Part-time farming trends in China: a comparison with the Japanese and Korean experience (1).
Zhou, Zhang-Yue ; Sumner, Daniel A. ; Lee, Hyunok 等
A better understanding of the development of part-time farming in
China would be invaluable both for academic inquiry and policy
formulation. This study, using farm-level survey data, examines the
development of part-time farming in China. The two key questions
examined are (1) how part-time farming evolves over time and (2) how
part-time farming may be related to regional economic development. This
study also highlights part-time farming in Japan and Korea and compares
China's with them. Given the many similarities in agrarian
arrangements between these three countries, it should be valuable to
examine part-time farming and related policy issues in China with a
reference to Japan and Korea.
1. Introduction
Since the Chinese government instituted a strict policy restricting
rural labour movement in the early 1960s, there has been a huge labour
force retained within the rural area that is "surplus" to
farming (Mu 1989). (2) Currently, this labour force is estimated in the
order of over 200 million. To sustain China's economic development,
it is argued that this labour force needs to be absorbed into
non-farming activities (Zhou, Dillon and Wan 1992; Johnson 1999).
Broadly, there are two major paths through which labour can be
shifted out of farming activities: (1) leaving the farm completely and
moving to other industries and (2) being farming based and where
possible engaging in nonfarming activities. The latter has been often
referred to as "part-time farming". Even though a large-scale relocation of farm labour may not be expected in any near future, China
has already been experiencing part-time farming as a trend.
Hence, an understanding of the development of part-time farming in
China would be invaluable both for academic inquiry and policy
formulation. Unfortunately, despite the fact that there is a rich
literature that addresses the agricultural labour issue in general,
studies that examine the part-time farming issue in China remain scarce.
A few such examples include Yang and Cai (1991), Tian and Shi (1991), Ye
(1992), and Zhang, Chen and Wu (1996).
Yang and Cai (1991) suggest a model of decision-making on part-time
farming behaviour and examine factors that affect part-time farming
behaviour using macro-level data. Tian and Shi (1991) offer a broad
discussion on the social and economic background of part-time transfer
of agricultural labour and the relationships between part-time transfer,
industrialisation, urbanisation, and agricultural development. They
point out that part-time transfer can be used as a practical choice for
transferring agricultural labour in China. Using cross-sectional farm
survey data, Zhang et al. (1996) describe the part-time farming
situation and the impact of part-time farming on farm households in ten
provinces in 1994. Using 1986 survey data, Wan (1995) assesses
rural-rural, rural-urban and urban-rural migration in China. Rozelle et
al. (1999) examine rural-urban migration using cross-sectional data collected in 1996 from eight provinces in China.
Few have attempted to empirically assess the historical trend of
part-time farming in China. This study, using ten-year farm-level survey
data, examines the development of part-time farming in China. The two
key research questions we try to answer are (1) how part-time farming
evolves over time and (2) whether and how part-time farming may be
related to regional economic development.
In addition, this study will also highlight part-time farming
situations in Japan and Korea and compare them with China's. There
are many similarities in agrarian arrangements, especially in land
distribution methods, between Japan, Korea and China. Such agrarian
arrangements have primarily contributed to the emergence of part-time
farming in both Japan and Korea, and both governments have explored
various policy measures to deal with part-time farming development.
Thus, we may learn some lessons by examining these countries'
experience and comparing their experience with the situation in China.
We discuss the factors that affect part-time farming in the next
section. We then provide conceptual considerations and data description
in Section 3. Section 4 reports and discusses the empirical results of
part-time farming trends in China. In Section 5, we present
cross-country comparisons based on historical data. We conclude with
policy implications.
2. Factors Affecting Part-time Farming
Part-time farming can be found in many countries in the world (for
examples, see Kada 1980; Sumner 1982; Jussaume 1991; Loyns and Kraut 1992; Tweeten et al. 1993; Ali 1995; Weiss 1997). Part-time farming is
an important way for farmers to divert family labour to non-farming
activities. There are some major factors that affect the allocation of
on-farm and off-farm labour. (3)
Technical change. Capital input using technical change will
substitute capital with labour. Output effect induced by the increase in
the marginal product of labour input would positively affect demand for
labour but with a quasi-fixed input, in this case, land, making the
negative substitution effect greater. As a result, part-time transfer
will take place when farmers try to best utilise their labour but cannot
completely leave their farm due to farming needs.
Land system. In countries where land is limited and equally
distributed and land transfer is restricted, part-time farming will
evolve.
Relative return. It is common that farming has a relatively lower
return, as often observed in disparity of rural and urban incomes. The
desire to obtain a higher return and maximise family income is an
important force driving farmers to take part in non-farming activities.
Traditional land ideology. In some countries, farmers are so
attached to their land that they do not want to give it up. Where social
security programs are lacking, some perceive their land as security or
family insurance. This leads them to holding on to their land even if
their non-farming income is very high.
Urbanisation and industrialisation. Rapid urbanisation and
industrialisation has a higher capacity to absorb agricultural labour.
Dual social structure. Where rural and urban areas are separated by
administrative forces, there is little chance for agricultural labour to
leave farming completely and be engaged in urban industrial activities.
They can only take part in non-farming activities within rural areas.
A combination of some of the above factors has induced a rapid
development of part-time farming in both Japan and Korea. In Japan,
around 50% of farm households in 1950 were full-time farm operators.
Since then, there has been a marked shift away from full-time farming in
line with Japan's period of rapid economic growth and industrial
development. Increasing employment opportunities and higher incomes in
non-farm sectors attracted a large number of the agricultural labour
force to urban centres. Many farm households found that it was possible
to earn a high wage from non-farm employment while continuing to hold
onto their land and farm it on a part-time basis (Hayami 1975, p. 75;
OECD 1995, pp. 11-15). Part-time farming now accounts for a substantial
part of the Japanese agriculture. Of the 2.6 million commercial farm
households in 1996, only 17% are classified as full-time farms, and the
remaining 83% are part-time farms (4) (GOJ, 1998, p. 10).
Like Japan, Korea has also experienced a rapid emergence of
part-time farming. The factors contributing to this rapid emergence are
similar to those in Japan. Rapid industrialisation and improvement in
productivity, regulations governing the sale and transfer of land and
the traditional view of land as a family asset, all have led to small
average farm size and income disparity between farming and other sectors
(OECD 1999). In 1965 part-time farms accounted for only 9% of the farm
households; in 1998 37% of the 1.4 million farm households were
classified as part-time farms (5) (Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry 1999b, p. 41).
There are many similarities in agrarian and social arrangements
between China, Japan and Korea, such as small but relatively evenly
distributed landholdings, restrictions on land transfers, and the
traditional view of land as a family asset. In addition, the strict
rural-urban separation designed by policy has also been relaxed to some
extent since the early 1980s. However, income disparity between
agriculture and other sectors is still large, particularly in recent
years as a result of rapid development in non-farming sectors and in
urban areas following the economic reforms. All such factors favoured
the emergence of part-time farming. While this trend of part-time
farming has important implications in government policy formation, this
issue has received little attention. This study attempts to fill this
gap by using farm-level survey data to assess the part-time farming
status in China and to compare it with that in Japan and Korea.
