Financial knowledge of the low-income population: effects of a financial education program.
Scott, Jeff
This study examines the effects of one large financial management
training program for low-income people. The data are from tests of pre- and post-training financial knowledge of 163 participants. The test was
designed to measure basic knowledge of participants in five content
areas: predatory lending practices, public and work-related benefits,
banking practices, savings and investing strategies, and credit use and
interest rates.
The findings demonstrate that substantial pre-training knowledge
deficiencies existed on basic financial management issues, especially on
public and work-related benefits and savings and investing. Results also
indicate that the program was effective in improving the financial
knowledge of participants in each of the five content areas. Further
analyses suggest that pre-training knowledge and levels varied according
to participant characteristics. In addition, participants'
education, English proficiency, race / ethnicity, and marital status were associated with their knowledge gains from the program. Policy and
practice implications for developing effective financial management
training for the low-income population are discussed.
Keywords: financial knowledge, financial management training,
low-income audience, welfare reform
**********
Two factors have fostered the development of financial training
programs for low-income people in recent years. First, the role of
financial literacy in promoting economic well-being has increasingly
been recognized (Bernheim, 1998; Jacob, Hudson & Bush, 2000). As a
result, financial management training programs have emerged for diverse
audiences such as employees and youth. Some of these programs have been
targeted on low-income consumers, who are particularly at risk of
financial illiteracy (Jacob, Hudson, & Bush, 2000). Second, the
implementation of Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF)
programs in 1996 has resulted in large welfare caseload decreases.
However, studies have found that many welfare leavers face troubling
economic circumstances, and in turn may face increasing pressures to
manage limited resources (Anderson & Gryzlak, 2002; Cancian, 2001;
Loprest, 2001). This has generated increasing interest in educational
and investment approaches designed to enhance long-term self-sufficiency
among welfare recipients and the working poor.
Financial management training programs are one such approach. As a
specialized form of human capital development strategy, these programs
are designed to help the low-income population improve their financial
decision-making skills. This is intended to help low-income persons
access financial information and opportunities, and to utilize their
resources more efficiently.
Despite the growth of financial management training programs, and
anecdotal evidence supporting the notion that such programs can improve
financial management skills of low-income persons, empirical studies on
program effects have not been adequate (Caskey, 2001). Even less is
known about how different participant characteristics are related to
financial knowledge and to program effectiveness. In order to develop
these programs more effectively, it is important to examine whether they
are effective, as well as whether program success varies with the
characteristics of participants.
In this article, we examine financial knowledge of participants
before and after they received training from one financial management
program targeted at low-income audiences. We begin by reviewing previous
research on financial literacy and the effects of financial management
programs, with special attention to the low-income population. Analyses
are then conducted to assess initial knowledge and knowledge improvement
among participants. We also examine how participant characteristics are
related to pre-training financial knowledge and to program
effectiveness. The implications for financial management training
targeted on low-income persons are discussed.
Background
Financial Literacy of the Low-income Population
Americans in general are not very educated on financial matters,
and financial illiteracy may be particularly acute among the poor
(Bernheim, 1998). Previous research has shown that compared to those
with high-incomes, low-income persons are much less likely to have bank
accounts (Jacob, Hudson, & Bush, 2000), less likely to save or
invest (Haveman & Wolff, 2000), and more susceptible to predatory
lending practices (Consumer Federation of America and National Consumer
Law Center, 2002).
While these financial practices largely result from lack of
resources, it has been argued that knowledge deficiencies and the
inefficient handling of personal finances also are problematic (Caskey,
2001; Hogarth & Lee, 2000). The limited access many low-income
people have to financial and community institutions may, in turn,
exacerbate their knowledge deficiencies. In addition, several studies
have found that low-income persons lack information about available
public benefits, which contribute to the underutilization of such
services (Anderson, 2002; Anderson & Gryzlak, 2002; Julnes et al.,
2000).
Effects of Financial Education
Evidence of programs for general population. For many American
adults, employers are an increasingly important source of financial
education related to retirement savings. Results from several studies
have indicated that employer-based programs can increase both
participation rates and levels of contributions (Bayer, Bernheim &
Scholz, 1996; Bernheim & Garrett, 1996). Other studies similarly
have reported that financial training positively impacted the personal
financial practices of employees (Clark & Schreiber, 1998; Garman,
Kim, Kratzer, Brunson, & Joo, 1999).
