Housing for the disabled mentally ill: moving beyond homogeneity.
Schiff, Rebecca ; Schiff, Jeannette Waegemakers ; Schneider, Barbara 等
Abstract
Housing practices and models of community care for persons disabled
by mental illness have undergone significant evolution in the last 30
years. This review of over 750 reports from academic and grey
literatures examines the evolution of policy and best practice movements
that have linked housing, treatment, and supports for persons with a
mental illness disability. A notable gap in this literature is that
reports assume homogeneity among this population with the disability as
the prime criteria for housing type. Canadian acceptance of a diverse
society includes acceptance of subpopulations that have significant and
unique needs which are unaccounted for in this housing literature. These
include people who are "hard to house" because of severe
functional impairments, the elderly, those of Aboriginal or non-Western
(European) ethnic origin, and people in small town and rural settings.
This synthesis of the literature challenges the unspoken assumption that
all persons disabled by a mental illness need or accept a uniform
housing approach.
Keywords: mental illness, disability, housing, homelessness,
continuum of care, housing first
Resume
Les services de logement et de soins communautaires pour les
personnes atteintes de maladie mentale ont subi d'importantes
transformations depuis les trente dernieres annees. Cerre revue de la
litterature, basee sur plus de 750 rapports du domaine public,
academique et institutionnel, examine l'evolution de politiques et
des pratiques associees au service de logement et des soins
communautaires pour les personnes atteintes de maladie mentale.
L'on constate un manque frappant au sein de la litterature, a
savoir que l'ensemble des rapports et des etudes assument une
homogeneite de la population cible comme etant le principal critere pour
le type de logement. L'attrait des canadiens pour une societe
heterogene inclus l'integration des populations minoritaires ayant
des besoins specifiques dont la litterature sur les services de logement
ne tient aucunement en ligne de compte. Ceci inclut les gens qui sont
"difficile a loger" en raison de leur handicape, les personnes
agees, les autochtones, les personnes d'origine ethnique
non-europeenne, et les gens du milieu rural. Cette synthese de la
litterature remet en question la notion (sous-entendue) que le service
de logement et des soins communautaires pour les personnes atteintes de
maladie mentale doit-etre base sur une approche uniforme du logement.
Mots cles: personnes atteintes de maladie mentale, sans-abris,
logement, soins communautaires
Introduction
The importance of stable, affordable, and adequate housing to meet
the community tenure needs of individuals disabled by serious mental
illness has become more accepted in the process of transforming
long-term psychiatric care from institutional settings to community
based services. Along with this transformation a vast body of research
has emerged which documents that individuals disabled by mental illness
most often identify income and housing as the most important factors in
achieving and maintaining their health (Allen and Bazelon 2006). The
sheer volume of work, a majority of it emerging from the United Sares,
with some contributions from Australia, the UK, and other countries,
which examines housing for those disabled by a mental illness,
encompasses multiple variables and lenses. The dominant contemporary
view has settled on an approach that embraces housing as a human right,
empowerment as an important motivator, and recovery as an over-arching
value (Parkinson, Nelson, and Horgan 1999; Sohng, 1996). While this view
recognizes multiple levels of stakeholders including service recipients,
providers, organizations and policy makers, this long history of
examining housing approaches and modalities assumes homogeneity among
people disabled by a mental illness both in the extent of the disability
that engenders the need for a supportive housing environment and in the
ethno cultural diversity that hallmarks modern Canadian society.
We argue that subpopulations of people living with a mental illness
have significant and unique needs but are unaccounted for in the
literature; including people who are "hard to house", the
elderly, those of Aboriginal or non-Western ethic origin, and people in
small town and rural settings. In addition, this literature lacks
consistent and adequate descriptions of housing programs and
philosophies. For purposes of clarity, we refer to those "persons
disabled by a mental illness" to reflect those people who may
experience difficulty in sustaining housing and employment due to
challenges presented by a mental illness.