3. Conceptual Considerations and Data
3.1 What is Part-time Farming?
Part-time farming refers to "the practice whereby a farm
worker or farm family earns income from both agricultural and
non-agricultural employment or self-employment" (Jussaume 1991, p.
3). Part-time farming is not unique to modern times nor to the developed
nations. "It is an option that agriculturally dependent households
around the world have exercised for generations. Only the recognition of
the importance of part-time farming is new" (Jussaume 1991, p. 3).
While there is a consensus about the notion of part-time farming, the
technical definition differs slightly by country. This study adopts the
classification of part-time farming that has been used in Japan. (6)
In Japan, data collection on part-time farm households traces back
to as early as 1906 (Institute of Developing Economies 1969, p. 114). In
Japan part-time farming is defined as "very small farms and any
farm in which one or more household members are engaged in jobs other
than farming" (OECD 1995, pp. 14-15). (Korea also follows this
definition; see OECD 1999, p. 35). More detailed classification includes
(OECD 1995, p. 11): (7)
* Part-time farm household: farming household which has one or more
household members engaged in jobs other than farming and where they have
been employed for 30 days or more, or engaged in their own non-farm
business from which they have earned 100,000 yen in 1990 (70,000 yen in
1980) or more, during a year.
* Part-time farm household Type I: farm household where less than
50% of income was earned in non-farm jobs.
* Part-time farm household Type II: farm household where more than
50% of income was earned from non-farm jobs.
* Full-time farm household: farm household which has no household
member engaged in non-farm employment.
OECD also adopts this classification of part-time farming (Krasovec
1982, recited from Jussaume 1991, p. 48).
3.2 Data
Farm-level survey data are regularly collected by the Research
Centre for Rural Economy (RCRE) of the Ministry of Agriculture in China.
The survey first began in 1986 and was carried out annually except in
1992 and 1994. In each village, some 100 households were surveyed. The
survey instruments have evolved over the years. Those used for 1986-91
were the same (with 312 variables), but they were expanded for the 1993
survey (with 394 variables) and further expanded for the 1995-97 surveys
(with 439 variables). Data used in this study cover the period from 1986
to 1997.
For this study, three provinces that represent the different stages
of economic development were selected. They include Guangdong which
represents most developed, Hubei which represents medium developed and
Yunnan which represents least developed. Three villages were then
selected from each province according to the level of economic
development as measured by per capita income. Brief background
information on the selected provinces and villages is presented in Table
A1.
In the farm household surveys by the RCRE, there are nine
categories of major family business activities: l) cropping, 2)
forestry, 3) animal husbandry, 4) fishery, 5) industry, 6) construction,
7) transportation, 8) tertiary services, and 9) others. Since the rural
economic reforms, farms have been allowed to diversify their farm
activities in any of these categories.
In this study, activities belonging to categories 1-4 are
considered as farming and the rest as non-farming (i.e., categories
5-9). (8) Detailed data on labour-days used for each of the nine
business activities are available from the household survey. To ensure
the data accuracy, we used a number of variables to cross check the
data. Whenever doubt arose on any observation, that observation was
eliminated.
4. Empirical Results
Figure 1 shows the historical trend of part-time farming for the
data combining all three provinces. Three observations stand out. First,
for the studied period, part-time farming (both Type I and Type II) is
significant, close to 50%. Second, the majority of part-time farming
households falls in Type II. Third, part-time farming peaked in 1993 and
it then slowed down.
[FIGURE 1 OMITTED]
The part-time farming trend broken down at the provincial level is
shown in Figure 2. As expected, Guangdong province shows the highest
part-timing farming trend, consistent with its economic development.
This also is the region where the post-1993 downturn of part-time
farming did not occur. Further, while the bulk of part-time farm
households are Type II, the share of Type I part-time farm households
has been steadily declining, reaching 2% in 1997. In the economically least developed Yunnan province, part-time farming development
fluctuates most and has declined sharply (from 50% in 1993 to 32% in
1997). It also has a higher proportion of Type I part-time farm
households. In the economically medium developed Hubei province, the
part-time farming level is below that of Yunnan, the economically least
developed region. This is due to the fact that one of the villages
included in the analysis for Yunnan (Village 1) is in a wealthy area
with a very high part-time farming level (see Table 1).
[FIGURE 2 OMITTED]
Using the data presented in Table 1, we generated a correlation
coefficient matrix between the three measures of part-time farming,
part-time, Type I and Type II to verify which kind of labour actually
governs the pattern in part-time farming. Correlation coefficients are
presented in Table 2. According to Table 2, there seems to be no
distinct pattern between Type I and Type II part-time farming and
between part-time and Type I part-time farming. At the village level, we
obtained mixed - positive and negative - correlations between these two
sets of relationships. However, the correlation between part-time and
Type II tends to be very strong. The positive and strong correlation
between Type II and part-time, along with mixed signs of correlation
between Type I and part-time, further indicates that the major factor
that governs the pattern in part-time farming is Type II part-time
labour, not Type I labour.
Further examining the data in Table 1, it can be found that, in
general, in economically more developed areas, e.g., in all three
villages in Guangdong province and in Yunnan's Village 1, part-time
farming is taking place at a much higher level (50% or higher) and is
increasing. On the other hand, the level of part-time farming in medium
or less developed areas is accordingly lower. This indicates that the
level of local economic development is an important factor for the
emergence of part-time farming in a region. It is interesting to note
that the poorest village (Village 2 in Yunnan) once had a very high
part-time farming level (65% in 1993) but dropped sharply in recent
years (17% in 1997). This phenomenon may have been dictated by the
availability of non-farm employment. It is possible that many farmers
from this poor village are always looking for employment opportunities
outside farming. Therefore, their non-farm activities also fluctuate
with outside opportunities. This is consistent with the situation that
prevailed in China during that time period.
In the early 1990s, there were increased numbers of farmers who
travelled around the country to look for employment opportunities, and
there were abundant reports about this (see, for example, Chen and Xu
1993; Zhu 1993; Wang 1994; Research Group 1995). As reflected in the
results from this study (Figure 1), the part-time farming level
increased and peaked in 1993. Then, as urban economic reforms went
further, employment for urban dwellers became a problem. Many city
governments imposed restrictions on employment for rural labourers (Cai
and Chan 2000). Soon many of the rural labourers had to return to their
land, and, as seen from Figure 1, part-time farming dropped. The reverse
may also be true; reduced restrictions on farmers' employment in
urban areas would result in increases in part-time farming. It is likely
that government policy has an important bearing on the ups and downs of
part-time farming, particularly, in the case of Village 2 of Yunnan.
In addition to the level of local economic development and
government policy, there are a number of other factors that affect
part-time farming. Figure 3 shows per capita arable land. The average
land holding over the three provinces is about one mu (1/15 hectare; 1
hectare = 15 mu). Not unexpectedly, per capita arable land exerts a
force on the development of part-time farming. Guangdong's higher
level of part-time farming is in part related to the low per capita
arable land. Figure 3 shows that per capita arable land declined over
time; faster in more developed regions. If this trend continues, we will
observe more part-time farming as per capita arable land further
declines.
