The future of academic honesty.
Choong, Peggy ; Brown, Bob S.
ABSTRACT
Cheating has permeated many facets of American life. Reports on
cheating are found in business, the media and on college campuses.
Perhaps one of the more disturbing trends is reports on increasing
cheating among grade and high school teachers and administrators. This
makes the behavior, motivation and training of education students
relevant for scrutiny. The paper examines academic dishonesty among
college students training to be teachers. The study uncovers through
factor analysis four salient dimensions of cheating, namely Flagrant Cheating, Insidious Cheating, Collusion and Illicit Collaboration. It
also uncovers the key motivators of cheating, identifies relevant
individual characteristics and demonstrates their relation to the
salient dimensions of cheating Policy implications are also discussed to
improve ethics education.
INTRODUCTION
Cheating in America used to be an aberration. Today, however, the
culture of cheating in America has permeated many facets of our lives,
from businesses engaging in dishonest practices to CEOs and politicians
cheating and news reporters fabricating quotes and reporting fiction as
fact. Schools have not been exempt from these kinds of behavior. High
school and grade school students have been found to engage in dishonest
behaviors (Green & Saxe, 1992; Meade, 1992; Sims, 1993; Brown &
Abramson, 1999; Coverdale & Henning, 2000; Brown & McInerney,
2001) and there are studies which report increases over the years
(McCabe & Trevino, 1993; Callahan, 2004). However, it is perhaps the
reporting of cheating among school administrators and teachers of our
young children that have brought home just how pervasive and serious
this epidemic really is. School administrators and teachers have been
caught cheating on standardized tests, in reporting inflated gains in
student test scores and learning and in manipulating statistical
information (Jacob & Levitt, 2003; Starnes, 2005).
Schools have always played a crucial role in preparing our youth to
be responsible world citizens. While many will agree that guidance
counselors and parents are the key players in providing a child's
moral compass, the opportunity of the classroom teacher in his or her
daily interaction with the student to provide positive influence should
not be overlooked (Chaille, 2004; Halverson, 2004). As such, the conduct
of students training to be teachers becomes relevant for scrutiny. More
specifically, an investigation of the cheating behavior of education
students as well as their motivation for engaging in these behaviors
becomes pertinent.
While the literature offers good insights into the relationship
between various specific acts of cheating and individual characteristics
as well as into specific reasons for engaging in these deviant
behaviors, it has generally omitted to uncover the underlying salient
dimensions or commonalities among these behaviors and motivations that
will help us understand more fully the practice and motivation of these
behaviors.
The purpose of this paper is to investigate cheating among college
students preparing to be teachers by uncovering the salient dimensions
of cheating and the key determinants of these dimensions. The paper will
also identify the key motivators for cheating and demonstrate their
relationship to participating in the various dimensions of cheating.
METHODOLOGY
A questionnaire was constructed incorporating sixteen unethical academic practices which were selected based on a review of current
literature. Respondents were asked to indicate their participation in
each of these practices on a six-point Likert scale. The questionnaire
also included twelve reasons students might engage in unethical academic
practices. These were also taken from current literature. Respondents
were asked to rate on a five-point scale the likelihood that each of
these reasons was the impetus for a student's unethical behavior.
The sample consisted of 198 students in teacher education classes
at a private university in the northeast. Each questionnaire was placed
in an unmarked envelope. Completed questionnaires were replaced in these
envelopes and sealed by the student. The questionnaires were voluntarily
completed during class time. Students who declined to participate were
encouraged to engage in other reading or writing activities. Respondents
were assured that their responses were confidential and anonymous.
The average age of the respondents was 28 years. About 80% of the
respondents were females and more than 80% were registered for more than
twelve credits. The mean and the mode of salary expectations were
between $30,001 and $35,000 with more than a quarter of the respondents
(28%) expecting salaries between $35,001 to $40,000.
RESULTS
Uncovering the salient dimensions of academic dishonesty
In order to uncover the salient dimensions of academic dishonesty,
the sixteen dishonest practices were submitted to factor analysis.
Factor analysis is a procedure for summarizing the information ratings
on the sixteen practices into a smaller number of salient dimensions
which can then be identified as the dimension underlying the
respondents' ratings. It is in this way that the commonalities in
responses are effectively discerned. Four factors were extracted which
had an eigenvalue more than one. The results of the factor analysis,
after applying the varimax rotation, are summarized in Table 1.
