Ethics and music: a comparison of students at predominantly white and black colleges, and their attitudes toward file sharing.
Gerlich, R. Nicholas ; Turner, Nancy ; Gopalan, Suresh 等
ABSTRACT
The relationship between race and ethics has been explored in
recent years, but to date only limited mixed empirical results have been
recorded. Still, the notion of examining a race/ethics relationship has
relevance because of the variance in culture by race.
In the last few years, the RIAA (Recording Industry Association of
America) has launched thousands of lawsuits aimed at students in the
university community. These lawsuits are aimed at people engaged in
allegedly illegal music file sharing. While some progress has been made
recently in assessing students' ethical beliefs about illegal music
downloading, as well as differences based on student age, no information
exists regarding racial and cultural differences in attitudes toward
illegally downloading music.
This study examined student beliefs at two institutions, one a
historically white university, the other a historically black
university. The results showed that while there were some price
sensitivity differences between blacks and whites regarding the prices
of CDs and music downloads, there were no significant differences in
their ethical views toward music downloading and file sharing. Both
groups demonstrated generally equally favorable views toward illegal
music downloading.
INTRODUCTION
Electronic music downloads (EMDs) continue to generate controversy
in the recorded music industry. In the first years of the 21st century,
sales of pre-recorded CDs plummeted, and were blamed in part on
peer-to-peer (P2P) file sharing of songs by individuals. The Recording
Industry Association of America (RIAA) has filed suit against thousands
of persons engaged in allegedly illegal file-sharing. In the past three
years, numerous pay-per-song sites have emerged, offering people a legal
way to acquire recorded music. Portable digital music devices such as
the iPod interface easily with computers as well as download sites,
making digital music a powerful force in the market. The ubiquity of
devices such as the iPod stresses the importance of music portability,
and thus legal and illegal music download sites both have thrived.
In spite of lawsuits by the RIAA to counteract the number of songs
illegally downloaded via the internet, the practice of P2P file sharing
continues practically unabated. Although the sale of legal music
downloads is up significantly, the number of music files on file sharing
networks has continued to rise as well.
Sales of recorded music on CD have plummeted in recent years. While
unit sales were 722.9 million in 1995 and 942.5 million in 2000, they
fell to 766.9 million in 2004 (Information Please 2005). During that
same time, electronic music downloads (EMDs) soared. Although illegal
downloads have flattened out somewhat in recent months, the number of
online music files at file-sharing sites rose three-percent in the first
one-half of 2005, from 870 million files to 900 million files (IFPI 2005).
The RIAA continues to pursue offenders with clockwork regularity.
On October 26, 2005, another 745 persons on 17 college campuses were
sued individually for illegal file sharing by the RIAA. This followed
similar size batches on September 29 and August 31. (RIAA 2004 &
2005, EFF 2003-2005, Aughton 2005) These "John Doe" suits are
in addition to the thousands of such suits filed since Spring 2003, and
monthly since February 2004, and exclusive of hundreds of additional
"named defendant" suits. (RIAA 2004)
Over 300 legal music download sites now exist, including the likes
of Napster, Rhapsody, iTunes, and Wal-Mart. Sales at these online
vendors have grown dramatically since their inception. The majority of
this trend is accounted for by Apple's iPod portable music device,
which accounts for as much as two-thirds of all legal music downloads.
By early 2006, Apple reported it had sold over 1 billion songs
through its iTunes service (Apple 2006), this coming only one year after
reaching sales of 250 million songs (CNET 2005). By March 2006, Apple
had sold over 42 million iPod units since 2001 (Benderhoff 2006). In
October 2005, Apple reported it had sold over 6.1 million iPod players
in its third quarter of 2005 alone (Ecker 2005), and had also sold over
1 million videos at iTunes in the first 19 days of its market rollout
(MacRumors 2005).
Music download sales in 2004 were triple what they were in 2003.
Furthermore, there were 180 million single track downloads in the first
six months of 2005, compared to 157 million in all of 2004, and only 57
million in the first six months of 2004 (IFPI 2005). For the entire
year, there were 352.7 million legal music downloads in 2005 (Barnes
2006).
Still, a late-2004 CAIDA study shows that, while the industry is
enjoying rising legal music download sales, illegal P2P file sharing has
not declined (Karagiannis 2004). College students are assumed to be a
primary group of offenders (RIAA), as evidenced by the number of
campuses targeted with lawsuits. But no distinction has been made by the
RIAA regarding the racial compositions at these colleges. Are all
college students as likely to engage in illegal music sharing and
copying? Or is there a higher likelihood that one racial group may
engage in this activity over another?
