Municipal political parties and politicization: the case of the 2013 Gatineau elections.
Chiasson, Guy ; Gauthier, Mario ; Andrew, Caroline 等
Abstract
This article examines the link between politicization and municipal
political parties, using the case of the City of Gatineau. The 2013
municipal election was a novel event for Gatineau due to the arrival of
a municipal political party, Action Gatineau. Using a broad definition
of politicization, our objective is to study the degree to which this
party and Projet Gatineau, the citizen movement that preceded the party,
politicized local issues. More specifically, we will analyse four land
use planning projects and the election campaign to demonstrate the
efforts made towards increasing public participation as a municipal
practice.
Keywords: elections, municipalities, politicization, political
parties, land use planning, land use management, urban planning, urban
development, Gatineau
Resume
Cet article interroge le lien entre politisation et partis
politiques municipaux en prenant le cas de la Ville de Gatineau.
L'election municipale de 2013 est marquee par une nouveaute a
Gatineau, l'entree en scene d'un parti politique municipal,
Action Gatineau. En faisant appel a une definition large de la
politisation, nous cherchons a voir dans quelle mesure ce parti et
Projet Gatineau, le mouvement citoyen qui l'a precede, ont
contribue a politiser les enjeux locaux. Plus precisement, nous nous
penchons sur quatre projets d'amenagement du territoire et sur la
campagne electorale pour montrer les efforts faits pour augmenter la
place de la parole publique dans la pratique municipale.
Mots cles: elections, municipalites, politisation, partis
politiques, amenagement, urbanisme, Gatineau
MUNICIPAL POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICIZATION: THE CASE OF
GATINEAU
This document refers to the 2013 Gatineau municipal elections,
which brought to power Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin, the leader of the new
municipal political party, Action Gatineau. Via this case study, we will
examine the links between municipal political parties and municipal
politicization. The 2013 electoral event was indeed particular, being
the first to include a municipal political party in due form in this
city. Using this election and the preceding period (2009-2013), we will
analyse the degree to which the emergence of Action Gatineau politicized
municipal issues. In this article, we consider politicization to be the
establishment of opportunities for citizens as well as elected officials
to debate urban issues, including not only traditional municipal issues
related to property services, but also issues in other areas, including
those related to land use planning, urban development, quality of life,
and social justice (Graham, Philips, and Maslove 1998; Lagroye 2003).
The question we pose, namely that of how municipal political
parties contribute to the politicization of land use and urban
development issues, has already been raised explicitly or more
implicitly by several analysts. Sancton (2011, 176) mentions that local
issues are generally considered not important enough to remain
politicized:
An important student of American urban politics,
Paul Peterson, has suggested that political parties
that exist solely at the municipal level cannot be
sustained because the issues are not sufficiently
important. In national political parties [sic] are
formed and sustained around major political issues
such as war and peace, free trade, and social class.
The media pay close attention to what the parties
do and individual voters form relatively long-lasting
party attachments of varying degrees of intensity.
Such factors generally do not exist at the municipal
level.
According to this view, municipal political parties, because they
are not an integral part of large national political parties, could not
be long-lasting because they cannot mobilize issues and important
political identities. Municipal political parties are thus viewed as
short-lived and politically weak organizations.
In Canada, contrary to the United States or many other countries,
the large federal and provincial political parties have failed to
establish themselves on the municipal level. As recorded by several
analysts (Graham, Philips, and Maslove 1998; Tindal et al. 2013), the
Liberal Party of Canada and the New Democratic Party (or its predecessor
the Co-operative Commonwealth Federation-CCF) attempted in vain to
establish themselves as municipal political parties in Toronto and
Vancouver. Currently, Canada's large federal or provincial
political parties, when they get involved in municipal politics,
maintain an indirect role, for example mobilizing their electoral
machine to support a specific candidate, but without officially
establishing a political affiliation.
In most Canadian provinces, the lack of large federal or provincial
parties hindered the emergence of local political parties, and thus the
prevailing model is that of the independent elected official. As per
Quesnel and Belley (1991, 17), the model existing in most Canadian
cities is one of a "non-partisan city, where local elected
officials are not backed by any political organization, whether strictly
local or affiliated with a national party."' For Collin and
Leveillee (2003, 34), the non-partisan model is one in which
"municipal issues are considered primarily administrative, rather
than as challenges that need to be addressed by using a hierarchical and
explicit set of values."
This view of municipal politics associates the lack of municipal
political parties with a mainly administrative or technical view of
issues. However, although there is a lack of political parties at the
local level practically all across Canada, there are two noteworthy
exceptions: Quebec and British Columbia. Only these two provinces
address the creation of local political parties in their municipal
legislation (Sancton 2011: 178). Moreover, municipal political parties
have been part of the political scene in the cities of Vancouver,
Montreal and Quebec for several decades, which raises the question of
the effect they have on politicizing local issues.
Most studies focusing on Quebec, with the exception of that by
Mevellec and Tremblay (2013), deal with the case of political parties in
the cities of Montreal and Quebec. We therefore know very little about
municipal political parties in other cities in Quebec, even though they
do in fact exist and have actually been growing in number for a decade
(Mevellec 2011). Does the smaller size of these cities and the more
recent arrival of political parties make politicization even more
important and probable there? Can we find indications there of the new
political parties influencing the politicization of the municipal scene?