[FIGURE 3 OMITTED]
Figure 4 presents the ratio of non-farm earnings to farm earnings
per labour day. In all provinces and years studied, non-farm earning has
been higher than farm earning. This encourages employment away from the
farm. Note that this ratio was largest in 1993 and the part-time farming
level was also the peak during the same year (see Figure 1). Johnson
(1999) noted that, "The margin between the return to farm and
nonfarm labour must be large enough to induce a rapid transfer to
nonfarm jobs". The results from this study tend to support
Johnson's proposition. Figure 4 indicates that while the provinces
differ in ratio by some margin these differences became pronounced in
1993. It is interesting to note that these differences are more distinct
at the village level (Table A2 in the Appendix). However, by comparing
Table A2 with the part-time trend at the village level (Table 1), it is
not clear that higher part-time farming is always related to higher
income ratios.
[FIGURE 4 OMITTED]
Besides these exogenous factors such as earning ratios, part-time
farm decisions are also affected by the individual's qualification
(suitability) and transaction costs. Whether an individual can start up
his non-farming activities, knows which non-farming activities to work
on, and can market his nonfarm products (or equivalently, if he looks
for a job elsewhere, whether he dares to go beyond his village to look
for a job, know where to look for a job, or, may be offered a job),
would depend on his education level/labouring skills, and his ability to
obtain information. Figures 5-8 show that in Guangdong there is a higher
family expenditure on media items, number of radios, recorders and TVs
and a lower percentage of rural labourers who are illiterate or
semi-illiterate. (Also, the percentage of rural labourers who completed
senior high school or above is highest (Table 3)). This indicates that
the rural labourers in Guangdong would be better informed about the
opportunities of non-farm work, which is consistent with high part-time
farming in Guangdong.
[FIGURES 5-8 OMITTED]
Besides TVs and radios, telephones and computers have an important
role in providing information. Ownership of telephones by rural
households was not recorded in the survey until 1993, and the ownership
of computers was not recorded until 1997. As expected, the ownership of
telephones and computers is higher in a more economically affluent
province. Village 3 in Guangdong has a high level of computer ownership
(Table 4). Interestingly, it is in this village that the part-time
farming level has increased most (Table 1).
To further investigate the relationships between the household
characteristics and the level of part-time farming, we carried out a
regression analysis to determine the factors that affect the level of
part-time farming within a household. In this regression analysis, the
dependent variable measures the level of household part-time farming,
which is constructed as a ratio of non-farm work days to total work
days. Based on our earlier discussion, we chose the following as our
independent variables that explain the level of part-time farming. These
variables are: 1) number of labourers in the family, 2) total area of
arable land owned by the family, 3) number of televisions owned by the
family, 4) urban per capita income of the province, 5) the wage
disparity between nonfarm and farm earning, and 6) the level of
education.
Urban per capita income at the provincial level measures the level
of regional economic development. The annual income data are obtained
from SS[B.sub.1] and SS[B.sub.2] (1996). The wage disparity measures at
the village level and is calculated as the ratio of the daily wage of
non-farm work to farm work (Table A2). Three binary variables are used
to represent the level of education (there are four levels of education
and the category of "illiterate and semi-illiterate" is used
as a base). In addition to these variables, time binary variables are
used to separate out any time-related effects (1986 is used as a base).
The regression results are presented in Table 5. As expected,
number of labourers, number of TVs owned by a family and the urban per
capita income in the province they live, all contribute positively to
the family's participation in non-farm jobs. On the other hand, a
family engages less in non-farm jobs with larger land holding. However,
the sign of the wage disparity variable (the ratio of the daily wage of
non-farm work to farm work) is contrary to expectations. (1) It may be
noted that such conventional expectations are based on some assumptions
such as complete labour mobility, availability of non-farming
employment, and possession of capability to move. Not all such
conditions are prevalent in China. Indeed, some situations are very
peculiar to China, e.g., restrictions on labour mobility. (2) Further,
Table A2 shows that higher income ratios are not necessarily associated
with higher absolute earnings. That is, with very small absolute
earnings in both farming and non-farming employment, a small increase in
non-farming employment earning can result in a significant increase in
the income ratio. This typically happens in those poorer villages as
shown in Table A2. For labourers in poorer regions, constrained to a
great extent by subsistence nature of farming activities -- e.g.,
foodgrain production first for family consumption, engaging in farming
is relatively less risky, and labour may be allocated to first satisfy
subsistence production. (3) It is also likely that non-farming
employment opportunities are limited in such poorer regions. Thus, the
existence of some peculiar situations prevailing in China, especially,
the subsistence nature of production and lack of non-farming employment
opportunities in some poorer regions, may offer some explanations about
the contradictory result for the wage disparity variable. Nonetheless,
rural wage disparity and its impact on other aspects of rural economy is
a complicated but very important issue and further research should be
rewarding.
Compared to the illiterate group, the regression results show that
more education tends to have a negative effect on participation in
non-farm jobs. These education results are less intuitive. The
coefficients are not significant except for the category of junior high
graduates. Conventional expectations would mean that a higher education level would have a positive effect on participation in non-farm jobs.
Coincidentally, some other studies (Wan 1995; Meng 1996; and Rozelle et
al. 1999), using various survey data, also find that the effect of
education on migration is insignificant or even negative in China. While
Rozelle et al. (1999) argue that, "Although descriptive statistics show migration rising with education level, it may be that education is
correlated with other factors ... and is not significant in
itself". Wan (1995) proposes that Western migration models should
be modified substantially before they can be applied to China.
All the coefficients for the time dummies have negative signs. It
is interesting to note that these negative effects are statistically
very significant from 1993. This may be in part due to the shift in
government policies related to further restricted urban employment
opportunities of rural residents, which lends support to our earlier
observations that policy environment affects part-time fanning
development.
To sum up, our analyses based on household survey data suggest that
for farmers to take part in non-farm activities, first, they must have
the internal desire to do so, second, they must have the intellectual
and financial abilities to do so, and third, there must be suitable
external opportunities for them to do so. This indicates that
farmers' intellectual and financial abilities are crucial. These
enable farmers to gather and digest information, to have the courage to
look for non-farming job opportunities and to have the minimal labouring
skills to be engaged/employed in non-farm work. Local economic
development status, conditions of infrastructure, availability of
markets for non-farm products, and government policies are important
external factors. Not all of these external factors were addressed in
this study due to the lack of data. Nonetheless, local economic
development and the policy environment are two important factors that
affect part-time farming development in China.
5. Part-time Farming in China, Japan and Korea: Cross-country
Comparison
In this section, we turn our attention to part-time farming in two
other northeast Asian countries, including Japan and Korea. Although
they are in different stages of economic development, Japan, Korea, and
China have in common a number of issues related to the early stage of
part-time farming development. They all share similar agrarian
characteristics -- a small per capita land holding, income disparity
between farm and non-farm sectors, industrialisation and rapid
urbanisation. It will be thus instructive to examine their experience of
part-time farming development and draw some lessons for China.