Gerlich, et al (2005) and Gerlich and Turner (2006) have examined
the ethical values of college students regarding legal and illegal music
download activities. As a whole, they found that college students
demonstrate favorable views toward illegally downloading music, with
little or no fear of prosecution. They also found numerous significant
differences in ethical values based on the age groups of students
(tradition 18-24 year olds vs. older students), with older students
showing less favorable views toward illegal downloading activities.
Gerlich and Turner call for more analysis of the subject based on
gender, socio-economic class, and race to determine if and where
important differences may exist. In so doing, the RIAA may be better
able to target its lawsuits in the future.
The need thus exists to further study this phenomenon and determine
current attitudes toward the practice, identifying those most likely to
participate in such illegal activities and why. This will allow the
industry to more effectively determine the best approach for deterring
continued offenses.
THE STUDY
A survey that measured music downloading activity was developed and
administered to students at two regional universities in their
respective Colleges of Business. Participation was not mandatory, thus
rendering this a volunteer sample. One school is a historically white
college (HWC), while the other is a historically black college (HBC).
Technically, the HWC is a public university, but its enrollment has
always been predominantly white. Both schools have an 80% or greater
majority of the predominant group. A total of 254 usable surveys were
collected at the HWC school, while 71 were collected at the HBC school.
The practice of using historically white or black colleges for
studies of this purpose is established in McCuddy and Peery (1996), as
well as Gerlich and Gopalan (1993a, 1993b). Colleges such as these,
while not 100% homogeneous, tend to exhibit the dominant cultural traits
and values of the largest racial/ethnic group on campus.
A variety of demographic variables were measured, including gender,
age, class rank, computer ownership, and internet usage. Respondents
were then asked to rate their level of agreement/disagreement with 14
attitudinal statements that measured their views on both illegal and
legal music downloading, industry pricing, music sharing, and the threat
of being sued. For the purposes of this study, only the mean responses
to the attitudinal questions were studied and compared between the two
groups of respondents.
RACE AS A FACTOR
As noted by McCuddy and Peery (1996), the relationship between race
and ethics is a relatively underexplored topic, and thus ripe for
further exploration. Thus far results in the field have been mixed.
Stead, et al (1987), using scenarios, found no relationship between race
and unethical decisions. Tsalikis and Nwachukuru (1988) exposed black
and white students to different ethical scenarios, and found the two
groups to share ethical beliefs in one instance, but not share them in
another. McCuddy and Peery found significant correlational differences
in four of five of their hypotheses, but correlations do not allow for
causal inferences.
The connection between race and culture, though, is more firmly
established. England (1975) and Hofstede (1980) contend that people
raised in different cultures have different values and ethical belief
systems. McClelland (1961) and Prasad and Rao (1982) argue that
different countries and cultures have different effects on business
ethics and practices. Norms and standards that exist across cultures and
civilizations (e.g., honesty, integrity, etc.) may very well have
different levels of adherence across those cultures.
Tat (1981) explored the ethical values of black and white students,
and concluded that subculture membership is a determinant of ethical
beliefs. Specifically, he found that black and white subjects differed
in their ethical perceptions. This may be partially explained by the
fact that a sizeable number of minority students are raised in an
economically disadvantaged environment. Limitations and experiences
imposed by such socio-economic constraints may cause them to have
deep-seated views toward business practices that may substantially
differ from those of other more economically advantaged groups.
Gerlich and Gopalan (1993a, 1993b) explored how strongly white and
black students identified with celebrity endorsers of different races.
They found that whites identified nearly equally strongly with white and
black celebrities, while blacks identified most strongly with black
celebrities, and very poorly with white celebrities. These differences
were attributed in large part to differences in culture.
Lee (1981), however, showed that culture did not affect ethical
beliefs. His study of Chinese and British managers demonstrated no
significant effect due to culture, nor the interaction of culture and
level of management. These findings contradict the generally accepted
view that different cultures produce different ethical beliefs.
Given the disparities noted above, as well as the magnitude of
ethical issues pertaining to illegal music downloads, the primary
purpose of this paper is to compare the ethical beliefs of students
attending a mainstream campus (that is predominantly White) with those
attending a historically Black campus. With respect to sampling, our
method is potentially the best possible proxy for studying respondents
embedded in mostly homogeneous but relatively different racial
backgrounds. The amount of publicity surrounding the RIAA lawsuits has
made illegal music downloading one of the most hotly contested ethical
subjects of our time. The shotgun method of the RIAA to sue college
students without regard or attention to demographic variables or
propensities begs the question of whether there are differences between
different groups in their ethical views on this activity. In determining
if differences exist, the RIAA might be better able to target their
lawsuits at the appropriate parties.