The objective of our study is to provide some answers to these
questions using the case of the City of Gatineau. It is important to
state that demographically, Gatineau, with a population of just over
265,000, is the fourth largest city in Quebec, after Montreal, Quebec
and Laval. Gatineau has the added benefit of being part of the
Ottawa-Gatineau metropolitan area, the fourth largest in Canada (2). The
2013 elections were noteworthy as it was the first time in local history
that a municipal political party, Action Gatineau, ran for office.
However, and thus our main hypothesis, even if the 2013 elections are an
opportune time to evaluate the effects of politicization, we can also
state that such politicization is part of a longer process that starts
well before the election campaign. In this case, we will trace the
beginning of the politicization process back to the 2009 municipal
elections, when three candidates affiliated with the citizen movement
Projet Gatineau (3) were elected to the municipal council. Noteworthy in
this time period were four controversial debates on large urban planning
projects--debates which we believe are particularly representative of
politicization. We will then analyse the 2013 election campaign and
elections to establish Action Gatineau's role, and the degree to
which there was indeed "politicization."
Methodologically, the results presented in this article are based
on three complementary forms of data collection: a press review covering
the period between the last two municipal elections (from November 2009
to November 2013) (4); an analysis of documents created by the municipal
political party Action Gatineau and the independent candidates in
preparation for the election; and lastly, direct observation of Projet
Gatineau public events, Action Gatineau, as well as several events
concerning land use management and urban development issues during the
period from 2009 to 2013. This information was reviewed within the
analytical framework presented in the next section.
POLITICIZATION IN THE QUEBEC MUNICIPAL WORLD
Although issues are typically of a non-political character in the
Canadian municipal world, it is quite rare for authors to explicitly
state the nature of such an apolitical attitude. In a recent article,
Bherer and Breux (2012) associate politicization with the presence of a
left-right division, which they find to be visibly lacking in the Quebec
municipal public arena. Such a division may be one of the possible and
major forms of politicization, but we believe that a left-right split is
not the sole form. The meaning of the concept of politicization that we
propose here is closer to that maintained by Graham, Philips, and
Maslove (1998, 93), who criticize the view that Canadian city
governments are simply providers of property services. For these
authors, besides development issues ("pro-anti development
spectrum"), municipal politics also concerns quality of life and
social justice issues: "the view that cities are technocratic
providers of services is a myopic view of the nature of urban life. In
fact, the politics of everyday fife can be the most important arena in
which debates about social justice and quality of life are played
out" (Graham, Philips, and Maslove 1998, 93). Following the example
of these authors, we consider politicization to be the act of allowing
and encouraging debates by citizens and elected officials on urban
issues, which include not only issues related to property services, but
also issues in other areas, including those related to land use planning
and urban development.
Jacques Lagroye (2003, 360-361) specifies that politicization is
"a requalification of the most diverse social events, a
requalification which is the result of a practical agreement among the
social agents inclined for various reasons to infringe on or question
the differentiation of the areas of activity." In other words, this
would be a means of introducing a political rationale (or political
debates) into social spaces or sectors where such a way of thinking is
lacking. The concepts of infringement or requalification refer to this.
We should also clarify that the infringement can be by different types
of actors. For some (Bherer and Breux 2012; Quesnel and Belley 1991),
politicization (or the lack thereof) occurs at the level of political
actors, including municipal political parties, while for others (see
especially Wolff 1994), it is started rather by actors in civil society
and urban movements. In our case, we are looking for such an
infringement or requalification in the area of urban planning in
Gatineau, while also determining if the emergence of a local political
party contributed to politicization.
Politicization, as we borrowed the term from Lagroye (2003), also
implies that it takes place and is visible not only during election
campaigns, which can be the opportune time for political actors to put
urban issues up for debate, but also between election periods, in what
Graham, Philips, and Maslove refer to as the "politics of everyday
life," which is evident whenever actors in civil society are called
on to participate in municipal affairs.
In the case of Quebec, there is a consensus regarding the role of
municipal political parties in the politicization of the local scene.
The study by Quesnel and Belley (1991) on Quebec City as well as that by
Leveillee and Leonard (1987) on Montreal focus on a key moment in local
political history, namely when a new leftist municipal political party
came to power--the Rassemblement populaire de Quebec (RPQ) and the
Montreal Citizens' Movement (MCM). In Quebec, as in Montreal, the
victory of these parties marked an end to the reign of older municipal
political parties that intended to be the advocate for modern values in
the Quiet Revolution and municipal partisan alternation. For Wolff
(1994, 134), the increase in urban movements and the birth of local
political parties are an indication of a "repoliticization of the
local scene."
More recently, Bherer and Breux (2012, 172) questioned the
capability of Quebec municipal political parties to effectively
establish themselves completely as political parties, given that they
are rather ephemeral political teams:
What we call "political parties" are usually ephemeral
political teams more so than well-organized partisan
structures. In this sense, they are generally short-lived
political groups, very often created prior to an
election, that disappear the day after the polls close.
According to them, "from an ideological point of view, it is
difficult to distinguish political parties in contention, mostly due to
the absence of at least an official affiliation with provincial and
federal political parties" (Bherer and Breux 2012, 172-173). For
these authors, the lack of a connection between local and national
political parties makes politicization unlikely.