The first factor relates to obvious and overt acts of cheating
directly related to passing answers during an exam, copying off another
student's exam, bringing unauthorized information into an exam
situation, turning in work done by someone else as one's own and
looking at a copy of an exam that was not supposed to be available prior
to taking it. These practices pertain to common and obvious acts of
unconscionable academic behavior and this dimension is labeled Flagrant
Cheating.
The second factor pertains to more subtle but not less
unconscionable academic behavior relating to not citing sources used,
taking credit for group projects without putting in a fair share of the
work, citing sources in a bibliography that were not read or used and
using a false excuse to delay taking an exam or turning in a paper. This
dimension is, therefore, labeled Insidious Cheating.
The third factor relates to the unprincipled sharing of examination
information in the form of either asking about the content of an
examination from someone who has taken it or giving information about
the content of an examination to someone who has yet to take it. This
dimension is labeled Collusion.
The fourth factor relates to working with other students on an
individual assignment or project and having someone else check over a
paper without the instructor's permission. This factor is labeled
Illicit Collaboration. It is important to note that though this factor
captures aspects of learning that are valued by educators as useful
techniques of learning, the questionnaire does specify that the projects
or papers are individual assignments and the checking of the paper by a
third party was without the approval of the professor. In the light of
the usefulness of collaboration as a learning tool, this will be
discussed more extensively in the discussion section of the paper.
Uncovering Motivators of Cheating
Factor analysis was also applied to the twelve reasons cited for
academic dishonesty. The analysis extracted three factors with
eigenvalues greater than one. The results of the factor analysis after
applying the varimax rotation procedure are summarized in Table 2.
The first factor relates to students safeguarding their
self-interest, attempting to benefit themselves by obtaining a higher
grade without putting in the requisite effort in the belief that no one
will be hurt and there is little risk of getting caught or punished.
This factor is labeled Grade Pressure.
The second factor relates to students being influenced by their
environment or culture on campus and justifying the behavior by placing
the blame elsewhere. This factor captures the variables pertaining to
cheating because of peer pressure and the campus culture where everyone
is perceived to do it, the thrill or challenge of cheating, perception
of the material, assignment or task as being irrelevant and the
instructor as being indifferent. This factor is labeled Campus Culture.
The third factor relates to difficulties faced by the student in
the form of the limited amount of time they have left to devote to
academic activities and to the inherent difficulty of the course
material. This factor pertains to true difficulties students have and is
therefore labeled Hardship.
Investigating key determinants of academic dishonesty
Separate regression models are specified for each of the salient
dimensions of academic dishonesty. Independent variables were obtained
from a review of the literature. The following hypotheses were developed
in relation to each independent variable:
GPA: The literature indicates that better students tend to cheat
less. In other words, a higher GPA varies inversely with the amount of
cheating (Stern & Havleck, 1986; Graham et.al., 1994; Genereux &
McLeod, 1995; Brown, 1995; Allmon, Page & Roberts, 2000). This leads
to hypothesis 1:
H1: GPA will vary inversely with Flagrant Cheating, Insidious
Cheating, Collusion and Illicit Collaboration.
WORK: The next independent variable (WORK) is a measure of the
amount of time the student typically spends in a week during a typical
semester in activities related to a paying job or jobs. Several studies
have found that lack of time to devote to academics is a key reason for
cheating (Brown, 1995; Davis & Ludvigson, 1998). As such, it is
hypothesized that the more time a student allocates to working on paying
jobs during the semester, the less he or she is able to devote to
academic pursuits and leads us to the next hypothesis:
H2: WORK is positively related to Flagrant Cheating, Insidious
Cheating, Collusion and Illicit Collaboration.
SALARY: The variable SALARY captures the salary expectations of the
students upon graduation. Cheating has been linked to the need to get
ahead (Roig & Ballew, 1994; Clement, 2001; Large, 2004). Using data
drawn from the Chicago public schools, Jacob and Levitt (2003) found
that the frequency of teacher cheating is strongly and positively
sensitive to even small changes in incentives. This leads to the next
hypothesis:
H3: SALARY is positively related to Flagrant Cheating, Insidious
Cheating, Collusion and Illicit Collaboration.