A Historical Overview of Research on Housing Policy and Practice
A review of the research on housing included peer-reviewed journals
as well as the "grey" literature (government documents,
commissioned reports, and salient information posted on web sites)
covering the years 1995-2010, inclusive. We used the search engine
Google Scholar to find major contributions and then followed
bibliographic references, both on-site and in the literature, to expand
the search. We also conducted a systematic search of the following
electronic databases: Academic Search Premier, Canadian Reference
Centre, CINAHL Plus with Full Text, Family & Society Studies
Worldwide, Humanities International Complete, MEDLINE, Psychology and
Behavioral Sciences Collection, PsychInfo, SocINDEX, Ovid MEDLINE(R),
Journals@Ovid, Ovid MEDLINE(R) In-Process & Other Non-Indexed
Citations, CDSR, and HealthSTAR. The literature search used the
following key words, either alone or in combination: Housing, mentally
ill, psychiatric patients, supportive housing, supported housing,
program evaluation, continuum of care, homeless mentally ill, community
supports, housing outcomes, alternative care, community tenure, housing
policy, independent living, and housing supports. Over 980 articles were
located. For the final review, inclusion criteria included quantitative
and qualitative studies as well as government (federal, provincial, and
foreign) commissioned housing reports. Reviews of multiple research
studies were compared with the original studies for consistency and
clarity of conclusions. Articles presenting single program description
were omitted from the final review.
Research on housing programs for people living with a mental
illness has mirrored the historical in the types of housing provided.
Early studies compared institutional and inpatient treatment with
community housing, but often presented the housing as a component of
community care (Fakhoury and Priebe 2002; Stein and Test 1980; Kruzich
1985; Nelson and Smith Fowler 1987). That is, treatment and housing
continued to be combined (Blanch, Carling, and Ridgway 1988; Lipton,
Nutt, and Sabatini 1988). Implicit in these early studies, appearing in
the 1970s to 1980s, was the linkage of housing and treatment, usually in
some form of congregate care (Lamb 1998). However, most often program
descriptions were not provided so these housing efforts are presumed to
be characterised by marginal housing and major controls on the
activities of persons housed (Segal and Aviram 1978).
As a new cohort of psychiatric patients (i.e. those without
institutional experience) emerged, efforts to house them in a more
"natural" community setting in the late 1970's resulted
in the creation of group homes by local mental health agencies (Colten
1979). These programs generally combined housing and supports in a
quasi-institutional setting. Program rules and expectations were clearly
laid out and residents were expected to follow a treatment plan. By the
1980's some of this cohort had "graduated" to independent
living in apartments, funded with rental supplements and usually with a
case plan developed by the local organization supplying community
supports. In all cases residents were expected to be treatment compliant
and to abstain from the use of alcohol and illicit drugs. Substance use
was generally not tolerated and frequently resulted in eviction.
Apartment residents were rarely afforded the same landlord-tenant rights
as the general population (Allen 1996) This transitioning from highly
supervised living arrangements to semi-independent ones retained many of
the coercive features of institutional treatment and was geared towards
meeting the needs of providers for custody and control rather than that
of those diagnosed with a mental illness for independence and freedom of
choice.
The end of the 1980's and early 1990's saw an explosion
of literature that focussed on the 'homeless mentally ill'
(Levine and Rog 1990). As many housing programs failed to accommodate
this population and made restrictive demands on their housing tenure,
and as governments failed to replace institutional beds with adequate,
affordable, and appropriate accommodations in the community, the numbers
of the homeless swelled with those diagnosed with a mental illness or
co-occurring mental illness and substance abuse disorders (Hopper 1988,
Torrey 1988, Levine and Rog 1990, Peressini, McDonald, and Hulchanski
1995). At the same time research on housing for the mentally ill began
to focus on various housing models with considerable attention to
housing plus supports (Carling 1992). Many focussed on psychiatric
outcomes and soon linked (Brown et al. 1991, Left et al. 1994)
consumer's quality of life (Nelson, Hall, and Walsh-Bowers 1998)
and consumer preferences to housing stability (Onken et al. 2002; Harp
1990; Elliott, Taylor, and Kearns 1990; Keck 1990; Tanzman 1993; Srebnik
et al. 1995).
In addition to individual reports, over the last 30 years 18
reviews on housing the mentally ill have examined the cumulative body of
research that has been published on selected areas of interest.