5.1 Economic Development and Part-time Farming
The experience from these three countries indicates that part-time
farming is closely related to economic development. Table 6 shows the
relationship between the relative contribution of agriculture to total
GDP and part-time farming development. (9) While there are ups and downs
in the level of part-time farming in all of the three countries, the
general tendency is that part-time farming is on the increase over time.
Consider the times, the mid 1950s in Japan, the mid 1970s in Korea,
and the late 1980s in China, when these three countries had a similar
share of agricultural GDP out of total GDP (e.g., at around 24%). China
has a higher level of part-time farming than does Korea but lower than
Japan. However, China's Type II part-time farm households are at a
higher level than both Japan and Korea, with Korea being the lowest.
Note that Japan's part-time farming level has plateaued since 1975
(Table 6). Compared to Japan's part-time farming level at a similar
percentage of agricultural GDP out of total GDP (e.g., at about 6%),
Korea's is much lower and it would be interesting to keep an eye on the development of the part-time farming level in Korea.
5.2 Part-time Farming and Income Implications
Implications of part-time farming development on farm income seem
to be significant. Table 7 clearly indicates that part-time farm
households on average earn a much higher income than do full-time farm
households. Total income differences between Types I and II part-time
farms have been minimal in Japan, whereas these income differences are
large in China (Table 7). Part-time Type I households in China have been
earning only about one half or one third of those part-time Type II
households and even less than those of full-time households. The
relatively higher proportion of part-time Type I households but with
very low income earning capacity in Yunnan's Villages 2 and 3 (see
Table 1) may have led to this abnormal result. In addition, observations
from these two villages accounted for as high as 28% of total
observations out of the nine villages. Data on income for full-time and
part-time households for Korea were not available. However, at the
aggregate level, it is shown that non-farming income has increased
rapidly during the past three decades and non-farming employment has
been important for farmer income.
5.3 Factors Contributing to the Development of Part-time Farming
Given the similarities in many aspects between China, Japan and
Korea, several factors that contributed to the development of part-time
farming in these countries are also very similar. Common to these
countries is the small per capita arable land area. In 1997, per capita
arable land was 0.077 hectare for China, 0.0395 hectare for Japan, and
0.042 for Korea. (10) As seen from our data, in China regions with low
per capita arable land are associated with higher part-time farming.
Income differential between farming and non-farming employment is
another key factor. This factor played a crucial role in
"enticing" rural workers to be engaged in non-farming
activities in Japan and Korea (Nakayasu 1991; Chung 1993). The same was
observed for China as seen in this study. Rapid industrialisation and
economic development (since the 1950s in Japan and since the 1960s in
Korea) have created non-farming opportunities for rural labourers. In
China, rapid economic development in the past two decades (since 1980)
also generated many more employment opportunities. However, as discussed
earlier, the possibility of rural residents taking these employment
opportunities depends on government rural/urban policies.
In both Japan and Korea, government policies have encouraged
farmers to be engaged in non-farm employment. We will further elaborate
upon this in the next section. In China, however, government policy on
this front has generally been restrictive. Before the economic reforms
took place in the early 1980s, farmers in China certainly had the desire
to do non-farm work. Their ability to do so was, however, severely
restricted by government policies. At most, farmers in some relatively
developed areas (e.g., in southern Jiangsu, coastal Guangdong) could run
some township and village enterprises.
5.4 Government Policy Responses
In the latter half of the 1950s, Japan's economy began to
develop rapidly, expanding the labour market and offering farmers
opportunities for non-farm employment. Post World War II economic growth
saw further development in the heavy and chemical industries, thus
concentrating the employed population in certain regions.
Over-concentration and depopulation due to regional imbalances in the
general population and the employed population became a social issue in
the 1970s. The Japanese government responded to this by devising
policies that induce industry to disperse to local regions. Some
manufacturing companies moved to areas where labour and land were
cheaper. This expanded off-farm employment opportunities within
commuting distance (Nakayasu 1991). Table 6 shows that the part-time
farming level increased by 18 percentage points between 1970 and 1980.
In Korea, rural to urban migration has been encouraged by the
government. By 1968, farm population began to decrease as a result of
this migration and industrialisation and economic growth. During
1965-90, farm population decreased slowly, by 3.5% annually.
Korea's major industries have been built near large urban centres
and port cities, thus concentrating new jobs in only a few areas. Rural
young people migrated to these areas for jobs, leaving behind the elders
and those who have less ability for non-farm work. There has been
concern that this drained too many able labourers away from farm
production. In addition, the over-concentration of industrialisation
also became a social issue. In 1985, the Korean government introduced a
rural industrialisation program. This increased opportunities for
non-farm jobs in rural areas and has led to an increase in the part-time
farming level (see Table 6).
While there are no restrictions for rural people to migrate to
urban areas, the Korean government has in recent years implemented
various incentive systems to encourage people to stay in rural areas in
order to avoid overcrowding in a few metropolitan areas. For example,
many universities allocate a special quota for applicants from rural
areas, thus making their admittance easier. As a result, this weakens
their parents' desire to move to the urban area for the purpose of
their children's education.
In China's earlier years of the communist government's
rule, 1949-57, there was little restriction on rural-urban migration. In
fact, during the Great Leap Forward period (1958-59), many rural
labourers moved from the rural to urban areas. During 1960-62 when the
country experienced extreme economic difficulties, many urban residents
were sent to the rural areas to ease the government's supply burden
to the urban systems. Since then, until the late 1970s, a strict
rural-urban separation policy was used. During this time period, farmers
were largely confined to the limited land. Since the early 1980s,
nationwide economic reforms have been under way. Large-scale transfer of
farm labour to non-farming activities began in the mid-1980s when rural
township enterprises developed rapidly (Zhou, Dillon and Wan 1992).
Interregional movement of rural labour started in the late 1980s.
Following Deng Xiao Ping's visit to China's south in early
1992, large-scale interregional movement of rural labour took place and
peaked in 1993. It was reported that in 1993 there were over 60 million
rural labourers wandering around the country looking for employment (Zhu
1993, Research Group 1995).
Not all rural labourers could find a job in the urban system, nor
did the urban system have sufficient employment opportunities to often
With such a large number of unemployed rural workers in urban areas,
there were problems in passenger transportation and social problems in
the cities. The government responded to this situation by restricting
rural workers' employment in the urban areas. As a result, the
part-time farming level has dropped since 1995 (see Figure 1). Compared
to the Japanese and Korean experiences, in China there were few
government initiatives to create non-fanning employment within the rural
areas. At times, the government has relied on farmers' own
initiatives to set up their township and village enterprises to create
non-farming jobs.
5. S Substitution between Farm Inputs
Our discussion on farm labour indicates that labour input use is
declining in farming. This raises an interesting question that relates
to farm input substitution and output production. In all three
countries, the total farm labour force was reduced, by the largest
percentage in Korea (-28%) and the smallest (-3%) in China (Table 8).