HYPOTHESES
Given that the RIAA has primarily targeted university network users
in its lawsuits (RIAA 2004), it follows that the primary alleged
offenders are typical college students. There is definitely an argument
that the RIAA has turned to targeting college students because such
suits will generate less bad PR for the industry than suits against
young children and grandparents. (Dean 2003 & 2004; Mello 2003;
Sullivan 2003; Coleman 2003; Mook 2005) Nonetheless, college campuses
are considered a hot bed of illegal download activity with newer
high-speed university computer networks adding fuel to the fire, and the
issue has become one that college administrators have had to address.
This is true not only because of ethical issues, but also system
overload. (RIAA 2004) Thus, a survey of college students and their
downloading habits is a valid audience.
There has been no apparent attempt by the RIAA to distinguish
between the race of college students at the campuses selected for legal
scrutiny. We thus can make no a priori assumptions about race-related
differences. Thus, for the purposes of this study, it is hypothesized
there will be no significant differences in the mean scores between
college students at HWC and HBC institutions.
Specifically, we propose 14 hypotheses (as listed below in Table 1
with results), each stemming from a Likert-type statement in the survey.
RESULTS
Respondents were grouped according to their college, with Group 1
consisting of those students at the HWC, and the remainder at the HBC.
The mean scores of their responses to the 14 Likert-type questions were
calculated and appear below in Table 1. Individual t-statistics and
probability values were also calculated and appear in the Table.
The results show that no significant differences exist between the
two groups with regard to the ethics of downloading musically illegally
and file sharing. There were three significant differences noted (H4,
H5, H12); each of these pertained to price sensitivities between the
groups.
For example, in H5 the black respondents responded more favorably
that the price of CDs is about right. In H12, blacks responded less
favorably that "people would burn fewer CDs and share fewer files
if the retail price of CDs were not so high."
Conversely, in H4 whites were less price-sensitive to the price per
song of legal music downloads (88--99 cents). These findings are
interesting because of their apparent contradictions. Black respondents
in the study were more accepting of the price of CDs than were whites,
but whites were more accepting of the price of per-song downloads. Price
sensitivity to the cheaper of two options is perplexing, especially when
one considers that a standard CD contains about 12 songs. Purchased
separately, these 12 songs would be less than the price of the tangible
CD that these respondents were less averse to buying than whites.
More importantly, there were no significant differences reported in
hypotheses that examined ethical views regarding music downloading (H1,
H2, H3, H8, H10, H13). The similar findings across groups for these
statements reflects an overall attitude in favor of illegally
downloading and/or sharing music files. In other words, the two groups
were similar in their disregard for the intellectual property rights
afforded the copyright holders of songs.
DISCUSSION
One possible explanation that might explain H4, may be that black
and white respondents may view a CD and a song download as two different
products, thereby having different levels of price sensitivity. In a
study by Gardyn and Fetto (2003), black consumers were 32% more likely
to purchase CDs/taples/records by direct mail advertising than other
racial/ethnic segments. It is possible, that this purchasing difference
in consumer behavior may account for the perception among black
consumers that CDs are priced about right. While our study did not
examine the issue of age per se, it is possible, that black and white
consumers may exhibit significant differences by age than race.
Although legal music download sales continue to increase rapidly,
more work must be done to determine if race-related differences exist
among these customers. The fact that the number of online music files
rose three percent in the first one-half of 2005 suggests that illegal
downloading has not been stunted. The findings discussed above, coupled
with 2005 trends, hint that the problem is not going away, and instead
may be holding its own or even growing.