Further perspective is added to this point of view by a recent
article on municipal political parties in Quebec (Mevellec and Tremblay
2013), in which the authors examine the hypothesis that the
proliferation of municipal political parties in Quebec contributes to a
certain Westminsterization of municipal politics. This concept refers to
the introduction into municipal politics of Westminster-like practices
with the predominant theme of "government/ opposition division.
"From this perspective, the presence of local political parties
would at least to some degree eliminate some of the differences between
the municipal and national political arenas. On the subject of
Westminsterization, Mevellec and Tremblay (2013) take Quebec municipal
political parties seriously. Instead of considering these parties
ephemeral organizations, the authors hypothesize that these parties can
play an important political role, even comparable to that of large
federal or provincial parties, both in their conquest for and exercise
of power. Does the emergence of municipal political parties contribute
to politicization and therefore debates? We intend to present some
answers to this question in the next sections.
FROM PROJET GATINEAU TO ACTION GATINEAU:THE BACKGROUND OF THE
POLITICAL PARTY
The municipal political party Action Gatineau was officially
founded in June 2012, building on the citizen movement Projet Gatineau,
launched four years earlier. The citizen movement Projet Gatineau
started with two supporters, Patrick Duguay (5) and Maxime
Pedneaud-Jobin (6), with the stated objective of encouraging public
participation in municipal affairs (7). Although Projet Gatineau is not
a political party, the movement was able to garner the support of five
candidates during the 2009 elections. Three of them-Maxime
Pedneaud-Jobin, Stefan Psenak and Mireille Appolon-were elected as city
councillors in that election and would become in a way a parliamentary
wing which could possibly support the creation of a party. It was in
March 2012, a year and a half prior to the elections, that there was
concrete talk of establishing a political party, and the mechanics
started to be put in place. Tensions between the duo Maxime
Pedneaud-Jobin/Stefan Psenak (8) and mayor Bureau increased in fall
2011, with the controversial scheduling at Pedneaud-Jobin's
initiative of a retreat supposedly for the entire municipal council; but
where only half of the councillors participated, and the mayor was
absent. The nine participants reemerged with proposals to improve the
internal workings of the city council, but Pedneaud-Jobin admits that
"very informal" discussions took place at the retreat
regarding the pertinence of a political party in Gatineau. The two
initiators of the citizen movement Projet Gatineau, Maxime
Pedneaud-Jobin and Patrick Duguay, became, respectively, leader and
president of Action Gatineau, which confirms the important connection
between the movement and the party. In March 2013, Action Gatineau held
a conference that culminated in the adoption of the party platform of
seven themes, the first of which, "Democracy and governance"
focuses on "opening debates to the public," taking
"measures to bring residents to take back possession of their
city," and the importance of municipal councillors taking on
"a political function and not simply the role of an
administrator" (Action Gatineau 2013, 3). This program resulted in
the electoral platform of the municipal political party, outlined in a
document entitled "For a true municipal government" which
advocates Gatineau's need for a united "team with strong
leadership skills and a clear vision." ** This platform is
expressed as six objectives (Table 1) aiming to give Gatineau a stronger
voice, ensure improved municipal management, strengthen local
communities and revitalize the city's economy.
The fact that the municipal council included councillors closely
associated with Projet Gatineau, especially Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin and
Stefan Psenak, gave the citizen movement a key platform to promote
certain priorities identified in its manifesto and challenge certain
projects on this basis. In a previous article (Chiasson, Gauthier, and
Andrew 2011), we had interpreted the emergence of the citizen movement
Projet Gatineau as the indication of a desire to change the culture of
municipal politics in Gatineau. In the next part, we intend to examine
the degree to which the team of councillors associated with the citizen
movement Projet Gatineau, and then the municipal political party Action
Gatineau, contributed to this politicization.
THE POLITICIZATION OF LAND USE AND URBAN PLANNING ISSUES IN
GATINEAU
The municipal merger in the early 2000s and the creation of a new
City of Gatineau were opportune for the municipal government to initiate
a plan to renew its governance process (Andrew and Chiasson 2006), to
give "participatory governance" a larger role. As we
demonstrated in a previous paper (Chiasson, Gauthier, and Andrew 2011),
the 2005 election of mayor Marc Bureau (10) in a way was the return to
an approach closer to the traditional model of decision making that
dominated municipal politics in Canada for a long time. This model gives
little say to actors in civil society in decision making and aims to
avoid political debates on municipal issues. Following his reappointment
as mayor in November 2009, mayor Bureau fairly quickly faced opposition
from several city councillors, including the two aforesaid councillors
who were elected based on a joint platform and acted as the spokesmen of
the citizen movement Projet Gatineau. During this period, councillor
Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin was particularly active in the local media, taking
a pedagogical role to explain the major municipal issues in detail.
The split within the council was especially visible in several
matters concerning land use management and urban planning, leading to
lengthy and at times quite acrimonious debates. In the following
paragraphs, we will present four major projects which not only divided,
but also politicized, the municipal council during the period 2009-2013,
a time when the spokesmen for Projet Gatineau (2009-2012) and then
Action Gatineau (2012-2013) were especially active.
Downtown development
Following an in-depth planning and consultation exercise, in
September 2009 the City of Gatineau developed a challenging Special
Planning Program to revitalize the downtown area. After their
re-election in November 2009, mayor Marc Bureau and the councillor for
the Hull-Val-Tetreau sector, Denise Laferriere, prioritized the downtown
revitalization project. This project would be the focus of two important
debates, mainly due to the initiative of the councillor for the district
of Buckingham, Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin.