AGE: The current literature shows that younger students tend to
cheat more because they lack interest in some of their lower level
classes (Lord & Chiodo, 1995) and are more immature and less
committed to academia (Diekhoff et al., 1996). The next hypothesis
investigates the relationship between age and each of the four different
types of cheating:
H4: AGE is inversely related to Flagrant Cheating, Insidious
Cheating, Collusion and Illicit Collaboration.
GRADE PRESSURE, CAMPUS CULTURE, HARDSHIP:
GRADE PRESSURE is the desire of students to obtain a higher grade
sometimes without the warranted effort and often with the
misconception that the cheating behavior is hurtful to no one. It
is therefore hypothesized that GRADE PRESSURE is positively related
to all four forms of cheating. CAMPUS CULTURE captures the culture
on campus and in the classroom that allows, facilitates or is used
by students as justification of deviant behavior and is
hypothesized to be positively related to all four dimensions of
cheating. HARDSHIP captures the inherent difficulty the student
faces in either understanding the material or having adequate time
to devote to its study and is hypothesized to be positively related
to cheating (Murdock, 1999). The hypotheses related to the three
dimensions of motivation of cheating are summarized as follows:
H5-H7: GRADE PRESSURE, CAMPUS CULTURE and HARDSHIP are
positively related to Flagrant Cheating, Insidious Cheating,
Collusion and Illicit Collaboration.
The results of the regression models are exhibited in Table 3.
The results indicate that students with higher GPAs and older
students tend to engage in less Flagrant Cheating. The estimated
parameter for Age indicates that there is a negative relationship
between age and cheating. This suggests that older students engage in
less cheating in each of the four different categories of cheating. The
result is significant at the p=.05 level for Collusion and Illicit
Collaboration.
The amount of time students commit to paid employment is positively
related to the amount of Flagrant Cheating, Insidious Cheating and
Illicit Collaboration. This result is not should not come as a surprise
because students who tend to devote substantial time outside of school
on paid employment tend to have less quality time to devote to school
work and assignments. It is interesting to note that the results
indicate there is no difference in the amounts of Collusion among
students who work extensively in paid jobs compared to those with more
time to devote to their studies if they choose.
GRADE PRESSURE directly and positively relates to greater amounts
of Collusion and Illicit Collaboration. Students who feel the need for
better grades often without wanting to put in the requisite amount of
effort tend to engage in more Collusion and Illicit Collaboration. This
fear of losing out by not cheating is evident not only in the area of
obtaining higher GPAs but is also seen in their fear of losing out on
future opportunities as measured by expected salaries. Results indicate
that students who have higher expectations of future salaries engage in
more Illicit Collaboration to boost their performance.
The results also show that HARDSHIP is related positively and
significantly to more Collusion. This is significant at the p=0.05
level.
DISCUSSION
This study began with identifying the salient dimensions of
cheating. By doing so, it was able to comb out more clearly how
different forms or dimensions of cheating are related to student
characteristics as well as to different forms or dimensions of
motivations.
For example, the literature has shown that GPA is inversely related
to cheating. The results of this study point clearly to the fact that it
is only significantly related to Flagrant Cheating. Brighter students
tend not to engage in Flagrant Cheating. However, there is no
significant difference in the amounts of Insidious Cheating, Collusion
and Illicit Collaboration among brighter students and their
counterparts.
The literature has also shown that age is inversely related to
cheating. The results show that younger students tend to engage in more
Flagrant Cheating, Collusion and Illicit Collaboration. Interestingly,
the study also indicates that there is no significant difference in the
amount of Insidious Cheating among students of different ages. Included
in the notion of Insidious Cheating are plagiarism and the blatant
misrepresentation of their efforts in group assignments or projects
submitted. The latter is the problem of "free-rider" prevalent
in student group projects.
This study also highlights how different motivations of cheating
are related to the dimensions of cheating. Collusion tends to be higher
in situations where students feel pressured for higher grades and where
they are experiencing hardship. Here students try to help each other
either by the passing or receiving of unauthorized examination
information. Illicit Collaboration tends to be higher where students
feel a pressure for grade.
Included in the dimension of Illicit Collaboration are activities
of working with fellow students on assignments that the instructor has
identified as individual assignments and having someone check over a
paper without the instructor's permission. In many papers and books
promoting classroom learning, the first two activities have often been
put forward as useful techniques that help students learn. This finding
highlights how important it is for instructors to clearly articulate for
each assignment or project, how much (if any) discussion is allowed
among students and if editing or outside review of student papers is
acceptable. This is especially pertinent among freshmen students whose
high school definition of academic misconduct may differ in some
respects from that in college. For example, Kate Kessler (2003 p60)
writes that some students find that "(I)ts sometimes hard to tell
if the teacher specifically wants you to not work with other
people," and that they were often "afraid to ask."