Financial education also has been stressed in many high schools
(Bernheim, Garret, & Maki, 2001). Studies have found that
school-based financial training had positive effects on financial
knowledge and behaviors of youth (Barrese, Gardner & Thrower, 1998;
Boyce et al., 1998). Bernheim, Garrett and Maki (2001) further indicated
that participation in financial education during high school raised
savings rates when youth reached adulthood.
Evidence of programs targeted on the low-income population.
Low-income people, however, have fewer chances to benefit from the
programs developed for the general population. For example, low-income
persons are less likely to work for employers who offer retirement
benefits, and are therefore less likely to receive workplace financial
education. In addition, because low-income youth are more likely to drop
out of high school, they have fewer chances to access school-based
education programs. These concerns have encouraged the development of
programs targeted at low-income adults outside of employment and school
settings.
Some early evaluations of financial education programs for lower
income audiences have indicated that these programs improve financial
knowledge and behaviors of their participants (DeVaney, Gorham, Bechman,
& Haldeman, 1996; Hirad & Zorn, 2001; Hogarth & Swanson,
1995; Shelton & Hill, 1995). For example, the study by DeVaney et
al. (1996) demonstrated that the Women's Financial Information
Program was successful in improving participants' skills in cash
flow management, use of credit cards, and savings. Hirad and Zorn (2001)
found that the 90-day delinquency rate among those who participated in a
pre-purchase home-ownership counseling for low-income home buyers was
lower than that of similar individuals who did not participate.
Some financial programs for low-income people also couple education
with asset accumulation incentives. This approach is exemplified by the
Individual Development Accounts (IDAs) programs, which provide matched
savings to low-income persons who save for home purchases,
post-secondary education, or start-up of small businesses (Page-Adams
& Sherraden, 1999; Schreiner, Clancy, & Sherraden, 2002;
Sherraden, 1991). Evaluations of IDA programs have found that hours of
financial education was positively related to savings outcomes (Clancy,
Grinstein-Weiss, & Schreiner, 2001).
Purpose of This Study
Although the aforementioned studies have shown that financial
management programs may be effective with low-income audiences, this
previous research has several limitations. First, measurements to assess
the financial knowledge of low-income persons are not well developed in
the current literature. Most studies measure the financial knowledge
levels of the poor in a subjective manner (e.g., participants'
self-reported budget behavior). Seldom have studies employed actual
tests of knowledge before and after training was completed. Also, the
substantive knowledge areas covered by these training programs are often
limited to budgeting behavior and credit use. We therefore know little
about the knowledge of participants in other areas important to their
economic well-being, such as savings and investment strategies, and
availability of public benefits.
A second issue is that studies generally have not examined how
participant background characteristics may be related to their financial
knowledge levels, nor to examine how such characteristics may affect
program outcomes. This is an important shortcoming, because the
low-income population is very diverse (Schiller, 2003). The study by
DeVaney et al. (1995) found that younger and more educated participants
were more likely to change their savings and investing behavior after
receiving training. To the best of our knowledge, this is the only study
that has employed multivariate methods to explore the association
between participant characteristics and financial behavior changes after
the training among low-income people.
These gaps in the current research literature have resulted in the
growth of financial management programs accompanied by only vague and
anecdotal evidence regarding the financial education needs of low-income
persons and the potential of training to address these needs. In order
to improve financial management program implementation for the
low-income population, it is important to gain more detailed
perspectives on knowledge levels about a wide range of financial
management issues. Research also is needed to more objectively measure
whether financial management training leads to knowledge gains with this
audience, as well as whether training effectiveness varies by
participant characteristics.
Methods
Data Collection
The data for this study were collected from participants at 10
training sites operated through the Financial Links for Low-Income
People (FLLIP) program. FLLIP contracts with nonprofit community-based
agencies in Illinois to provide a twelve-hour package of basic financial
management training to persons earning less than 200 percent of the
poverty level. The program is supported by state and private foundation
funding.