The first debate dealt with a plan in which all property tax
generated by the construction of new buildings in the sector would be
reinvested in the downtown revitalization project. Mayor Bureau based
this plan mostly on the federal government's promise to build two
new office buildings downtown. Councillor Pedneaud-Jobin proposed to
extend the downtown investment plan to include the property tax revenue
from all new buildings constructed in Gatineau, regardless of the
sector. By proposing this alternative plan, the councillor intended to
advocate that the Special Planning Program was a priority for the City
of Gatineau, and that all monies generated in the entire city should be
used to finance it. At the close of the debate, mayor Bureau's
initial proposal was in fact carried unanimously by the municipal
council.
The second important debate regarding the downtown revitalization
project dealt with the urban re-development of Montcalm Street in the
Ruisseau de la Brasserie sector. An "open house" consultation
was held for this first major project in the Special Planning Program,
where participants expressed their strong opposition due to the fact
that the plan lacked a bicycle path and continued to allow truck traffic
on Montcalm Street. Given the dissatisfaction of the residents, city
officials attempted to limit allotted speaking times and postpone
discussions. Councillor Pedneaud-Jobin made several media appearances on
this matter to deplore the poor quality of the public consultations,
stating that they gave the citizens the impression that the outcome had
already been decided and that several elected officials took the project
for granted. This questioning of the quality of participatory
initiatives in Gatineau actually prompted the City's Office of the
Ombudsman to create a task force on the subject, whose recently
submitted report criticized the City's public consultation
procedures (Ville de Gatineau 2014).
Connaught eco-neighbourhood
Shortly after the 2009 elections, a major developer in the region
announced its plan for an "urban village" type residential
project on the site of the former Aylmer racetrack, Connaught Park. The
project required a change to zoning by-laws as about 40% of the total
lot area was zoned as recreational. During an evening reflection session
on the future of Connaught Park organized by the City, residents in the
sector indicated they wished to maintain the recreational vocation of
the Park and expressed their concerns about the project. Mayor Bureau
first announced his intention to respect the residents' wishes to
maintain the recreational zone and cancelled the second evening
consultation session scheduled on the matter, but in January 2012 the
City submitted an alternative eco-neighbourhood project that would
supposedly maintain the recreational vocation of the site and meet the
residents' needs. The new version of the project, which included
the construction of 800 dwellings and the use of a portion of the
recreational zone to build a school and a community centre, was heavily
criticized at the public consultation held on the matter, attended by
200 residents. In February 2012, the municipal council carried the
project despite the opposition of several resident associations, who
believed it was a missed opportunity to create a unique recreotourism
project. The members of Action Gatineau in the council voted against the
project, claiming that it should be part of a global vision to develop
the Aylmer sector, a vision which was still lacking but was just being
formed in the revised land use and development plan. Councillor
Pedneaud-Jobin also drew on the expertise of the organization Vivre en
Ville, for whom this project did not really fit the definition of an
eco-neighbourhood, to justify Action Gatineau's opposition to the
project.
Destination Gatineau
After his re-election in 2009, Marc Bureau made it clear that in
his new term he would prioritize the Destination Gatineau project, which
he unveiled during the election campaign, to make Gatineau an
international tourist destination. This project, the initial objective
of which is to develop the banks of the Ottawa River to attract tourists
from the Ottawa-Gatineau metropolitan area to Gatineau, has yet to be
defined but has attracted the interest of the National Capital
Commission (NCC) as part of the commemorations for Canada's 150th
birthday.
In early 2012, Destination Gatineau was slated to be completed in
2017 for Canada's 150th birthday, with the majority of the
development at Jacques-Cartier Park, located on the banks of the Ottawa
River almost facing Parliament Hill. During the consultations organized
for business people and members of the community, certain residents and
organizations, such as Vision centre-ville, an organization representing
downtown merchants, criticized the project for its lack of attention to
the residents and inconsistency with the guidelines established in the
downtown Special Planning Program. In fall 2012, Action Gatineau
presented an alternative project named "Destination tout
Gatineau," with the objective of completing the projects already
planned by the council in all sectors of the City and that would
"benefit first and foremost the local communities," a proposal
considered unfocused and inconsistent by a source close to mayor Bureau.
At the end of the year, Destination Gatineau scheduled public
consultations, namely three discussion tables, for a group of about
thirty preselected individuals considered "key figures" in
business, tourism, culture and the community. At the same time,
consultations for a wider audience were scheduled for 2013. Action
Gatineau criticized this practice, terming it the "Bureau
method," where discussions take place only with those who support
the project.
In February 2013, the public was engaged in the Destination
Gatineau project via a discussion group that was preceded by a tour to
the shopping centres. Residents were also able to provide their feedback
online. The mayor confirmed that the project was not yet finalized at
that point and that there was room for enhancements, but also pushed for
immediate action in order not to miss the "window of
opportunity" of funding allocated for Canada's 150th birthday.