Table 8 also shows that agricultural production index and food-stuff
production index were increased in both China and Korea, whereas in
Japan they dropped by 6 per cent compared to 1990. Data in Table 8
clearly suggest the possibility of input substitution. While fertiliser
use was reduced in both Japan and Korea, there was an increase in the
use of farm machinery. Japan has the highest per hectare machinery.
Japan's arable land is 5% of China's, yet Japan's total
number of agricultural tractors is three times and harvester-threshers
is ten times China's. However, China's higher production index
seems to be due largely to the rapidly increased use of fertilisers.
Given the very low mechanisation level compared to Japan and Korea, if
China were to take a similar path, it is likely that there will be a
further reduction in Chinese farm labour in the future.
6. Concluding Remarks
In this study we assess the part-time farming status in China using
farm-level survey data. Given that our sample contains only three
provinces, it may be hard to draw from our study some broad conclusions
that may apply to the whole country. Nonetheless, our study may still
provide useful information since our analysis is based on more than 8000
individual observations that vary widely in economic classes and labour
situations.
Our analyses indicate that part-time farming is significant in the
regions of China examined. Overall, the part-time farming level was
increasing over the period 1986-97. It peaked in 1993 but has slowed
since then. Part-time farm households now account for more than 40% of
total farm households in the studied regions.
It seems that the local economic development level is a major
factor for the development of part-time farming in a region. In
economically more developed regions, part-time farming is developing
fast, at a much higher level, and increasing relatively steadily. In
economically less developed regions, part-time farming development is
relatively slower and fluctuates.
Government policy also has an important bearing on the development
of part-time farming in China. With reduced restrictions on
farmers' employment in non-farming activities or in urban areas,
part-time farming increases; otherwise, many farm labourers have to
return to or stay on their land. Other major factors that affect the
development of part-time farming in China include the very small per
capita arable land, income differences between farming and non-farming
employment, farmers' education level/labouring skills and their
ability to obtain and digest information.
The development of part-time farming in our data for China seems to
have halted since the mid-1990s, especially in poor areas. It has been
widely recognised that this slowdown in part-time farming development
has resulted in lower income in the rural areas, and this has partly
contributed to the sluggish market in recent years. However, following
other countries' examples, such as Japan, there will be a further
shift in the labour force from farming to non-farming. How to make this
shift is an important area that calls for further investigation. Given
the relatively more important role of public policy in China, this
transition can be significantly aided by prudent policy planning.
Future policy can be directed toward carrying out needed
institutional reforms, especially removing restrictions on rural
people's employment in the urban areas. Flexibility in rural
part-time jobs will reduce the number of people adding to urban
congestion while also increasing rural incomes. Carefully conceived
policy measures are needed to increase the opportunities of non-farming
employment for rural people within the rural areas. Such policy measures
will help China to alleviate/avoid over-concentration of
industrialisation and population and other associated social problems as
happened in Japan in the 1970s and in Korea in the 1980s. The
availability and improvement of basic infrastructure in rural areas
(e.g., road, water, electricity, and telecommunication facilities) are
also essential.
Part-time farming is a complex issue. This study is only a modest
attempt to address a very small number of questions. Many more questions
remain to be explored. Some may include:
* To what extent has traditional land ideology affected the
development of part-time farming in China?
* How fast is China's part-time farming likely to develop in
the near future?
* How has part-time farming affected farmers' income in China?
* How has part-time farming development affected the life of rural
people and the development of the rural community?
* How has part-time farming affected agricultural production, and
how will it affect agricultural production in the future?
* What are the likely impacts of part-time farming on the
preservation of rural traditions and institutions?
* What are the key institutional reforms that are needed to
facilitate the development of part-time farming in China?
Jussaume (1991, p. xiv) notes, "A great deal about part-time
farming remains unknown to the scientific community". This is
especially true for China. This fact encourages increased research
attention to the trends and development of part-time farming in China.
This is an issue that China will have to face and that will affect
China's long-term sustainable economic development.
Table A1:
Per Capita Rural Income at the Provincial, City/County,
and Village Level in 1997
Brief Description of the
Province City/County Village Region
Hubei Hanyang Village 1 A relatively developed
([yen] 2102) ([yen] 3189) ([yen] 3304) region within the
province with good
transportation
Hanchuan Village 2 Similar to Hanyang but
([yen] 2424) ([yen] 2938) slightly less developed
Changyang Village 3 A hilly area with a less
([yen] 1636) ([yen] 1784) developed economy and
market
Guangdong Dongguan Village 1 Highly industrialised
([yen] 3468) ([yen] 5021) ([yen] 10667) area close to Guangzhou
and Hong Kong
Dianbai Village 2 Relatively less developed
(n.a.) ([yen] 2411) area within Guangdong
province
Wuchuan Village 3 Similar to Dianbai but in
(n.a.) ([yen] 2948) a coastal area
Yunnan Yuxi Village 1 A wealthier area with
([yen] 1375) ([yen] 3248) ([yen] 6442) much injection from a
highly developed
tobacco industry
Lanchang Village 2 Very remote and
([yen] 578) ([yen] 719) mountainous area, one
of the poorest regions
Dali Village 3 Very remote and
([yen] 2279) ([yen] 2114) mountainous area, one
of the poorer regions
with tourist resources
Note: National level per capita income of rural population in 1997 was
[yen] 2090. At the city/county level, there are no systematic data
available for per capita income of rural population. Figures given here
are from various sources. Village level per capita income was calculated
from the village sample survey data.
Sources: Ministry of Agriculture 1997, p. 433.
Hubei Statistical Bureau 1999, pp. 391-392.
Yunnan Statistical Bureau 1998, pp. 489-490.
[SSB.sub.1], 1998, p. 346.