Together, they point to the trends in housing approaches that began with
examining specific housing models, such as half-way houses and group
homes (Carpenter 1978; Colten 1979; Rog and Raush 1975) and gradually
shifting to look at other models of supportive housing--with both
on-site and off-site staffing supports. They also included a comparison
of those models that provided housing alone or with supports and then
began to define the nature and extent of supports necessary for housing
stability (Parkinson, Nelson, and Horgan 1999). Studies of cost
effectiveness quickly established the fiscal wisdom of these approaches
(Rosenheck 2000). However, all assumed a homogeneity of housing needs
and preferences among those disabled by a mental illness and most
retained a model of housing plus treatment (Allen 2003).
Types of Available and Acceptable Housing Models
Traditionally, the institution-community interface has been
conceptualized using a "Continuum of Care" (COC) model,
whereby people diagnosed with a mental illness are expected to pass
through successive stages of accommodation (from the street or
institutional living to permanent supportive housing) (Brown 2005;
Depla, De Graaf, and Heeren 2006; Elliott, Taylor, and Kearns 1990;
Hanrahan et al. 2001; Lehman et al. 1997). In this model, therapeutic
services may be provided on-site by live-in or day-time staff, or at
local and central treatment and day rehabilitation programs. We found 81
articles published between 1980 and 2009 that dealt with this model. The
COC, also known as the rehabilitation model, includes group homes,
boarding homes, community residences, dedicated apartment buildings and
scatter-site supervised apartments. At each stage, clients must
demonstrate 'housing readiness', which generally includes
demonstrating "activities of daily living" (ADL) skills,
maintaining sobriety, and complying with psychiatric treatment. It has
been suggested that the COC model may violate human rights (Allen 1996).
More recently this model has fallen out of favour as numerous studies
support consumer preference and choice, and the finding that the
unlinking of housing and treatment is associated with superior outcomes
in housing stability.
The prime example of the model uncoupling housing and treatment is
exemplified by "Housing First" (HF) initiatives, a housing
approach that has gained rapid popularity in the last decade. The HF
model rejects the logic of housing readiness in the COC model, instead
promoting the position that stable housing is, for many people diagnosed
with a mental illness, a precondition to participating successfully in
psychiatric treatment and dealing with addictions and that housing
choice be a component of this approach (Tsemberis, Gulcur, and Nakae
2004). Concomitantly, research reports have also highlighted the growing
demand of consumers to have choice and control over their housing
(Greenwood et al. 2005; Nelson, Aubry, and LaFrance 2007), and this
converges with HF program philosophies. Consumer preference has been
underscored by the growing acceptance of recovery principles as
foundational to treatment and housing programs (Everett et al. 2003;
Davidson et al. 2005) and the increasing demand for greater housing
options and housing independence.
In the rush to enthusiastically embrace the HF model of community
tenure that empowers people, supports recovery, and acknowledges
individual choice and the right to housing, the issue of necessary
supports to maintain housing is often overlooked. The HF approach
includes built-in supports and the availability of an Assertive
Community Treatment (ACT) team to mitigate against relapse and prevent
hospitalization. The required connection with an ACT team continues the
relationship of housing and treatment that may be viewed as coercive
(Allen 2003), but may be a necessary compromise to prevent symptom
return and re-hospitalization and/or housing loss.
While HF may be viewed as a program philosophy as well as a method
for prioritizing services, an additional, complementary model that
addresses the multiple needs of those diagnosed with a mental illness is
described as the Housing Stability Model (HSM). It responds to the
housing literature that suggests there are multiple domains which need
to be addressed in the quest for housing stability for those with mental
health disabilities. The HSM has been described as containing three
elements: person, housing, and support influenced by broader systems
dynamics (Sylvestre, Ollenberg, and Trainor 2009). This model does not
take into account the importance of broad policy movement that
determines housing availability. Reports on housing and homelessness in
Canada highlight the pivotal role that government withdrawal from
housing supports has had on the country's homeless crisis (Laird
2007). An excellent example is the change in social housing supports in
Alberta in the last two years that has contributed to a noticeable
reduction in homelessness (Calgary Homeless Foundation 2010). Thus we
suggest that the HSM, which is generic for all homeless and precariously
housed persons, should encompass four interactive components that
mutually reinforce each other: person, housing, support, and
agency/system, and that foundational values underpinning this model are
predicated on HF principles.