Most of the 80 residents who participated in the consultation were
concerned about the voice of local residents in this tourism project,
and several individuals considered the event a marketing ploy. The
issues raised by the citizens echo those of a downtown property
developer and the Association des Residents de file de Hull (ARIH), who
were concerned that Destination Gatineau would take priority over the
downtown revitalization project, and that focusing all of the
development on the shoreline would have little effect on improving the
downtown area. Following the example of the ARIH, which advocated giving
immediate priority to the Ruisseau de la Brasserie sector, Action
Gatineau restated its opposition to the project. Specifically, Maxime
Pedneaud-Jobin and Stefan Psenak were still opposed to mayor
Bureau's project, and felt that the downtown revitalization project
should prioritize the Ruisseau de la Brasserie and the Montcalm sector.
Land use and development plan
Since the beginning of mayor Bureau's second term in November
2009, the Planning Advisory Committee chaired by councillor Patsy
Bouthillette had the important mandate of updating the City's land
use and development plan. The revision process began in 2011 under the
auspices of Land Use Planning Services, which convinced the municipal
council to involve the public throughout the exercise.
We highlight that this process was significantly smoother than the
other debates mentioned previously, notably due to the fact that citizen
engagement was planned from the outset of the project via several
events, and that there was a general consensus on the quality of such
events. For the Projet Gatineau movement, and then Action Gatineau, this
exercise was of major importance as it finally afforded the City a
global vision for development. Along these lines, Projet Gatineau
organized two discussion forums on urban planning in spring 2012
parallel to the official public consultation process, and the Action
Gatineau party held a forum on the revision of the land use and
development plan in the fall of the same year, with the purpose of
soliciting feedback from its members and interested citizens in order to
develop the party platform. These two initiatives are based on the
understanding and open discussion of the issues, and are in keeping with
the democratic renewal sought by Action Gatineau, a renewal that
"requires citizen participation in public debates" (Action
Gatineau 2013, 3). ***
Apart from the public discussions, Action Gatineau was very active
throughout the process and in April 2013 submitted to the municipal
council a list of 26 amendments to the updated land use and development
plan. Many of these proposals echoed the concerns and wishes expressed
by several groups during the public consultation process, and included
creating a mixed-actor committee to monitor and implement the land use
plan, establishing a process for formal partnerships with neighbouring
RCMs to prepare a joint land use plan, and adopting a development
strategy at the city level rather than by sector or field of business.
The four projects we have presented showcase how Action
Gatineau's parliamentary wing intended to be the opposition to the
municipal government headed by mayor Bureau. As we have seen, this
opposition manifested itself not only via development projects, for
example questioning the consistency of global city development and
criticizing urban sprawl, but also via the decision-making process. In
fact, the Projet Gatineau or Action Gatineau councillors consistently
positioned themselves as critics of the public consultation methods for
these four projects. Of course, given their minority status in the
municipal council, the councillors affiliated with the political party
did not often get their amendments carried and they would sometimes join
the majority position. However, by criticizing land use planning
methods, they helped requalify development issues in the political
arena, while also helping to give the public a voice in these matters.
As we will see in the next section, this politicization process also
continued in the fall 2013 election campaign.
THE 2013 CAMPAIGN AND ELECTIONS: MUNICIPAL POLITICAL PARTIES AT THE
CRUX OF THE DEBATE
Municipal political parties took on a major role in the 2013
Gatineau campaign, not only with the Action Gatineau party as a
political force in the electoral race, but also because many of the
campaign debates focused explicitly on the legitimacy of political
parties in Gatineau's municipal scene. However, in the last third
of the campaign, the rather catastrophic launch of the Rapibus (12)
project-an issue that is well-documented in land use planning
records-would overshadow the question of political parties to some
degree. Although the difficulties in implementing this reserved bus lane
significantly contributed to the election of the Action Gatineau leader,
our point here is rather the marked difference between mayor
Bureau's campaign approach and that of the Action Gatineau
candidate. Mayor Bureau's campaign was essentially based on his
2009 strategy, limiting his media appearances (one press briefing a
week) and participating in only one leadership debate (that organized by
CBC Ottawa Gatineau). Moreover, the outgoing mayor was criticized for
this approach, notably by the Federation professionnelle des
journalistes du Quebec, who considered it disdainful of the media and
the citizens. On the other end of the spectrum, the Action Gatineau
leader and mayoral candidate, Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin, maximized his
public appearances, whether via traditional or social media. In fact,
this difference in approach became a campaign selling point for the
latter, who made a point of highlighting, on several occasions, Marc
Bureau's absence at public events, considering it an unwillingness
to publicly disclose information and debate.
Action Gatineau was created and took part in the election campaign
at the same time when the Charbonneau Commission was underway (created
in fall 2011), and more specifically when there were quite disturbing
allegations of corruption and illegal financing in municipal political
parties, notably in Montreal. This context helped support the stance of
those against political parties in Gatineau, notably the outgoing mayor
Marc Bureau and certain councillors in his immediate staff. Throughout
this campaign, mayor Bureau attempted to make political parties a
central issue, arguing that a model with independent municipal elected
officials is clearly preferable to one with political parties, which
promotes division and corruption. Moreover, he complained on several
occasions that Quebec electoral legislation financially favours
municipal political parties over independent candidates. As for the
Action Gatineau candidates, they defended the need for a political party
in Gatineau, hammering home that it was the only way to ensure a
consistent and progressive vision for city development.