Table A2:
Ratio of Per Labour-day Income between Non-farming
and Farming Employment
Hubei Guangdong
Year Village Village Village Village Village Village
1 2 3 1 2 3
Per labour-day income from farming employment (yuan)
1986 5 5 3 5 4 7
1987 6 6 3 6 5 6
1988 7 6 3 9 7 8
1989 8 7 3 7 10 9
1990 7 8 4 15 10 8
1991 6 7 3 15 10 7
1993 7 8 5 13 17 11
1995 19 15 7 70 18 18
1996 14 14 6 66 16 18
1997 18 13 8 44 14 14
Per labour-day income from non-farming employment (yuan)
1986 9 5 4 7 18 7
1987 14 5 2 7 19 8
1988 17 6 6 10 24 8
1989 18 7 7 18 15 8
1990 15 7 7 19 16 9
1991 12 7 8 28 18 9
1993 17 7 7 72 37 24
1995 32 17 13 60 49 24
1996 32 18 16 66 50 20
1997 20 26 13 66 41 21
Ratio of per labour-day income between non-farming and farming
employment
1986 1.8 1.0 1.5 1.4 4.3 1.1
1987 2.2 0.9 0.6 1.2 3.9 1.4
1988 2.6 1.0 2.0 1.1 3.5 1.0
1989 2.3 1.0 2.3 2.6 1.5 0.9
1990 2.1 0.9 1.8 1.3 1.6 1.1
1991 2.0 1.0 2.7 1.9 1.8 1.3
1993 2.4 0.9 1.4 5.5 2.2 2.2
1995 1.7 1.1 1.9 0.9 2.7 1.3
1996 2.3 1.3 2.7 1.0 3.1 1.1
1997 1.1 2.0 1.6 1.5 2.9 1.5
Yunnan
Year Village Village Village
1 2 3
Per labour-day income from farming employment (yuan)
1986 2 1 2
1987 5 1 3
1988 8 1 3
1989 10 2 2
1990 11 2 3
1991 10 2 3
1993 9 3 4
1995 16 5 8
1996 22 4 8
1997 16 4 9
Per labour-day income from non-farming employment (yuan)
1986 5 3 3
1987 7 2 3
1988 8 6 8
1989 6 6 6
1990 11 5 4
1991 17 6 5
1993 26 11 6
1995 29 8 19
1996 40 7 14
1997 46 3 19
Ratio of per labour-day income between non-farming and farming
employment
1986 2.3 3.3 1.5
1987 1.4 1.8 1.2
1988 1.1 4.0 3.0
1989 0.6 3.0 3.0
1990 1.0 2.5 1.3
1991 1.7 3.0 1.7
1993 2.9 3.7 1.5
1995 1.8 1.6 2.4
1996 1.8 1.8 1.8
1997 2.9 0.8 2.1
Source: calculated from the farm survey data.
Table 1:
Part-time Farming Trends in China at the Village Level
1986 1987 1988 1989 1991 1990 1993 1995
Hubei Province, Village 1
Full-time 82 83 76 77 . 73 57 62
Part-time 18 17 24 23 . 27 43 38
Type I 4 1 4 1 . 1 0 4
Type II 14 16 20 22 . 26 43 35
Hubei Province, Village 2
Full-time 44 41 58 50 49 27 45 69
Part-time 56 59 42 50 51 73 55 31
Type I 12 13 4 10 12 4 12 5
Type II 45 46 38 40 39 69 43 26
Hubei Province, Village 3
Full-time 93 84 92 92 89 89 85 79
Part-time 7 16 8 8 11 11 15 21
Type I 2 10 3 2 2 3 3 8
Type II 5 6 6 7 9 8 12 13
Guangdong Province Village 1
Full-time 70 63 54 49 40 42 51 51
Part-time 30 38 46 51 60 58 49 49
Type I 8 10 17 10 11 9 0 0
Type II 23 27 29 41 49 49 49 49
Guangdong Province, Village 2
Full-time 42 35 40 45 41 39 45 34
Part-time 58 65 60 55 59 61 55 66
Type I 3 2 2 4 4 1 3 4
Type II 55 63 57 51 55 60 52 62
Guangdong Province, Village 3
Full-time 58 54 43 38 28 26 24 13
Part-time 42 46 57 62 72 74 76 87
Type I 2 5 3 9 6 2 3 7
Type II 39 41 53 53 66 72 73 80
Yunnan Province, Village 1
Full-time 50 57 41 49 46 48 38 41
Part-time 50 43 59 51 54 53 62 59
Type I 7 6 6 4 4 1 0 0
Type II 43 37 53 47 51 51 62 59
Yunnan Province, Village 2
Full-time 79 85 78 73 67 55 35 49
Part-time 21 15 22 27 33 45 65 51
Type I 14 10 14 11 11 26 22 41
Type II 7 5 8 16 21 19 43 10
Yunnan Province, Village 3
Full-time 65 67 74 75 84 80 76 78
Part-time 35 33 26 25 16 20 24 22
Type I 17 15 13 9 7 8 13 14
Type II 17 18 14 16 10 12 11 8
1996 1997
Hubei
Province,
Village 1
Full-time 78 75
Part-time 22 25
Type I 2 6
Type II 20 19
Hubei
Province,
Village 2
Full-time 63 56
Part-time 37 44
Type I 2 8
Type II 36 36
Hubei
Province,
Village 3
Full-time 78 82
Part-time 22 18
Type I 2 6
Type II 20 12
Guangdong
Province
Village 1
Full-time 50 51
Part-time 50 49
Type I 1 1
Type II 49 48
Guangdong
Province,
Village 2
Full-time 35 46
Part-time 65 54
Type I 7 3
Type II 58 51
Guangdong
Province,
Village 3
Full-time 16 10
Part-time 84 90
Type I 4 2
Type II 80 87
Yunnan
Province,
Village 1
Full-time 43 35
Part-time 57 65
Type I 1 4
Type II 56 61
Yunnan
Province,
Village 2
Full-time 61 83
Part-time 39 17
Type I 31 14
Type II 8 3
Yunnan
Province,
Village 3
Full-time 80 84
Part-time 20 16
Type I 4 4
Type II 15 12
Source: calculated from the farm survey data.
Table 2:
Correlation Coefficient Matrix between Three Measures of
Part-Time Farming
Part-Time Type I Type II
Hubei
Village 1 Part-Time 1
Type I -0.18 1
Type II 0.98 -0.37 1
Village 2 Part-Time 1
Type I 0.38 1
Type II 0.94 0.03 1
Village 3 Part-Time 1
Type I 0.51 1
Type II 0.83 -0.05 1
Guangdong
Village 1 Part-Time 1
Type I -0.05 1
Type II 0.83 -0.59 1
Village 2 Part-Time 1
Type I 0.21 1
Type II 0.94 -0.14 1
Village 3 Part-Time 1
Type I 0.02 1
Type II 0.99 -0.10 1
Yunnan
Village 1 Part-Time 1
Type I -0.48 1
Type II 0.96 -0.70 1
Village 2 Part-Time 1
Type I 0.69 1
Type II 0.78 0.08 1
Village 3 Part-Time 1
Type I 0.84 1
Type II 0.71 0.23 1
Source: calculated from the farm survey data.