Housing Policies and Reports
Housing policy is a critical component to the success of the
Housing Stability Model because without relevant policy in place, the
delivery of appropriate, adequate, and acceptable supports may be
compromised. Focussed studies, evaluations, and reports on housing for
people living with a mental illness, and the homeless mentally ill have
been commissioned by many provinces and U.S. states as well as municipal
and regional authorities in the UK and Australia. We included a review
of some of the most comprehensive work since it represents an
informative look at how public policy has been informed and shaped by
these commissioned studies. This combination of grey and academic
literature on housing the mentally ill has grown exponentially, with 22
reports captured prior to 1999 and over 35 in the last 7 years. It
reflects a growing concern with the overall problem of homelessness,
which recently has subsumed issues of housing for people living with a
mental illness. The tendency to place the mentally ill as a special
population of the overall homeless group has at times obscured the
unique needs among this diverse group of people.
Early housing policy regarding the mentally ill, in response to the
deinstitutionalization movement, was concerned with provision of
community care and treatment (Carling 1992) and the rights of the
mentally ill to be housed in the least restrictive settings. By 1993 the
focus had begun to shift to the type of housing that should be provided,
indicating that this housing should be coupled with appropriate supports
(Alberta Health Mental Health Division 1993). Recommendations for
housing with supports came from diverse and widespread directions
(Alberta Health Mental Health Division 1993, Kirby and Keon 2006,
National Resource Center on Homelessness and Mental Illness Policy
Research Associates Inc. 1993, National Association of State Mental
Health Program Directors 1996).
Since 1999 the policy debate has shifted to an emphasis on the
types of supportive housing most appropriate for this population and
whether the housing should be contingent on, or in addition to, various
forms of treatment or case plan compliance. Most of the housing policy
debate has centred on various forms of custodial or rehabilitative care
in the community versus providing housing first and adding support
services on an as needed and as requested basis (Hall, Nelson, and Smith
Fowler 1987). Some advocates have suggested that community care and
rehabilitation models are, for the most part, coercive and compromise
the freedoms and rights of individuals (Stickley, Hitchcock, and Bertram
2005). While a strong case against the coercive practices that deny
individual freedoms has been put forward by Allen (1996) and Weisberg
(1994) it has not yet been subject to court challenge or legislative
change in either Canada or the United States. Reports indicate that the
province of Ontario has come closest to ensuring a housing first policy
for those diagnosed with a mental illness (Weisberg 1994).
In Canada, the most important contemporary development in the
entire field of mental health policy and service delivery has been, as a
result of the Kirby Report (Kirby and Keon 2006), the establishment of
the Mental Health Commission of Canada; which has a broad mandate to
develop policy recommendations, develop an anti-stigma campaign, and
conduct a broad-based housing intervention project that includes a
longitudinal (5 year) approach examining the efficacy and effectiveness
of a housing first approach across multiple cities with distinctive
populations reflective of the Canadian mosaic (Mental Health Commission
of Canada 2010).
The Context for Social Housing and Housing for the Mentally Ill in
Canada
In Canada, responsibility for housing is not legislated at the
federal, provincial, or local levels. While there were initially some
social housing initiatives, for the last 20 years social housing in
Canada has been a neglected step-child of federal initiatives and many
provincial efforts. In the mid 1980's the federal government cut
back on social housing programs and, with the exception of Quebec, most
provinces did not address the vacuum that this shift in policy created.
By 1993 the annual growth of federal sponsorship had been reduced to
zero (Hulchanski and Network 2002).
Provincial responses to this have been uneven, with some provinces
such as Ontario developing a Ministry of Housing and making a commitment
to gradually include all low income persons, regardless of disability,
as eligible for social housing. In the wake of demand to deal with a
growing homeless population, Alberta has recently renewed its commitment
to some housing supports and rental supplements and established a
housing ministry. Local responsibility for housing has also been
influenced by provincial supports, or lack thereof, with most cities
reluctant to supply anything other than acutely needed emergency
shelters, primarily for homeless individuals. The net result is an
uneven distribution of housing programs and resources across the country
(Hulchanski 2003). The mentally ill, disadvantaged by the disabling
nature of most serious mental health conditions, have especially been
negatively impacted. While recent funding from the Homelessness
Partnering Strategy, and its predecessor the National Homelessness
Initiative, have made some development funds available from federal
sources, the amounts allocated are minimal compared to the needs
(Government of Canada 2009). Furthermore, these funds are subject to the
political will of the party in power and may not necessarily survive
with a change in leadership.