We interpret these debates on the pertinence of a municipal
political party in Gatineau as part of a logical next step to politicize
the municipal governance method. The election campaign was an
opportunity to start an unprecedented debate in Gatineau not only on the
pertinence of political parties, but also on the governance model based
on the independent elected official in effect until then. Without a
doubt, Action Gatineau's presence as a political force had a
significant impact on the 2013 election campaign. The party put
candidates forward in all eighteen districts in the municipality, so
that there would be elections in all districts, which contrasts with the
2009 election when several councillors were elected by acclamation
(Chiasson, Gauthier, and Andrew 2011). As shown in Table 2, the results
of the November 2013 vote are quite mixed in terms of recognizing Action
Gatineau as a major political force. Although on one hand Maxime
Pedneaud-Jobin had a fairly decisive victory in the mayoral elections,
the picture was not so clear for the councillors: Action Gatineau had to
settle for four elected officials, and certain outgoing candidates
(Andre Laframboise and Stefan Psenak) lost their seats. This partial
victory for Action Gatineau indicates that although the leader, Maxime
Pedneaud-Jobin, succeeded in becoming a charismatic figure for citizens,
the partisan structure had more trouble gaining legitimacy in the eyes
of the public, and there is still a lot of work to be done in this
regard.
CONCLUSION
The main purpose of this paper was to document the emergence and
work of municipal political parties in Gatineau and, more specifically,
examine the degree to which these parties could be vehicles for
politicization in a mid-sized city in Quebec. Our analysis of the case
of Gatineau demonstrated a very strong connection between the political
party Action Gatineau and the preceding movement Projet Gatineau. We
believe this connection to be of importance for several reasons,
starting with the fact that it confirms that politicization can occur
outside of election periods, whenever the politics of everyday life are
in play. The development projects that we reviewed are in fact some of
the main events where there was a rationale towards confrontation with
and opposition to the municipal council, led mostly by councillors
Pedneaud-Jobin and Psenak. We could even mention here a certain
Westminsterization, the continuation of which will be seen in the next
election campaign.
We have found indications of politicization on two levels. First
and foremost, it was evident at the level of the municipal governance
model where the emergence of Action Gatineau, within an a priori
anti-party context, led to debates on municipal political practices.
Secondly, the connection we found between the citizen movement Projet
Gatineau and the political party Action Gatineau also highlights the
roles of the individuals involved. The recurrent theme is so clear that
we may venture to say there was a political strategy in play by the
leadership of the citizen movement which became a political party. It is
as if creating the movement set the foundation for a militant base and
support for a possible future political party. However, Action
Gatineau's partial success in the 2013 elections seems to indicate
that the public was more comfortable handing the reins of power over to
Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin than to his political party. At the very least,
these results will force the new mayor to convince other councillors to
join his party, or at a minimum to support his vision, if he intends to
carry out his political agenda.
Our paper sheds some light on the perspective that local political
parties (those found in Canada) are necessarily depoliticized
organizations. The case of the political party Action Gatineau suggests,
to begin with, that a Westminsterization process may be taking place in
Gatineau. Furthermore, our review of the development projects also
suggests that the elected officials associated with the Projet Gatineau
movement and then with the Action Gatineau political party may have
promoted the legitimacy of public discussion, at least in the urban
planning sector. Of course, given the recent nature of these events, it
is difficult to surmise if and how this process will continue in the
future, leaving the question open as to whether Action Gatineau can
institute long-lasting politicization. However, we believe that the
results of the 2013 Gatineau elections and the preceding debates invite
a closer examination of the experience and workings of municipal
political parties in medium-sized cities in Quebec and serious
consideration of their potential for politicization.
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS
The authors thank Caroline Desrochers and Lynda Gagnon for their
contribution to data collection, as well as the invited editor and two
anonymous reviewers for their comments on the draft version of this
article.
REFERENCES
Action Gatineau. 2013. Programme du parti. Propositions adoptees au
congres des 22 et 23 mars 2013. http://actiongatineau.org/wp-content/
uploads/2013/05/Programme-adopt%C3%A9-par-les-membres_FINAL.pdf
(Accessed June 10,2014).
Andrew, C., and G. Chiasson. 2006. Restructurations municipales et
renouvellement des modeles de gouvernance locale : le cas
d'OttawaGatineau. In Villes du Nord, Villes du Sud, ed. Francois
Hulbert, 31-39. Paris: L'Harmattan.
Bherer, L., and S. Breux. 2012. L'apolitisme municipal.
Bulletin d'Histoire Politique 21 (1): 170-184.
Chiasson, G., M. Gauthier, and C. Andrew. 2011. Les elections
municipales de 2009 a Gatineau : quel modele de democratie urbaine? In
Les elections municipales au Quebec : enjeux et perspectives, ed. S.
Breux and L. Bherer, 265-288. Quebec: Presses de l'Universite
Laval.
Collin, J.P., and J. Leveillee. 2003. L'organisation
municipale au Canada. Un regime a geometrie variable, entre tradition et
transformation. Montreal: Villes Regions Monde.
Graham, K., S.D. Philips, and A. Maslove. 1998. Urban governance in
Canada. Toronto: Harcourt Brace and Company.
Lagroye, J. 2003. Les processus de politisation. In La
politisation, ed. J. Lagroye. Paris: Belin.
Leveillee, J., and J.F. Leonard. 1987. The Montreal Citizens'
Movement comes to power. International Journal of Urban and Regional
Research 11 (4): 567-580.