The program sites have considerable discretion with respect to how
participants are recruited. However, sites commonly draw a large pool of
recruits from local Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF)
offices, because TANF recipients meet employment and training
requirements by participating in FLLIP. The decentralized FLLIP
recruitment process results in variation of participant characteristics
that may affect financial management knowledge within the low-income
population.
The following analyses are based on data from two sources collected
at FLLIP training sites. First, data on demographic and socioeconomic characteristics were obtained from the program applications completed by
participants as they entered the program. Second, we administered a pre-
and post-training test designed to measure the financial knowledge of
participants. The authors developed this test based on a review of the
financial management training curriculum used in the program (Chan, et
al., 1997; 2001).
The test contained 48 true-false and multiple choice questions in
five major content areas emphasized in the curriculum and previously
indicated by the literature as important to the financial well-being of
low-income persons. These include predatory lending practices; public
and work-related benefits; banking practices; savings and investing
strategies; and credit use and interest rates. A brief description of
the major content and samples of questions in each of the five areas are
presented in Appendix A.
The pre- and post-training tests were administered by the program
trainers between January 2002 and May 2003, and generally took 20-30
minutes to complete. A total of 163 participants finished pre- and
post-training tests, and had no missing data on participant
characteristics. Because of concerns about the reading skills of program
participants, the questions were designed to be very basic and to be
comprehensible for persons with limited reading ability. Some of the
sites offered the training in Spanish, so a Spanish translation of the
test was administered at these sites.
Data Analysis
Both pre- and post-training knowledge tests were coded according to
whether a correct response was given to each question. This allows for
the calculation of total correct answers for each participant, as well
as the number of correct answers within each of the five substantive
knowledge areas. These knowledge test responses were entered into an
SPSS file with information from the application forms on participant
characteristics.
In order to examine whether pre-training knowledge and knowledge
gains vary with participant characteristics, repeated measures of
analysis of variance were first conducted; two regression analyses were
then employed, in which the number of correct answers on the pre- and
post-training test was regressed on participant characteristics.
Variables
The dependent variables are the overall number of correct answers
on the pre- and post-training knowledge test. The independent variables
include demographic, educational, and economic characteristics of
participants. These independent variables were selected if they were
included in the application form, had sufficient variation, and were
expected to influence the financial knowledge of participants and
program outcomes.
The demographic variables include participant's gender
(female=l, male=0), age, race/ethnicity, marital status, and number of
children under 18 living in households. Age and number of children are
measured as continuous variables. Race was dummy-coded as White, African
American, Hispanic, and others; White is the reference group. Marital
status was dummy coded as married, never married, and previously married
(divorced, separated or widowed), with being previously married the
reference group.
Educational variables include participants' educational status
and English proficiency. English proficiency of participants is measured
according to the primary language spoken in their households (English=1;
other languages=0). We consider English proficiency as an educational
factor because it influences a person's reading ability.
Educational status of participants was recoded as three categories: less
than high school degree (reference group in regression analysis), high
school degree or GED, and some postsecondary education.
Economic characteristics of participants include their monthly
household income, employment status, TANF recipiency status, assets, and
debts. Household income is measured as the sum of income from different
sources of all household members the month prior to applying for the
FLLIP program. The employment status of participants is measured as
whether a participant had a paid job at the time of applying for FLLIP
(yes=1, no=0), and the welfare status is whether he or she was receiving
TANF or not (yes=l, no=0). Because limited asset information was
available, asset variables include only whether the participant was a
home owner or had a bank account (yes=l, no=0). The debt variable is
whether participants reported having any of the following six sources of
debts (yes=l, no=0): past due household bills, credit card balances,
student loans, past due medical bills, owed money for taxes, and owed
money to friends or family. Finally, whether participants filed a
federal tax return last year (yes=l, no=0) is also included.
Results
Sample Characteristics
Considerable demographic diversity exists within the sample. Over
half of the participants (52%) were African American, 26 percent were
White and 19 percent were Hispanic. The vast majority of the
participants (about 90%) were women, and the average age was 33.6. About
75 percent of the sample had at least one child in households, with an
average of 1.8 children. Over half of the participants (54%) were never
married, while 22 percent were divorced, separated or widowed, and 24
percent were married.