The Province of Ontario was a notable exception to the prevailing
trends to demand treatment compliance, a case plan, and alcohol
abstinence for those discharged from institutions and housed in the
community. It determined, in the late 1980's, that persons
diagnosed with a mental illness should be afforded social housing
without treatment or behavioural demands (Weisberg 1994). This has led
to a fairly extensive HF program in Ontario that places individuals
directly into apartments of their choosing, with support services
provided by a local NGO. The Ontario approach has not been
well-documented although it has been in place longer than the Pathways
HF program in New York, and thus has a considerably longer record of
keeping people stably housed.
With the exception of Ontario, in Canada a large proportion of
housing spaces available for people diagnosed with a mental illness
continue to be in the custodial model (Dorvil et al. 2005; Nelson, Aubry
and LaFrance 2007; Trainor, Pomeroy and Pape 1999), even though
accommodation of this type does not provide care in line with current
best practices and the needs of consumers. While these room and board
and group home residences may be most appropriate for those who require
support for every day basic care, there is little research evidence to
determine who comprises this group of extremely needy and disabled
persons, The result is a lack of triage into the most appropriate level
of independence and choice in housing. While alternative housing models,
emphasizing the rehabilitation model, skills training, and community
integration, are gaining prominence in Canada, these approaches
perpetuate the "treatment plus housing" approach that is
unacceptable to the vast majority of persons diagnosed with a mental
illness.
Literature gaps
While the focus of the literature has moved towards greater
community integration and less coercive housing options, there are a
number of contemporary issues that have emerged as neglected areas of
research focus and public policy. Significantly, a number of critical
sub-populations have received little attention despite their unique
housing needs. Simultaneously, the literature lacks consistent and
adequate descriptions of housing programs and philosophies. This makes
it difficult for researchers and service providers to compare, evaluate,
and provide the most adequate and appropriate housing options. The HF
literature suggests that even those with persistent disabling
psychiatric symptoms can be housed with intensive supports (Padgett,
Gulcur, and Tsemberis 2006), although the evidence for this is not
available, especially for that cohort who continues to actively engage
in significant abuse of substances such as cocaine and its derivatives
(Kertesz et al. 2009).
The hard to house
While the housing needs of a vast majority of those diagnosed with
a mental illness can be addressed by the HF model, there is an
additional, smaller, but distinct group of people whose mental illness
is so disabling that they are not able to be self-sufficient even though
they may not require the intensive treatment of an inpatient psychiatric
unit. This cohort, distinct from those who are chronically mentally ill,
homeless and unable to keep their housing, are sometimes referred to as
the "hard-to-house" because of the inability to stabilize the
mental health symptoms. Their issues are not of compliance to treatment
(Vuckovich 2010) but efficacy of medication regimes (Stroup et al.
2003). Not everyone responds adequately to psychotropic medication, and
thus some continue to be symptomatic and a management challenge
(Robinson et al. 1999). Many have concomitant physical disorders and
some are physically disabled (Hansen et al. 2002). The literature makes
scant mention of this sub-group, despite the fact that they require
substantial resources, both physical and financial (O'Malley and
Croucher 2003). Current housing programs are not equipped to handle
their special needs and often they are precluded from other
accommodations for the physically disabled.
Some studies suggest that some "hard to house"
individuals can be successfully accommodated in a variety of alternative
settings; for example, specialized boarding homes and hostels where
there are varying degrees of support services and personnel available to
meet basic daily needs and, for some, to provide supervision (Lesage et
al. 2003). Approved boarding homes which house one to three adults in a
family setting provide a type of "family care" that meets the
needs of some highly dependent and marginally functional individuals
(Puller and Hubbard 2001). This is in contrast to the large scale
"boarding homes" that arose in the early 1980's and
functioned as quasi-institutional warehouses and are no longer
considered acceptable accommodation (Torrey 1988). Some room and board
arrangements have been successfully employed in areas as diverse as the
UK, Australia, and Canada (among others) (Lesage et al. 2003). However,
these models are not well described, often not well supervised, in
danger of being a continuation of the older quasi-institutional boarding
home arrangements, and not equipped to accommodate those with
unremitting symptoms or additional physical disabilities.
