
of the broader social network by continuously communicating success and
progress of projects--personally, to local media, in various reports,
and on their homepage.
Collaboration and Value Formation Conditional on Fixed Objectives
The way EKV collaborates horizontally with other stakeholders is
very different from conventional ideals of public participation. (13)
The horizontal and vertical network around EKV is better characterized
as a policy community, i.e., a diverse network of public and private
organizations associated with the formation and implementation of policy
around a common interest in a given resource area (Shannon, 1998).
Through EKV, the Municipality of Kristianstad is involved in
partnerships with farmers, small enterprises, and local steward
organizations. People who approve of EKV's objectives and
approaches to ecosystem management are welcome to participate in various
projects. The mandate from the municipal executive board is to
facilitate collaboration conditional on the fixed objective: enhance
ecosystem values. Hence the direction of collaboration is clear, which
probably explains its success. The mandate is not to empower the
community to formulate a diverse set of strategies for community-based
natural resource management and development. There are other forums for
such unconditional participation, e.g., Agenda 21, which were very
popular in Swedish municipalities in the mid-1990s.
SEM is aware that a minor mistake, e.g., concerning nature reserves
as mentioned by Landowner C, may erode the goodwill of KV and that it
would take a lot of effort to repair. Therefore he strives to
orchestrate the whole process. The EKV approach to collaboration and its
long-term visions have been amazingly stable during the 15 years of
existence; for instance, the idea to make KV a MAB Reserve was part of
to the original plan. This illustrates how a firm vision and direction
can effectively be combined with flexible project organization.
The results from local inventories are used in the dialogue and
collaboration processes with stakeholders concerning conservation
issues. The explicit strategy is to make others interested in the
substantive issues (conservation ecology, cultural heritage,
ecotourism). Our results suggest that the communication of ecological
knowledge and insights have contributed to trust-building, changing
values (preference formation), and facilitated conflict resolution
(Table I). Asking for winners and losers in the short run assumes fixed
preferences and allows only for a conflict management and negotiation
approach (Dukes, 1996, p. 115). Adams et al.(2003) suggest that
conflicts are addressed at a deeper level of "world-views,"
i.e., perceptions and assumptions on the relationships between nature,
humans, and society. Win-win projects are often possible only after such
perceptions have been reconsidered. SEM's ambition is to change
people's attitudes to ecosystem management: "When the farmers
start asking questions about bird populations etc., then I know the
trust-building process has started."
From our qualitative study we cannot conclude whether social norms
and attitudes have changed at the individual level. But as McCay (2002)
notes, individual rationality and attitudes are embedded or
'situated' in a social context. And this context has been
transformed by EKV. One purpose of trust-building at the individual
level is to avoid positioning of viewpoints. If that happens, EKV's
strategy does not work since it depends on voluntary participation. In
our interviews, SEM has emphasized his ambition to "elevate"
the discussion within each stakeholder group and create meaning at the
collective level by integrating ecosystem management with community
development (Table I).
To initiate collaboration around more controversial issues would
require political leadership of a kind we do not see much of today. (14)
The first incremental steps in this direction may be knowledge
generation and value formation. EKV has no legal mandate to force
anybody but offers an arena for directed collaborative learning with the
explicit goal of identifying shared values and common interests
consistent to its vision and hence transforming the mental models
towards ecosystem management.
The Interplay between Formal and Informal Institutions
The informality of EKV makes it vulnerable. McCay (2002) argues
that 'emerging institutions' should include not only rules but
also norms and perceptions of the environment. The latter can change
human behavior and create a macro effect without involving the
social-political process of changing formal rules. For local
social-ecological systems, like KV, the legal framework is exogenous.
The institutional arrangements including property rights set the
framework for local voluntary collaboration (Hahn, 2000) and successful
collaboration often requires a legal polycentric arrangement that
enables institutional and financial support from various sources (Olsson
et al., 2004a). Nature reserves are one way of formalizing achievements
from voluntary collaboration and make the ecosystem services more
resilient to threats like declining interest by landowners and other
stewards or policy change. Another way for EKV to build resilience in
social-ecological systems is to influence physical planning for land
use, which is an important tool for Swedish municipalities. Land use
plans may prohibit further embankments of wetlands and point out some
areas for future nature reserves, thus providing a prelegal direction
for future development (Table II).
According to SEM, laws and plans concerning nature reserves as well
as international classifications are important for continuity, to
formalize achievements from informal collaboration as described earlier.
They are also important as authoritative support against critics who
believe that EKV has "made up" the values of KV. However, SEM
does not rely on these when seeking collaboration: "These laws
support our arguments but norms are not set by law. We never use the law
to convince other partners, it doesn't create a positive
atmosphere."
To collaborate horizontally requires personal competence in
communication and conflict resolution, as well as knowing the local
context, including social norms. Navigating the larger environment
requires other competencies, e.g., interpreting scientific knowledge and
experiential knowledge from other sites, understanding the
legal-political arrangements, and attracting financial resources (Olsson
et al., 2004b). We found that EKV has managed both the local and
non-local contexts and succeeded in linking formal and informal
institutions.