Table 3:
Education of Rural Labourers at the Village Level
Province Village 1986 1987 1988 1989 1990
Illiterate and Semi-Illiterate
Rural Labourers (%)
1 12 10 11 9 10
Hubei 2 25 25 22 22 20
3 15 14 12 11 13
1 10 10 11 13 13
Guang- 2 40 38 37 36 34
dong 3 35 33 32 30 30
1 16 14 11 14 12
Yunnan 2 90 92 89 87 88
3 43 29 35 30 32
Rural Labourers Who Completed
Primary School (%)
1 47 48 44 47 45
Hubei 2 32 31 31 33 32
3 44 43 45 43 47
1 65 66 65 63 61
Guang- 2 33 35 36 37 36
dong 3 34 37 39 40 38
1 56 55 55 53 56
Yunnan 2 9 7 10 10 10
3 35 47 45 48 47
Rural Labourers Who Completed
Junior High School (%)
1 31 32 33 32 33
Hubei 2 32 33 35 33 37
3 34 37 36 40 37
1 21 22 22 22 24
Guang- 2 23 24 24 25 25
dong 3 25 25 23 24 26
1 27 27 30 29 27
Yunnan 2 1 1 2 2 2
3 20 23 18 20 19
Rural Labourers Who Completed
Senior High School or above (%)
1 10 9 12 12 13
Hubei 2 11 11 12 12 11
3 7 6 6 6 3
1 3 1 2 3 3
Guang- 2 4 4 3 3 4
dong 3 6 6 6 7 6
1 1 3 4 5 5
Yunnan 2 0 0 0 0 0
3 2 2 2 2 2
Province Village 1991 1993 1995 1996 1997
Illiterate and Semi-Illiterate
Rural Labourers (%)
1 11 11 8 6 10
Hubei 2 20 12 18 18 16
3 10 17 23 24 23
1 11 5 4 3 3
Guang- 2 34 24 25 29 28
dong 3 27 26 21 18 16
1 11 10 13 9 9
Yunnan 2 87 85 84 85 81
3 31 30 26 24 16
Rural Labourers Who Completed
Primary School (%)
1 43 42 43 47 47
Hubei 2 33 30 34 30 32
3 51 45 39 35 38
1 58 61 60 56 52
Guang- 2 36 39 41 37 40
dong 3 38 39 41 42 43
1 56 49 46 49 47
Yunnan 2 10 14 13 13 17
3 46 45 50 50 58
Rural Labourers Who Completed
Junior High School (%)
1 33 41 43 41 37
Hubei 2 36 49 40 43 41
3 35 33 33 36 35
1 26 28 29 35 37
Guang- 2 26 30 28 28 26
dong 3 28 29 30 32 30
1 28 37 36 33 35
Yunnan 2 3 1 2 2 2
3 21 23 23 25 24
Rural Labourers Who Completed
Senior High School or above (%)
1 13 6 6 6 6
Hubei 2 11 9 8 8 11
3 3 5 5 4 4
1 5 7 7 7 8
Guang- 2 4 7 5 6 6
dong 3 7 7 8 8 12
1 5 3 5 8 8
Yunnan 2 0 0 0 0 0
3 2 2 1 1 2
Source: calculated from the farm survey data.
Table 4: Possession of Telephones and Computers at the Village Level
Hubei Guangdong
Village Village Village Village Village
1 2 3 1 2
Telephone
1993
No. of households 60 60 60 100 100
No. of telephones 1 0 0 31 2
Average per household 0.02 0 0 0.31 0.02
1997
No. of households 60 60 60 100 80
No. of telephones 18 9 5 97 7
Average per household 0.30 0.15 0.08 0.97 0.09
Computer
1997
No. of households 60 60 60 100 80
No. of computers 0 0 0 3 0
Average per household 0 0 0 .03 0
Guang- Yunnan
dong
Village Village Village Village
3 1 2 3
Telephone
1993
No. of households 100 100 100 100
No. of telephones 11 15 0 0
Average per household 0.11 0.15 0 0
1997
No. of households 100 100 100 100
No. of telephones 33 54 0 0
Average per household 0.33 0.54 0 0
Computer
1997
No. of households 100 100 100 100
No. of computers 20 0 0 0
Average per household 0.20 0 0 0
Source: calculated from the farm survey data.
Table 5:
Regression Results
Independent Variable Coefficient T ratio
Intercept 0.214 11.04
Number of Labourers 0.009 4.00
Land Holding (mu) -0.010 -16.04
Number of TVs 0.049 7.72
Urban Per Capita Income (000 yuan) 0.085 22.52
Wage Disparity -0.014 -3.50
Education Dummies
Primary School -0.009 -0.59
Junior High -0.063 -4.54
Senior High and Above -0.020 -1.35
Year Dummies
1987 -0.009 -0.61
1988 -0.010 -0.65
1989 -0.042 -2.84
1990 -0.027 -1.71
1991 -0.029 -1.86
1993 -0.122 -6.70
1995 -0.297 -12.98
1996 -0.375 -15.07
1997 -0.417 -15.83
Note: Dependent variable = days of non-farm work/total work days; R
square=0.151; sample size=8366. A linear regression model is adopted
and the estimates uses the ordinary least squares method.
Source: calculated from the farm survey data.
Table 6:
Agricultural GDP and Part-time Farming
Year Agricultural Full-time Part-time Farming Households
GDP out of Farming Total Type I Type II
Total GDP Households % % %
% %
China
1986 27.1 65 35 8 27
1987 26.8 63 37 8 29
1988 25.7 63 37 7 30
1989 25.0 62 38 7 31
1990 27.1 55 45 7 37
1991 24.5 53 47 6 41
1993 19.9 49 51 6 45
1995 20.5 51 49 10 39
1996 20.4 54 46 7 39
1997 19.1 57 43 5 38
Japan
1946 n.a. 54 46 29 17
1950 n.a. 50 50 28 22
1955 22.8 35 65 38 28
1960 14.6 34 66 34 32
1965 11.2 21 79 37 42
1970 6.1 16 84 34 51
1975 5.5 12 88 25 62
1980 3.7 13 87 21 65
1985 3.2 14 86 18 68
1990 2.5 12 88(65) 14 52
1995 1.9 12 88(65) 14 50
1996 1.9 13 87(64) 13 51
Korea
1965 n.a. 91 9 n.a. n.a.
1970 26.4 69 33 20 13
1975 24.7 81 19 13 7
1980 14.4 76 24 14 10
1985 12.8 79 21 9 12
1990 9.0 60 40 22 18
1995 6.5 57 43 18 25
1996 6.3 56 44 16 27
1997 5.7 59 41 14 27
1998 4.9 63 37 13 24
Sources: Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry 1999a, pp. 41,426.
Government of Japan, Japan Statistical Yearbook, various issues.
SS[B.sub.1], China Statistical Yearbook, various issues.
Calculated from the farm survey data.
Table 7:
Changes in Income Structure of Farm Households in
China, Japan and Korea
China (yuan) **
1986 1989 1993 1997
Total farm household income 4059 6775 13896 20811
Farming income 1114 1685 1805 3045
% of total income 27 25 13 15
Non-farming income * 2945 5090 12091 17766
% of total income 73 75 87 86
Full-time: Total household income 3464 5981 8761 14888
Farming income 1190 1703 2128 3185
% of total income 34 28 24 21
Non-farming income 2274 4278 6633 11703
% of total income 66 72 75 79
Part-time I: Total household income 2445 4073 4168 10626
Farming income 1531 2487 2652 8877
% of total income 63 61 64 84
Non-farming income 914 1586 1516 1749
% of total income 37 39 37 17
Part-time II: Total household income 5949 8955 20911 30982
Farming income 813 1473 1331 2044
% of total income 14 16 6 7
Non-farming income 5136 7482 19580 28938
% of total income 87 84 93 93
Japan (1000 yen)
1970 1980 1991
Total farm household income 1592 5594 8738
Farming income 508 952 1120
% of total income 32 17 13
Non-farming income * 1084 4642 7618
% of total income 68 83 87
Full-time: Total household income 1374 4123 5543
Farming income 982 2371 2771
% of total income 71 58 50
Non-farming income 392 1752 2772
% of total income 29 42 50
Part-time I: Total household income 1619 5827 9582
Farming income 974 3166 5444
% of total income 60 54 57
Non-farming income 645 2661 4138
% of total income 40 46 43
Part-time II: Total household income 1665 5926 9462
Farming income 232 437 475
% of total income 14 7 5
Non-farming income 1433 5489 8987
% of total income 86 93 95
Korea (1000 won)
1970 1980 1990 1997
Total farm household income 256 2693 11026 23488
Farming income 94 1755 6264 10204
% of total income 76 65 57 43
Non-farming income * 62 938 4762 13284
% of total income 24 35 43 57
Full-time: Total household income
Farming income
% of total income
Non-farming income
% of total income
Part-time I: Total household income
Farming income
% of total income
Non-farming income
% of total income
Part-time II: Total household income
Farming income
% of total income
Non-farming income
% of total income
* Non-farming income refers to any income other than from farming,
including transfer payments.