The results also point to some policy implications. One of them is
the need to nurture a college culture that teaches, supports and rewards
honesty. Results show that younger students tend to engage in more
Flagrant Cheating, Collusion and Illicit Collaboration. The literature
often shows that ignorance is a common reason given for engaging in
these behaviors. For example, Evans and Craig (1990) conducted research
on middle and high school students and found that both groups were
unclear about what constituted academic misconduct; more disturbing than
this was their finding that teachers also exhibited some confusion about
aspects of cheating especially in the area of plagiarism. This points to
how important it is for the college teachers and administrators to focus
on education rather than punitive measures in their attempt to eradicate cheating from their campus. Freshmen should be educated about it before
they get tainted by the prevalent culture on campus. This could be
conducted as part of a freshman symposium class. In addition, each class
syllabus should include specific information about what constitutes
academic dishonesty and the penalties. The education of students about
academic honesty should stretch beyond the classroom to the areas where
most of our young students tend to spend much of their time such as
study halls and residence halls. These should be targeted as prime spots
to inculcate the college culture of honesty.
This study was conducted in a private religious university. One
disconcerting finding of the study is that despite exposures of college
students to ethics and values education, cheating among teacher
education students still persists. This finding is congruent with Brown
and Choong (2003) who compared management students in the public and
private Catholic universities and found little noticeable difference
between the students despite considerably more emphasis being placed on
ethics and values at the private Catholic university. As Bruggeman and
Hart (1996, p. 340) stated, "It is generally assumed that religious
schooling is connected in some way with the development of higher moral
values and thus promotes a greater tendency to behave morally."
Determining the reasons why more exposure to ethics and values did
not lead to more honest behavior among students was beyond the scope of
this study. The absence of a relationship might be explained in several
ways. One possibility is that a threshold level of exposure exists that
has to be met before any noticeable change in behavior occurs. It is
possible that the threshold has not been reached. Perhaps an even
greater emphasis on ethics and values in existing courses, the addition
of more courses to the curriculum, or different teaching methods would
eventually bring about the desired behavioral change.
Bruggeman and Hart (1996) contend that moral reasoning, or the
cognitive process used in reaching moral conclusions, can be
differentiated from moral behavior, or overt actions in situations that
call for moral judgment. Knowing what is right does not always lead to
doing what is right. Factors in addition to moral reasoning capability
influence behavior. Perhaps the students have highly developed moral
reasoning, but their behavior is dominated by other factors. For
example, the cost of attending the religious university is considerably
high thus putting more pressure for success, or higher grades, on the
students.
A third possible explanation is that the students have not made the
connection between the ethics and values education they have received
and their responsibilities as university students. The education might
have been either too general or too situation specific for the students
to relate it to their academic behavior.
This finding point to an important policy implication. As Bruggeman
and Hart (1996) conclude, the inability of researcher to find a
consistent relationship between ethics and values education and more
honest behavior does not imply that religious education is ineffective
or does not provide a basis for a strong moral commitment. They suggest
that the results should compel educators to examine how they are going
about teaching ethics and values so as to improve its effectiveness.
This means that the curriculum, content and delivery of ethics and
values education need to be scrutinized and overhauled if we are to hope
for more moral behavior in our workplace.
The college culture of cheating has been found to be prevalent
among students in business, engineering, medicine and the arts and
science. The education department is not exempt from this problem.
However, the education department prepares individuals who will teach
our children; their graduates will be the teachers who have daily
contact with our young children and have the ability through their
interaction to exert a positive influence. They hold the key to breaking
this troubling cycle of cheating in America. As such, teaching them
about what constitutes dishonest academic practices and inculcating
honesty among our future teachers is of paramount importance.