The participants also varied in their educational attainment and
primary language characteristics. Although 37 percent had less than a
high school degree, 26 percent had a high school diploma, and 37 percent
had completed some postsecondary education. About 77 percent of
participants' primary language was English, while 23 percent spoke
either Spanish (17%), Russian (3%), or other non-English languages (3%).
In terms of the economic status of FLLIP participants, the mean
household total income was $873 the month before entrance into the FLLIP
program, and only 25 percent of the sample were employed. Twenty-nine
percent were receiving TANF at the time of enrollment. About 39 percent
of the sample had a bank account, and only 9 percent were home owners.
About 72 percent had at least one source of debt. More than half of
participants (55%) filed federal tax returns the year before the
training program.
Initial Knowledge and Knowledge Changes
The results in Table 1 reveal that participants had low basic
financial knowledge levels before the training; on average, they
answered only about 54 percent of the questions correctly. The average
percentages of correct answers were especially low in the areas of
"savings and investing" (47%) and "public and work
related benefits" (50%). Financial knowledge of participants
improved significantly after the training, both overall (74% of correct
answers after the training) and in each of the knowledge content areas.
Factors Related to Pre-training Knowledge and Knowledge Gains
Bivariate analyses. In order to assess if knowledge levels and
knowledge gains differ by participant characteristics, repeated measures
ANOVAs were conducted (Table 2). These analyses estimate the main
effects of the program and participant characteristics on knowledge
levels, and their interaction effects on knowledge gains (Girden, 1992).
First, the results show that the program was effective in improving
financial knowledge across all participant groups in our analyses, which
is indicated by the F values of program effects in the table.
Second, knowledge differences were revealed among a variety of
participant characteristics. Participants who were not married had
higher scores at both tests. Hispanic participants had lower scores
compared to those from other race/ethnicity groups. Education, English
proficiency, and bank account and home ownership of participants were
positively related to their financial knowledge. In addition,
participants who filed tax returns and had debt(s) obtained higher test
scores at both the pretest and posttest tests.
Third, the interaction effects between training and several
participant characteristics were significant, indicating that knowledge
gains varied by these characteristics when not controlling for pretest
scores and other participant characteristics. For example, Hispanic
participants showed greater knowledge gains than other racial groups,
and those with a primary language other than English also had higher
knowledge gains. In addition, the participants without bank accounts and
those who had not filed tax returns improved their knowledge more than
their counterparts who had experiences in these areas.
Regression analyses. In order to further examine how
participants' characteristics are related to their pre-training
financial knowledge and knowledge gains while controlling for other
factors, regression analyses were conducted in which pre-training
knowledge and post-training knowledge were regressed on independent
variables (Table 3). We included pretest knowledge scores as a control
variable for the regression model that estimated factors associated with
posttest scores (Cohen & Cohen, 1983).
The regression results on the pre-training knowledge test scores
indicate that the model is statistically significant, and that the
variables in the model explained 49 percent of the variance in the
dependent variable. Among participants" demographic
characteristics, participants with more children had higher scores, and
married participants had lower scores than those who were previously
married.
Both of the education-related variables were significant predictors
on the pre-training knowledge scores. Participants with a high school
diploma and postsecondary education obtained higher scores than those
with less than a high school degree. The participants whose primary
language was English had much higher knowledge scores. Among economic
factors, participants having a bank account were more knowledgeable
about financial matters before the training, as were people who filed
tax returns.
Turning to the regression results on the post-training test scores,
the model is statistically significant, and that the independent
variables explained about 66 percent of the variance in the dependent
variable. The results indicate that, after controlling for the pretest
scores, participants' educational levels, English proficiency,
race/ethnicity, and marital status significantly affected program
outcomes. Hispanic participants made greater knowledge gains than white
participants, and previously married persons had greater changes than
their married counterparts. Compared to those without a high school
degree, participants who had graduated from high school and had some
postsecondary education benefited more from the training. Contrary to
the bivariate findings, knowledge improvement of the participants whose
primary language was English was greater than that of non-primary
English speaker when other factors were controlled.
Discussion
Information Needs of Low-income Consumers
As financial management training programs for low-income audiences
proliferate, our findings are instructive in considering both the need
for and potential benefits of such programs. With regard to financial
information needs, the findings extend earlier research by measuring
knowledge across a wider set of substantive domains. This provides a
clearer delineation of important content areas in which low-income
persons lack knowledge.