** Data for China are aggregates of the three provinces included in
this study. Corresponding data for the country as a whole are not
available.
Sources: China, calculated from the survey data.
Japan, OECD (1995), Agricultural Policy Reform and Adjustment in Japan,
p. 20.
Korea, Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry (1999a), Major Statistics
of Agriculture and Forestry, p. 104.
Table 8:
Agricultural Production Index and Farm Inputs Use in
China, Japan and Korea
China Japan
1990 1997 1997/ 1990
1990
(%)
Total population (000 1155305 1244202 7.7 123537
persons)
Farm population (000 834636 853439 2.3 8893
persons)
Farm labour (000 persons) 333364 324349 -2.7 4270
Arable land per farm 0.287 0.293 2.0 1.23
labour (ha)
Agricultural production 153
index (1989-91 = 100)
Food stuff production 156
index (1989-91 = 100)
Total fertiliser 25903 39809 54 1839
consumption (000 tonnes)
Per hectare (tonne) 0.27 0.42 55 0.35
Total agricultural 824106 703117 -15 2142210
tractors (unit)
Per hectare (unit) 0.0086 0.0074 -14 0.41
Total harvester-threshers 38719 114000 194 1214900
(unit)
Per hectare (unit) 0.0004 0.0012 197 0.23
Japan Korea
1997 1997/ 1990 1997 1997/
1990 1990
(%) (%)
Total population (000 126038 2.0 42869 45731 6.7
persons)
Farm population (000 6017 -32.3 6917 4817 -30.4
persons)
Farm labour (000 persons) 3490 -18.3 3237 2324 -28.2
Arable land per farm 1.42 15.5 0.652 0.828 27.1
labour (ha)
Agricultural production 96 124
index (1989-91 = 100)
Food stuff production 96 126
index (1989-91 = 100)
Total fertiliser 1510 -18 1104 882 -20
consumption (000 tonnes)
Per hectare (tonne) 0.31 -13 0.46 0.42 -8
Total agricultural 2210000 3 41203 131358 219
tractors (unit)
Per hectare (unit) 0.45 9 0.02 0.07 249
Total harvester-threshers 1208000 -1 43594 74258 70
(unit)
Per hectare (unit) 0.24 5 0.02 0.04 87
Sources: Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry 1999b, pp. 290-291,297,
299,301.
Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry 1999a, pp. 21,42, 218,427-428.
Ministry of Agriculture 1990, pp. 18, 26, 314.
Ministry of Agriculture 1997, pp. 6, 8,297.
FAO 2000, FAOSTAT Statistics Database.
Notes
(1.) The authors wish to thank a number of individuals who helped
in this study, especially, Jung-Sup Choi, JooHo Song, De-Wen Wang,
Wei-Ming Tian. We are grateful to Jock Anderson and Douglas Forno of the
World Bank for reading an earlier version of the paper and for their
constructive suggestions in revising the paper, and to the
Journal's referee for critical but very constructive comments. We
also wish to thank Ji-Hong Li for her assistance in data analysis and
Marjorie Wilson for her editorial assistance.
(2.) Strictly speaking, no part of the agricultural labour force is
redundant or surplus, although their marginal product of labour may be
very low. By "surplus", here we really refer to agricultural
workers with a relatively lower marginal product of labour than that of
comparable labour in other sectors of the economy (for further
elaboration, see Schultz 1964, pp. 53-57).
(3.) The discussion on factors affecting part-time farming is
partly based on Tian and Shi (1991).
(4.) A new classification, "commercial farm household"
and "non-commercial farm household", was introduced in 1990 in
Japan. The former includes farms with an area of cultivated land of 0.3
hectare or more, or whose annual sales of agricultural products amount
to 500000 yen or more. Those other than commercial farm households are
classified as non-commercial farm households. Of the 3.39 million farm
households in existence in 1997, 23% (0.78 million) were classified as
non-commercial farms and 77% (2.61 million) as commercial farms.
(5.) The percentage of part-time farms accounted for around 44% in
1996 but dropped to 41% in 1997 and again to 37% in 1998. This is likely
due to the 1997 financial crisis which led to reduced employment
opportunities in non-agricultural sectors.
(6.) The definition of part-time farming used in this study may
understate the degree of full time farming. This concern was also shared
by the paper's reviewer. However, this definition has been widely
adopted in the previous studies and official data construction. The main
reason we adopted this definition is to maintain the comparability with
other studies and data. However, in order to minimise the concern
indicated above, we kept the distinction of Type I and Type II
classification in our part-time farming analysis as much as possible.
Further, in our econometric analysis, we used the ratio of non-farm to
total work days as the part-time farming variable (see Section 4). This
is consistent with the definition that was suggested by the reviewer. In
addition to studies contained in this study that address the definition
of part-time farming, other studies that discuss part-time farming
definition issue include, for example, Lund (1991), Gasson (1991), and
Bryden, Fuller, MacKinnon (1992).
(7.) For more details about the evolution of the part-time farming
definition, see Institute of Developing Economies (1969).
(8.) In 1996, one further category was added: no family business
operations. Currently, the number of families without any business
operations is small.
(9.) In Japan, part-time farming took place long ago. As noted
earleir, official data collection on part-time farm households traces
back to as early as 1906. However, the year of 1946 was chosen for Japan
as the starting point for comparison. This was dictated by the data
availability for China. In this paper, we intend to compare the level of
part-time farming development in relation to the share of agricultural
GDP out of total GDP. For China, 1986 was the first year for which we
can calculate the level of part-time farming development. Subsequently,
the share of agricultural GDP out of total GDP for China for 1986 was
used to select the starting year for Japan and Korea when each of them
had a similar agricultural GDP share to China's.
(10.) In early November 1999, the Chinese government officially
admitted that the total arable land was 130 million hectares (1.951
billion mu) (Li and Zou 1999). According to this new figure,
China's per capita arable land is 0.105 hectare. Earlier, the
officially acknowledged arable land area was about 1.5 billion mu or 100
million hectares.
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Daniel A. Sumner Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics,
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Hyunok Lee Department of Agricultural and Resource Economics, The
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