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Table 1: Factor Analysis Results of Frequency of Practice
Variable Factor 1 Factor 2
Passing answers during an exam 0.837 0.205
Copying off another student's exam 0.806 0.299
Having unauthorized information programmed 0.681 -0.032
into a calculator when taking an exam
Allowing another student to see one's own 0.666 0.294
answers during an exam
Using unauthorized crib notes 0.660 0.072
Turning in work done by someone else as one's 0.577 0.460
own
Before taking an exam, looking at a copy that 0.516 0.158
was not suppose to be available
Not citing sources used (plagiarism) 0.185 0.751
Taking credit for full participation in a 0.211 0.737
group project without putting in a fair share
Citing sources in a bibliography that were 0.091 0.721
not read or used
Using a false excuse to delay taking an 0.179 0.504
exam or turning in a paper
Giving information about the content of an 0.16 0.214
exam to someone who has yet to take it
Asking about the content of an exam from 0.184 0.193
someone who has taken it
Working with other students on an individual -0.007 0.149
paper or project
Without the permission of the instructor, 0.102 0.152
having someone check over a paper
Visiting a professor in his/her office to 0.268 0.084
influence a grade
Factor Labels Flagrant Insidious
Cheating Cheating
Variable Factor 3 Factor 4
Passing answers during an exam 0.112 0.049
Copying off another student's exam 0.105 -0.032
Having unauthorized information programmed 0.079 0.107
into a calculator when taking an exam
Allowing another student to see one's own 0.291 0.012
answers during an exam
Using unauthorized crib notes -0.121 0.426
Turning in work done by someone else as one's 0.176 0.081
own
Before taking an exam, looking at a copy that 0.241 0.302
was not suppose to be available
Not citing sources used (plagiarism) 0.212 0.159
Taking credit for full participation in a -0.007 0.073
group project without putting in a fair share
Citing sources in a bibliography that were 0.244 0.153
not read or used
Using a false excuse to delay taking an 0.092 0.409
exam or turning in a paper
Giving information about the content of an 0.896 0.199
exam to someone who has yet to take it
Asking about the content of an exam from 0.871 0.235
someone who has taken it
Working with other students on an individual 0.072 0.759
paper or project
Without the permission of the instructor, 0.221 0.669
having someone check over a paper
Visiting a professor in his/her office to 0.306 0.457
influence a grade
Factor Labels Collusion Illicit
Collabo-
ration
Table 2: Factor Analysis Results of Motivations for Cheating
Variable Factor 1 Factor 2
Needs/wants a higher grade 0.759 0.046
No one is hurt by this behavior 0.752 0.234
Had the time but did not prepare adequately 0.692 0.095
Low risk of getting caught or punished 0.571 0.208
Peer pressure -0.011 0.800
Thrill or challenge 0.061 0.683
Material, assignment or task is irrelevant 0.324 0.617
Everyone does it 0.085 0.582
Instructor is poor or indifferent 0.275 0.581
Difficulty of material, course, exam 0.047 0.053
Time pressure 0.037 0.119
Factor Labels Grade Campus
Pressure Culture
Variable Factor 3
Needs/wants a higher grade 0.412
No one is hurt by this behavior -0.077
Had the time but did not prepare adequately 0.052
Low risk of getting caught or punished -0.149
Peer pressure 0.022
Thrill or challenge -0.098
Material, assignment or task is irrelevant 0.039
Everyone does it 0.246
Instructor is poor or indifferent 0.141
Difficulty of material, course, exam 0.845
Time pressure 0.786
Factor Labels Hardship
Table 3: Regression Results
Variable Flagrant Cheating Insidious Cheating
Parameter t-score Parameter t-score
Estimate Estimate
GPA -0.214 -2.760 * -0.11 -1.389
Work 0.117 1.535 ** 0.162 2.075 *
Salary 0.018 0.235 -0.048 -0.624
Age -0.144 -1.800 ** -0.057 -0.695
Grade -0.095 -1.264 0.044 0.571
pressure
Campus 0.045 0.586 0.032 0.406
culture
Hardship -0.044 -0.57 0.104 1.312
Variable Collusion Illicit Collaboration
Parameter t-score Parameter t-score
Estimate Estimate
GPA 0.005 0.071 0.082 1.043
Work -0.007 -0.086 0.148 1.914 *
Salary -0.055 -0.73 0.115 1.497 **
Age -0.154 -1.948 * -0.161 -1.981 *
Grade 0.119 1.612 ** 0.12 1.584 **
pressure
Campus 0.026 0.346 0.055 0.709
culture
Hardship 0.29 3.777 * 0.049 0.62
* Significant at the p=0.05 level
** Significant at the p=0.10 level