The finding of knowledge deficiencies on public benefits such as
transitional Medicaid, subsidized child care, and the Earned Income Tax
Credit (EITC) is particularly important in this respect. However,
knowledge about public benefits often has not been emphasized in
financial training programs for low-income audiences, which may result
from the fact that these programs often adapt curricula from programs
designed for broader cross-sections of the population.
The study findings concerning lack of knowledge about savings and
investing is supportive of the recent emphasis on asset development
strategies. While lack of knowledge in this area probably results
partially from low incomes of participants, previous research has shown
that even those with very modest resources are capable of saving if
offered incentives and training (Schreiner, Clancy, & Sherraden,
2002). Therefore, it is important to provide low-income persons with
knowledge and basic skills on savings strategies. It is also necessary
to educate them about the effect of savings and asset accumulation on
eligibility for public benefits (Hogarth & Lee, 2000).
Factors Related to Pre-training Knowledge
The regression results on factors affecting pre-training knowledge
levels suggest targeting strategies that may be useful when developing
financial training programs. In particular, low educational attainment
and limited English proficiency were both negatively related to
pre-training knowledge. This may be due to general deficiencies in
reading and learning skills among these groups, or may result from lack
of exposure to financial information in school and work settings. In
addition, it is possible that those with limited education or English
skills are more likely to be intimidated by the prospect of approaching
financial institutions or public bureaucracies to obtain benefits and
services.
Having previously filed a federal tax return and having a bank
account were the two economic characteristics associated with
pre-training knowledge levels. Although the causes of these
relationships are not clear, it is likely that persons with these
characteristics have experiences leading to the acquisition of
specialized financial knowledge (i.e., knowledge about banking and
interest rates, or about public benefits available through the tax
system). Persons with bank accounts also may have more opportunities to
have access to financial education provided by financial institutions.
Marital status was the most intriguing demographic characteristic
related to pre-training knowledge, with married participants having
significantly lower financial knowledge than their previously married
and never married counterparts. While we only can speculate about the
causes of this relationship, it is possible that married participants
simply relied more on their spouses on financial matters.
Knowledge Gains from Training
Knowledge changes after training completion indicate that such
programs have promise for improving basic financial knowledge among
low-income groups. Despite the fact that training included high
percentages of public assistance recipients and persons with educational
limitations, financial knowledge increased substantially overall and in
each of the five content areas after the training, across all
participant sub-groups.
Several participant factors significantly affected the extent of
knowledge gains from the training. In particular, results indicated that
those who were primary English speakers and those with more education
experienced higher knowledge gains. This again maybe due to stronger
reading and learning skills among more educated participants, as well as
greater ease in assimilating instructional messages because of English
proficiency.
Interestingly, after controlling for primary English-speaking and
other factors, Hispanics experienced significantly higher knowledge
gains from the training than white or African American participants.
Further analyses indicated that two training sites consisted primarily
of Hispanic participants (95% and 88% respectively), and these sites
together provided training to about 80% of all Hispanic participants in
FLLIP. It is possible that the trainers in these sites may have used
cultural metaphors and ethnic-specific examples that facilitated
learning. The more homogeneous ethnic composition in these sites may
also have produced stronger group cohesion and more active interactions.
Thus, this result may imply the importance of training that is sensitive
to multicultural audiences.
Limitations and Future Research
Several limitations of the study should be noted when interpreting
the above results. First, participants in the FLLIP program are
self-selected and they are from only one state. Therefore, the findings
pertain to a particular subset of the low-income population, which
suggests caution in generalizing too broadly. However, many training
programs are voluntary in nature, so the problem of self-selection
should not be overstated.
Second, due to the lack of a control group, we do not know exactly
how the financial knowledge of the participants would have changed over
the same period if the training had not been provided. Further studies
that include control groups would be useful in validating these
findings. Nonetheless, given that the pre-test and post-test generally
occurred within a one-month period, there is little reason to expect
that common internal validity threats such as history or maturation were
important in the current study.
Finally, while measuring knowledge gains from financial training
programs is an important first step, the ultimate goal of such programs
is to positively influence financial behavior. It therefore would be
useful to conduct follow-up surveys with persons who complete financial
training to establish both whether knowledge gains persist and whether
financial behaviors change as a result.