Conclusions
By being sensitive to the concerns of farmers and other
collaborators, EKV has established a constructive communication focused
on the substantive values generated by the ecosystems. These values have
emerged through inventories, based on scientific and local ecological
knowledge, and engagement of farmers and other stakeholders in a
directed collaborative learning and problem-solving process. A firm
vision that provides a direction for the collaboration has coexisted
with a flexible organization. We conclude that knowledge generation and
trust-building are the central components of the EKV approach to
collaboration. These have increased the local legitimacy for ecosystem
management and facilitated the identification and creation of win-win
situations and conflict resolution.
Through EKV the Municipality of Kristianstad is able to collaborate
with other stakeholders within and outside the municipality on nature
conservation and related issues. EKV represents the municipality but has
no legal mandate or enforcement status, relying on voluntary
participation. This is certainly a nontraditional role for a local
government organization. If learning thrives in trustful informal
settings, like the loose network around EKV, then it may be a good
strategy to separate the collaborative role of governance from the
enforcement role. Collaboration based on voluntary participation
requires communication skills but support from formal institutions is
needed to reduce vulnerability. In this sense, ecosystem management
appears to require a fine interplay of formal and informal institutions.
The ecological knowledge generation and dynamic governance of
Kristianstads Vattenrike illustrate the importance of organizations like
EKV that bridge local actors with other levels of governance to generate
legal, political, and financial support. Such bridging organizations may
also filter external threats and redirect them into opportunities. Their
role in resilience and sustainability needs to be further investigated.
Acknowledgments We thank three anonymous reviewers for valuable and
helpful comments. Our research was financed by Formas, The Swedish
Research Council for Environment, Agricultural Sciences and Spatial
Planning.
(1) Pollution abatement of course also impacts on ecosystems but
here we focus on the direct impacts through natural resource management.
(2) In The Millennium Ecosystem Assessment context this case is
sometimes referred to as Kristianstad Wetlands
(http://www.maweb.org/en/subglobal.overview.aspx). Kristianstads
Vattenrike roughly translates as "The Kristianstad Water
Realm," but rike also means riches; the double meaning of the name
both defines the catchment area and reflects its rich natural values.
(3) The area of the Municipality of Kristianstad is 1,346
k[m.sup.2], most of which is a part of the drainage basin of
Helge[epsilon] River.
(4) http://www.vattenriket.kristianstad.se/presentation/natverk.htm
Magnusson in turn developed his figure after meetings with the authors.
(5) Background info of KV in English is provided by EKV at
http://www.vattenriket.kristianstad.se/eng/index.shtml
(6) http://www.vattenriket.kristianstad.se/folder/vattenriket.pdf
(Swedish, English, and German)
(7) See Table I in Olsson et al., 2004b.
(8) http://www.vattenriket.kristianstad.se/birds/excel/krvr_birds.pdf
(9) This physical manifestation of Kristianstads Vattenrike is,
confusingly, also called "the Ecomuseum." It consists of 13
visit sites with information, of which four are more elaborated outdoor
museums with exhibitions.
(10) Information on Kristianstads Vattenrike/Kristianstad Wetlands
can be found at http://www.maweb.org/en/subglobal.overview.aspx
(11) The term "ad-hocracy" (Toffler, 1970) describes an
innovative and collaborative organization "that is able to fuse
experts drawn from different disciplines into smoothly functioning ad
hoc project teams avoid all the trappings of bureaucratic structure,
notably sharp divisions of labor. Coordination can no longer be planned
but must come through interaction. The structure of the Adhocracy must
be flexible, self-renewing, organic" (Mintzberg, 1979: 432-33).
(12) http://www-internt.slu.se/nyheter/readmore.cfm?479
(13) The ideals include broad participation and empowerment of
disadvantageous groups (Pretty, 1995). In practice, public participation
often reinforces existing power structures (Agrawal and Gibson 1999,
Brown 2003).
(14) This was the main message from the Millennium Ecosystem
Assessment (MA): "The challenge of reversing the degradation of
ecosystems while meeting increasing demands for their services can be
partially met under some scenarios that the MA considered, but these
involve significant changes in policies, institutions, and practices
that are not currently under way" http://www.maweb.org Statement of
the Board, p. 10.
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Personal communication
HC, Coordinator of the nature conservation section of KV. Employed
by Kristianstad Municipality (50%) and the County Administration Board
(50%). Hans.Cronert@kristianstad.se
KM, Information secretary at the Man and Biosphere (MAB) Candidate
Office. Karin.Magntorn@kristianstad.se
SEM, Director of EKV since the beginning 1989.
Sven-Erik.Magnusson@kristianstad.se
Landowners A, B, and C
T. Hahn * C. Folke
Centre for Transdisciplinary Environmental Research (CTM),
Stockholm University, SE-106 91 Stockholm, Sweden
e-mail: hahn@ctm.su.se
P. Olsson * C. Folke * K. Johansson
Department of Systems Ecology, Stockholm University, SE-106 91
Stockholm, Sweden