Mevellec, A. 2011. Les elections municipales de 2009 dans les
villes moyennes du Quebec : entre changement et reconduction. In Les
elections municipales au Quebec : enjeux et perspectives, ed. S. Breux
and L. Bherer, 289-310. Quebec: Presses de l'Universite Laval.
Mevellec, A., and M. Tremblay. 2013. Les partis politiques
municipaux: la << Westminsterisation >> des villes du Quebec
? Recherches sociographiques LIV (2): 325-347.
Quesnel, L., and S. Belley. 1991. Partis politiques municipaux, une
etude de sociologie electorale. Montreal: Editions Agence d'Arc.
Sancton, A. 2011. Canadian Local Government: an Urban Perspective.
Don Mills: Oxford University Press.
Tindal, C.R., S.N.Tindal, K. Stewart, and P.J. Smith. 2013. Local
Government in Canada. Toronto: Nelson Education.
Ville de Gatineau. 2014. La participation citoyenne a Gatineau,
Rapport de la Commission sur l'implication du milieu. City of
Gatineau: Bureau de l'Ombudsman.
Wolff, J.P. 1994. Politisation de l'espace urbain a Quebec.
Norois 41, no 161: 131-144.
Guy Chiasson
Social Sciences Department
Universite du Quebec en Outaouais
Mario Gauthier
Social Sciences Department
Universite du Quebec en Outaouais
Caroline Andrew
Centre on Governance
Faculty of Social Sciences
University of Ottawa
Notes
* Unless otherwise noted, all translations are by an independent
translator.]
(2) According to Statistics Canada, in 2011, "the population
of Ottawa--Gatineau census metropolitan area (CMA) was 1,236,324,
representing a percentage change of 9.1% from 2006." [Translation
by Statistics Canada, web site, accessed September 23,2014.]
(3) Projet Gatineau is a citizen movement launched in fall 2008 by
two main sponsors, Patrick Duguay and Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin, with the
purpose of triggering a debate on ideas about the future of Gatineau.
(4) We set this period in order to collect data not only on the
2013 elections and election campaign, but also on the context in which
the municipal political party Action Gatineau emerged during the mandate
of the previous municipal government (2009 to 2013). The press review
revealed about 800 articles published in the local daily and weekly
newspapers (mainly the daily paper Le Droit and the weekly papers Info07
and La Revue).
(5) Patrick Duguay is the director general of the Cooperative de
developpement regional Outaouais-Laurentides (CDROL),the mission of
which is to support regional development in these areas. Well-known in
the Outaouais region, he helped found several co-operatives and sits on
the boards of many companies and local and regional organizations.
(6) Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin, before becoming mayor, was city
councillor for one term (2009-2013). Before entering municipal politics,
he was the assistant to the Executive Director for the Agence de la
sante, a journalist, and also played a major role in the creation of the
Laiterie de l'Outaouais, a very highly publicized project in the
Outaouais region.
(7) Following a first public forum held on November 15,2008,
several evening thematic work sessions took place in 2009, as well as a
public meeting on September 19,2009, in which citizens were given the
opportunity to establish five priorities for the next term of the
municipal government. The topics covered at these citizen meetings
included, among others, urban planning, sustainable development, social
and cultural development, as well as democratic life and citizen
engagement. Although during the 2009 election campaign Projet Gatineau
often denied being an outline of a municipal political party, a
coalition of five candidates from different districts (the "group
of five") picked up on the ideas put forth in this movement. Three
of the candidates, Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin (Buckingham), Stefan Psenak
(Aylmer) and Mireille Apollon (L'Oree-du-Parc), were elected in
November 2009. For further details, see Chiasson, Gauthier, and Andrew
(2011).
(8) Stefan Psenak is an editor, publicity writer and translator. A
strong advocate for culture and heritage, he was elected councillor for
the Aylmer district in the municipal elections of November 1,2009.
During his term he chaired the Commission des arts, de la culture, des
lettres et du patrimoine of the City of Gatineau.
** [All translations in this paragraph by Action Gatineau, web
site, accessed September 23, 2014.]
(10) Businessman and president of the Association des gens
d'affaires de Hull (1996 to 1998), Marc Bureau was first elected as
city councillor (2002 to 2005), and then as mayor of Gatineau (2005 to
2013). He won the 2005 election against the outgoing mayor Yves Ducharme
with more than 68% of the votes, while in 2009 he defeated four other
mayoral candidates by winning 44% of the votes.
*** [Translation by Action Gatineau, web site, accessed September
23, 2014.]
(12) Rapibus is a bus corridor that was launched a few weeks before
the municipal elections. For riders in several sectors served by this
new corridor, rush hour commute times were significantly increased
creating major frustration. Mayor Bureau attempted to downplay the
problems caused to residents, thus giving Pedneaud-Jobin an opportunity
for self-promotion.
**** [Translation heavily based on existing translation by Action
Gatineau, web site, accessed September 23, 2014.]
Table 1--Action Gatineau's electoral platform
Give Gatineau a * Fight for a rightful portion of Quebec and
stronger voice Ottawa's contributions to our municipal
projects
* Develop partnerships with Regional County
Municipalities (RCM) and Ottawa regarding
transportation and land use planning issues
* Defend our region's needs with regards to
education, culture and health
Develop a "Gatineau" * Bring municipal services closer to communities
identity through * Build a city where local history and identity
dynamic local are valued
communities * Invest in our heritage and culture
* Financially support artists, sports activities
and community organizations
Modernize our * Weekly meetings without appointment with the
municipal democratic Mayor
tools * Independent Public Consultation Office
* Transparency: automatic access to municipal
documents and adherence to Gatineau: Open City
* Equal access to resources and information
given to all members of the Municipal Council
Improve municipal * A plan to fight collusion, including an
management analysis of all contracts and extras, a review
of administrative procedures and of the
splitting of contracts, etc.