One example of a different type of housing arrangement for high
needs individuals, a specialized form of nursing home care, was
identified in a housing needs assessment project in Calgary.
(Waegemakers Schiff, Schneider, and Schiff 2007). In this facility,
adults ranging in age from their early 30's to over 65 with severe
psychiatric symptoms and co-morbid serious physical conditions were
under the care of a specially trained multidisciplinary staff. As an
alternative to placement in a general nursing home geared towards the
infirm elderly, this facility provided a more sensitive and treatment
appropriate mental health environment for residents. As evidenced in
this facility, the sub-group of high needs individuals will require
supervised, sheltered accommodation which may include, in some
instances, continued treatment approaches that supplement those
initiated in inpatient units. There is currently a lack of exploration
of this type of highly specialized unit for the most severely disabled,
which should parallel similar programs for the physically and
developmentally disabled.
Those who are ageing and have mental illness disabilities
People are living longer, and that includes an increased life-span
for those with disabling mental illness. The mental health literature
does not make frequent reference to an increasingly elderly population
who have grown up in the community, and may have been living in
supportive community housing, but who now face challenges associated
with ageing. Surveys that try to determine the prevalence of mental
illness and treatment seeking often do not include those over the age of
55 (Kessler et al. 2001), and studies that focus on the elderly, when
not concerned with dementia, look primarily at depression with late life
onset. Community housing alternatives for a variety of sub-groups such
as women, people with dependents and those with co-occurring substance
abuse, may purposefully exclude older adults with life-long disabling
mental illnesses (Galaway et al. 1992).
The few articles that do look at later in life community care for
this distinct but growing group of people have tackled a number of
themes: challenges of those with mental health issues in seniors'
residences (Robison et al. 2009); formal and informal supports for those
living in the community (Kropf and Cummings 2009); and the elderly
homeless (Lipmann 2009). Several investigators have begun to examine the
dimensions and outcomes of supportive housing in the community for
elderly persons with a disabling mental illness (Cummings 2009; Depla,
De Graaf, and Heeren 2006; Johnson et al. 2001; Sohng 1996; Johnson
2007). However, there is insufficient research that addresses the
challenges of those ageing in place in supportive housing that was
established for a younger cohort of residents and consequently has no
services for seniors, nor any staff trained in their unique physical and
activities of daily life needs. The option of moving into an assisted
living residence is often not available, either because no facilities
with rent supports exist or because of restrictive admission criteria.
While there is some evidence that seniors may require fewer psychiatric
services and more medically related services associated with ageing
(Abdul-Hamid et al. 2009), this has not had a positive impact on the
placement of the frail elderly with long-term psychiatric disabilities
in specialized care such as nursing homes (Lane 2010). Thus we face the
challenges of an increasing population of persons with long-term mental
health disabilities and lack of substantial information about how best
to provide for their housing and continuing care needs.
Canada's ethnic mosaic
Canadian studies that have examined housing and support needs for
those with a mental illness disability usually utilize the same generic
lens as the U.S. research. Thus we have little idea as to the extent to
which persons from different countries and cultures are willing to adopt
a North American view of individualized housing. Many cultures that are
family and multi-generation oriented in lifestyle value family
care-giving (Awadalla et al. 2005; Rungreangkulkij and Gilliss 2000;
Yamashita 1998), and have brought those values into their Canadian
lives, might prefer to live in multi-generational housing and include
extended family as members of the family unit. In China (Chang and
Horrocks 2006), Japan (Sono, Oshima, and Ito 2008), India (Lloyd et al.
2010), and most non-Western countries and Indigenous societies, persons
with a disabling mental illness are cared for within the family. These
values have migrated to Canada as our non-Western population has
substantially increased. While the newly created Mental Health
Commission has recently released a report on the mental health needs of
immigrant, refugee, ethno-cultural and racialized groups (IRER), housing
is not specifically addressed, even though the literature suggests that
these groups are often marginally or precariously housed (Mental Health
Commission of Canada 2009). Additionally, we know little about what are
culturally appropriate housing and support needs for these persons and
their caregivers.