Implications for Social Work
Several implications for social work practice and policy
development may be drawn from this study. The findings demonstrate basic
financial knowledge deficiencies that should be of concern to social
workers, and the positive knowledge gains achieved through training are
consistent with a social work philosophy of empowering low-income
persons to improve financial decision-making. We therefore conclude by
elaborating upon selected of these implications.
Implications for Practice
Social workers in practice can play important roles in improving
the financial knowledge of low-income persons, both through the
development and provision of financially related materials and by
referring clients to community financial education programs. For
example, much of the FLLIP training was provided through community
social service agencies, and caseworkers in TANF offices also played a
vital role by referring clients to the program. Collaborations with
adult educators and university extension programs seem particularly
promising in this respect, in that social workers can contribute their
specialized expertise in working with low-income persons while drawing
on the knowledge of consumer educators and others about financial
matters.
Our study findings indicate the importance of developing curricula
on public benefits for financial training programs targeted at
low-income audiences, as well as the more general need for continued
development of information dissemination and outreach efforts designed
to inform potential beneficiaries about available benefits. Social work
perspectives and expertise are vital to such endeavors, because social
workers often have a depth of understanding about public programs that
consumer education specialists or adult education teachers do not. In
addition, as social service provision has devolved, public benefits for
low-income persons increasingly vary by state and local jurisdictions.
Social workers can bring a unique understanding of these varying and
often confusing benefit rules to community efforts to increase the
awareness of low-income consumers.
More generally, social work skills in assessment and in empowerment practice are helpful in adapting training to the specific needs of
low-income audiences. One useful approach to assessment emanating from
this study would be to administer knowledge tests as pre-training needs
assessment tools, and then to emphasize content areas that the test
results indicate are most needed. Involving participants in negotiating
the training content that they view as most useful is another classroom
technique consistent with a social work emphasis on empowering clients.
The current study also implies that it is critical to attend to
within-group differences when delivering training to low-income
audiences.
Implications for Policy
Although financial training programs need not be limited to
low-income persons receiving public assistance, implementation of TANF
programs has placed increasing pressures for self-sufficiency on this
group. An important role for social workers therefore is to promote
programs that improve the financial knowledge and skills necessary to
most effectively manage the limited resources that recipients generally
have as they exit welfare and transition into employment.
Incorporating financial education and training into welfare-to-work
programs is one promising approach to assisting these persons. For
example, the TANF recipients participating in FLLIP met their work and
training requirements through FLLIP participation. Because TANF devolved
most welfare decision-making to the states, advocacy efforts to allow
financial training as an allowable TANF work activity could most
usefully occur at this level of government.
Further development of funding streams needed to support the
provision of financial management training also is needed. Using TANF
funding is one possibility for this subset of the low-income population.
For example, the Illinois Department of Human Services used unspent TANF
"maintenance of effort" funds to support the FLLIP training.
Developing linkages with adult education programs may be another
promising funding strategy to provide training to a broader range of the
low-income population. Likewise, university cooperative extension
offices often have service missions that are consistent with the
provision of financial training. Finally, both private foundations and
financial institutions have increasingly supported financial training
programs as a technique of community development and service, so
pursuing funding through such organizations is a viable option for
program development.
Conclusion
This study has found that a sample of low-income training
participants had low knowledge levels about financial matters, and that
financial training improved knowledge levels across diverse low-income
subgroups. Both pre-training knowledge and knowledge gains were found to
differ significantly according to selected participant characteristics,
suggesting the need to carefully tailor training delivery to meet the
needs of varying low-income audiences. The findings support the
engagement of social workers in the provision of such training, as well
as in advocating for programs and related funding for this purpose.