* A fast-track review of expenses, efficiency of
services, pension plans, etc.
* Priority to be given to projects already
underway: Parc des Cedres, Ruisseau de la
Brasserie, the embankment of Jacques-Cartier
Street, the embankment of the Blanche river
and the Nautical Centre of la Lievre
* A plan to alleviate the fiscal burden of our
citizens by bringing in new revenue to the
City, for example, retaining a portion of the
Quebec sales tax
Give priority to the * A plan to promote economic development: make
economy, education current entrepreneurs' lives easier and
and health of our encourage the emergence of new ones
citizens * A prominent place for the University of Quebec
in Outaouaisz within our economic development
strategy
* Support to families: an agreement between the
City and school boards to increase the number
of activities at a lower cost
* More social diversity, affordable housing and
proper implementation of the City's
Elimination of Slums
* Infrastructure better adapted to an aging
population
Be a leader among * Enable people to live, work, enjoy pastimes
green cities and do their shopping all within their
neighbourhood
* Diversified access to public transportation:
a more efficient network with Ottawa, a
completed eastbound rapid transit system and
a westbound section to be developed
* An efficient and useful bicycle grid for both
work and recreation
* The enhancement of an urban open-air network,
including the completion of recreational paths
and better access to our urban forests and
rivers
Source: Action Gatineau, electoral leaflet. ****
Table 2--Results of the 2013 Gatineau municipal elections
Candidate Votes %
Mayor's Office
Maxime Pedneaud-Jobin Action Gatineau 40,994 52.61%
Marc Bureau (outgoing) 28,165 36.15%
Jacques Lemay 7,492 9.62%
Francois P. D'Aoust 1,268 1.63%
District d'Aylmer (1)
Josee Lacasse 2,485 53.44%
Stefan Psenak (outgoing) Action Gatineau 2,165 46.56%
District de Lucerne (2)
Mike Duggan 1,647 38.69%
Andre Laframboise (outgoing) Action Gatineau 1,361 31.97%
Roch Givogue 1,115 26.19%
Claude Turpin 134 3.15%
District de Deschenes (3)
Richard M. Begin Action Gatineau 2,399 54.25%
Alain Riel (outgoing) 2,023 45.75%
District du Plateau (4)
Maxime Tremblay (outgoing) 2,435 57.46%
Francois Leveille Action Gatineau 1,803 42.54%
District du Manoir-des-Trembles-Val-Tetreau (5)
Jocelyn Blondin 2,176 50.85%
Christian Meilleur Action Gatineau 2,103 49.15%
District de l'Oree-du-Parc (6)
Mireille Apollon (outgoing) Action Gatineau 2,983 58.58%
Bruno Bonneville 2,109 41.42%
District de Parc-de-la-Montagne-Saint-Raymond (7)
Louise Boudrias 2,211 50.06%
Adrian Corbo Action Gatineau 1,919 43.45%
Andre-Felix Comeau 287 6.50%
District de Hull-Wright (8)
Denise Laferriere (outgoing) 1,696 58.89%
Isabelle N. Miron Action Gatineau 1,052 36.53%
Debelle Michel 132 4.58%
District de Limbour (9)
Cedric Tessier 2,444 43.29%
Wassim Aboutanos Action Gatineau 1,689 29.92%
Nicole Champagne (outgoing) 1,512 26.78%
District de Touraine (10)
Denis Tasse (outgoing) 2,533 61.02%
Alexandre Fortin-Bordeleau Action Gatineau 1,618 38.98%
District de Pointe-Gatineau (11)
Myriam Nadeau Action Gatineau 1,577 43.98%
Andre Francois Choquette 837 23.34%
Pierre Laurin 677 18.88%
Patrick Pilon 495 13.80%
District du Carrefour-de-l'Hopital (12)
Gilles Carpentier 2,898 67.65%
Nawel Benyelles Action Gatineau 1,386 32.35%
District du Versant (13)
Daniel Champagne 2,607 57.35%
Genevieve Ouimet Action Gatineau 1,939 42.65%
District de Bellevue (14)
Sylvie Goneau (outgoing) 2,928 66.14%
Christian Violy Action Gatineau 1,499 33.86%
District du Lac-Beauchamp (15)
Stephane Lauzon (outgoing) 2,632 74.04%
Chakib Ahmimed Action Gatineau 923 25.96%
District de la Riviere-Blanche (16)
Jean Lessard 1,296 29.20%
Eric Bourgeau 1,295 29.17%
Francine Parent-Stuart Action Gatineau 1,278 28.79%
Jason S. Noble 570 12.84%
District de Masson-Angers (17)
Marc Carriere 1,636 39.17%
Roland Jr. Frenette Action Gatineau 1,326 31.75%
Luc Montreuil (outgoing) 1,215 29.09%
District de Buckingham (18)
Martin Lajeunesse Action Gatineau 3,249 73.11%
Yan Hebert 1,195 26.89%
Source: Chief Electoral Officer of Quebec.