It is significant to attempt to understand the reasons for this
behavioral difference because, while the RIAA continues its lawsuit
bombardment, the effect is questionable at best. The RIAA clearly
believes that its strategy of individual lawsuits puts a damper on
illegal activity. The pure impracticality of continuing to file suit,
750 or so people at a time when downloads are in the hundreds of
millions, does not seem to have deterred the industry (Levin 2003). In
fact, the random nature of the lawsuits against individuals seems to be
an actual strategy. The President of the RIAA, Cary Sherman, has been
quoted as saying "Lawsuits are an important part of the larger
strategy to educate file sharers about the law, protect the rights of
copyright owners and encourage music fans to turn to these legitimate
services." (Martin 2004)
A September 30, 2004 press release found on the RIAA website again
emphasizes the organization's position that the lawsuits against
university network users are designed to "drive the message to
students that unauthorized downloading has consequences" and to
make students aware of legal alternatives. (RIAA 2004) The industry
seems to be relying still on initial studies from the end of 2003
indicating that use of particular downloading software was down. (Cox
2004; St. Louis 2004) The studies have been somewhat preempted by more
recent statistics demonstrating that any effect from the lawsuits would
be temporary and that illegal downloads continue to grow. (EFF 2005;
Moreno 2003) Still, the industry continues with a new round of suits
filed monthly, with accompanying press release. (RIAA 2004) There is a
possibility that the suits are doing nothing but raising the ire of
consumers, or, worse yet, becoming "old news" to a young
generation, if the releases even make it into a bored media. Perhaps
there is a better use of the advertising dollar to be determined by
looking into what strategies influence different racial groups.
LIMITATIONS
This study is limited in that it uses volunteer student samples
that are assumed to represent the larger white and black cultures in the
US. Furthermore, business students were recruited into the samples, and
these may not be representative of the larger student or overall
population in their views regarding music downloading activities.
Further research is needed with larger samples that will allow for
more conclusions to be drawn, as well as analysis of other demographic
variables such as gender and age, and possible differences between these
two groups. Finally, it would be prudent to broaden the scope of future
studies to include Asian, Hispanic, and other racial/ethnic groups to
determine the degree of similarities/differences across the various
racial/ethnic groups.
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TABLE 1
Summary of attitudinal measures. (Strongly Disagree =1 to Strongly
Agree =5). (*) significant at 0.05 level
Hypothesis & Survey Statement Mean Score Mean Score
HWC HBC
H1: It is morally wrong to copy CDs for 2.355 2.436
friends
H2: It is morally wrong to download 2.984 2.915
unauthorized music from the
internet.
H3: The record industry should 2.330 2.285
prosecute those who have downloaded
songs illegally from the internet.
H4: Prices ranging from 88 cents to 99 3.248 2.774
cents per song download are fair
for consumers.
H5: The retail price of CDs is about 2.375 2.788
right.
H6: File-sharing sites emerged because 3.377 3.295
the perceived value of CDs was too
low in relation to the number
of good songs on each CD.
H7: The government will eventually be 2.265 2.385
able to put an end to illegal file
sharing on the internet.
H8: The threat of being sued will keep 3.234 3.100
me from illegally sharing files
on the internet in the future.
H9: It is wrong for the record industry 2.796 2.728
to make such a big deal about music
piracy.
H10: The relative ease of downloading 2.928 3.228
and/or burning CDs makes it too
tempting for me to swap music
illegally.
H11: Other people in my household/dorm 3.181 3.314
have engaged in unauthorized file
sharing and/or CD burning.
H12: People would burn fewer CDs and 3.815 3.328
share fewer files if the retail
price of CDs were not so high.
H13: It is OK to burn a "mix CD" of your 3.762 3.642
favorite tunes to give to a friend.
H14: I resent the anti-copying features 3.070 2.869
some record labels have started
putting on their CDs.
Hypothesis & Survey Statement t p
It is morally wrong to copy CDs for -0.498 0.619
friends
It is morally wrong to download 0.398 0.691
unauthorized music from the internet.
The record industry should prosecute 0.283 0.778
those who have downloaded songs
illegally from the internet.
Prices ranging from 88 cents to 99 2.769 0.007 *
cents per song download are fair for
consumers.
The retail price of CDs is about right. -2.494 0.014 *
File-sharing sites emerged because the 0.550 0.583
perceived value of CDs was too low
in relation to the number of good
songs on each CD.
The government will eventually be -0.763 0.447
able to put an end to illegal file
sharing on the internet.
The threat of being sued will keep me 0.764 0.447
from illegally sharing files on the
internet in the future.
It is wrong for the record industry to 0.434 0.665
make such a big deal about music
piracy.
The relative ease of downloading -1.885 0.062
and/or burning CDs makes it too
tempting for me to swap music
illegally.
Other people in my household/dorm -0.710 0.479
have engaged in unauthorized file
sharing and/or CD burning.
People would burn fewer CDs and 2.674 0.009 *
share fewer files if the retail price
of CDs were not so high.
It is OK to burn a "mix CD" of your 0.782 0.436
favorite tunes to give to a friend.
I resent the anti-copying features 1.334 0.185
some record labels have started
putting on their CDs.