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MIN ZHAN
STEVEN G. ANDERSON
JEFF SCOTT
School of Social Work
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign
Table 1
Percentages of Correct Responses on FLLIP Knowledge Test (N=163)
Number Pre-
of Items Training
All knowledge items 48 54%
Knowledge Area
Predator
lending practices 8 58%
Public and work
related benefits 9 50%
Savings and investing 10 47%
Banking practices 7 68%
Credit use and
interest rates 8 61%
Post- Knowledge
Training Improvement (a)
All knowledge items 74% 37% ***
Knowledge Area
Predator
lending practices 82% 41% ***
Public and work
related benefits 74% 48% ***
Savings and investing 68% 45% ***
Banking practices 82% 21% ***
Credit use and
interest rates 75% 23% ***
(a) Measured as percentage improvement from pretest
to posttest scores. ***p <.05; **p <.01; ***p <.001.
Table 2
Repeated Measures ANOUA: Knowledge Test Scores and Knowledge
Improvement by Participant Characteristics
Mean Mean
Pre-Test Post-Test Knowledge
Score Score Change
Gender
Male 23.3 33.2 9.9
Female 26.2 35.6 9.4
Race
African American 27.4 35.6 8.2
Latino or Hispanic 19.3 32.2 12.9
White 27.6 36.8 9.2
Others 27.8 37.0 9.2
Marital Status
Never Married 27.6 36.4 8.8
Ever Married 28.3 37.8 9.5
Married 20.0 30.5 10.5
Education
Less than HS 23.1 32.2 9.1
High school /GED 26.6 37.0 10.4
Postsecondary Ed. 28.3 37.4 9.1
English as
primary language
Yes 28.7 37.3 8.6
No 16.7 28.5 11.8
Employed
Yes 27.1 36.1 9.0
No 25.6 35.1 9.5
Receiving TANF
Yes 26.6 35.0 8.4
No 25.7 35.5 9.8
Home owner
Yes 31.4 39.1 7.7
No 25.4 35.0 9.6
Having a
bank account
Yes 30.3 37.4 7.1
No 23.1 34.0 10.9
Filed federal
tax return
Yes 29.6 38.0 8.4
No 21.4 32.1 10.7
Having debt(s)
Yes 28.0 37.0 9.0
No 20.8 31.2 10.4
Source F values
Gender
Male Gender 1.4
Female Program 120.2 ***
Gender x Program .1
Race
African American Race 4.2 **
Latino or Hispanic Program 132.1 ***
White Race x Program 3.8 *
Others
Marital Status
Never Married Marital Status 11.0 ***
Ever Married Program 277.4 ***
Married Marriage x Program 1.0
Education
Less than HS Education 6.0 **
High school /GED Program 305.3 ***
Postsecondary Ed. Education x Program .7
English as
primary language
Yes Eng. as Prim. Lang. 51.7 ***
No Program 265.8 ***
Language x Program 6.1 *
Employed
Yes Employed .7
No Program 220.9 ***
Employ x Program .2
Receiving TANF
Yes Receiving TANF .0
No Program 241.9 ***
TANF x Program 1.4
Home owner
Yes Home owner 4.3 *
No Program 81.3 ***
Home x Program 1.0
Having a
bank account
Yes Bank account owner 15.0 ***
No Program 289.2 ***
Bank x Program 12.9 ***
Filed federal
tax return
Yes Filed tax return 30.2 ***
No Program 321.9 ***
Tax return x Program 5.3 *
Having debt(s)
Yes Having debt(s) 19.5 ***
No Program 269.3 ***
Debt x Program 1.7
* p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001
Table 3
Regression Analysis: Participant Characteristics and Knowledge Test
Scores
Independent Pre-Training Post-Training
Variables Knowledge Knowledge
Female -3.49 -2.17
Age -.04 -.03
Number of Children 1.18 * 2.16
(White)
African American -2.34 -1.92
Hispanic 1.79 4.46 **
Others -.39 .02
(Ever married)
Never married -1.10 -0.94
Married -4.49 * -2.97 *
(Less than high school)
High school graduate 3.57 * 3.11 **
Postsecondary education 3.24 * 2.77 *
English speaker 11.28 *** 6.31 **
Employed -2.19 -.05
Total household income .0001 .00
Receiving TANF -2.22 -1.6
Home owner 1.54 1.06
Having a bank account 4.82 ** -1.3
Having debt(s) 2.31 0.822
Filed federal tax return 4.92 ** 1.14
Pre-Test score N.A .50 ***
Rz .49 0.66
F 7.6 *** 14.5 ***
N 163 163
* p <.05; ** p <.01; *** p <.001