Equally underserved are Aboriginal persons living with a mental
illness. Literature on Aboriginal mental health concentrates on endemic
issues of depression, substance abuse, and suicide but rarely mentions
disabilities created by psychotic, mood (bi-polar), or extreme anxiety
disorders, and supportive housing has not been part of the discussion.
The needs of Canadian Aboriginal people are also not included in the
IRER groups discussed by the Mental Health Commission. As in many
Indigenous cultures, values strongly endorse living with the nuclear
and/ or extended family. Where there is family dislocation and
dysfunction alternative housing may be required, yet nothing has been
written about the development or availability of culturally appropriate
housing for an Aboriginal person who needs supportive housing but cannot
live within the family (Tutty et al. 2009). Sadly, most programs do not
have the awareness or staff trained to be sensitive to important
culturally appropriate practices (such as smudging ceremonies) that are
part of Aboriginal life at home, but may infringe on "no
smoking" housing policies. A comprehensive review of the literature
indicates that it is devoid of examining culturally appropriate housing
and supports for Aboriginal persons disabled by a serious mental illness
(Tutty et al. 2009).
Other neglected subgroups
Those with a criminal record who also have a mental health
disability are often excluded from housing programs, yet there is little
evidence of what types of housing supports work best for this population
(Adair et al. 2007), and nothing to refute the assertion that HF
approaches are equally applicable to them. Yet many emerging from the
justice system have a past history of substance abuse and there is a
strong question as to whether an HF unstructured environment may lead to
relapse (Kertesz et al. 2009)
This review found that most housing studies, in all of the
countries from which reports are available, focus on the urban
population: those living near or in large metropolitan areas. With one
exception (Grigg et al. 2005), we were unable to locate studies that
explored the needs, preferences, or types of housing available to
individuals in small towns and rural communities. This issue is of
importance since rural communities often lack apartment-style
accommodation.
Most housing programs also appear to target single adults, and make
no reference to couples or parents who have been diagnosed with a mental
illness and also have dependent children. With most people disabled by a
mental illness living in community settings, and often with symptoms
sufficiently under control to be actively involved in significant
relationships, the number of people choosing to live with a significant
other, and to have children, will increase. Although there are housing
programs in Toronto that report accommodating couples and families in
Ontario, they have not been the focus of research activities and thus
what is known about them comes from anecdotal evidence and preliminary
investigations from an unpublished research project. With mental illness
now treated primarily in the community we can expect to see these
sub-populations growing and their needs for specific accommodation and
support services recognized.
Other significant gaps
Apart from special populations, another noticeable deficit in this
housing literature is the under-reporting and lack of reporting of
program descriptions. Program evaluations are often restricted to
reporting of outcomes without an examination of the process of housing.
This includes program philosophy and staffing models. There does not
appear to be a template for reporting on these programs. This makes it
difficult to impossible to ascertain if the research is reporting on
programs that fit the linear, continuum of care, or a supported housing
model. Furthermore, these research reports lack sufficient detail to
assist other providers interested in establishing housing programs to
determine the components essential for acceptable, effective, and
efficacious housing.
Conclusion
Approaches to community housing for persons with a mental illness
disability have changed dramatically over the last 40 years. They no
longer include the high level of paternalism and medicalization of
supports and housing that existed in the early days of
deinstitutionalization. However, research has relied on mental illness
diagnosis, sex, and age as the key factors in evaluating housing
programs and has given little attention to additional critical variables
that reflect diversity in an increasingly complex society.
Despite the significant volume of research on various housing
models and outcomes, there are some notable gaps in this literature.
Strikingly, in an era of multiculturalism and ethnic diversity, these
investigations have not addressed the question of whether ethnic or
cultural affiliation is related to housing preferences in location, or
configuration of housing and support services. In the context of
diversity, additional sub-populations also need to be considered. The
needs of the aged mentally ill have not been addressed nor have those
with multiple disabilities such as physical conditions that require
special accommodation, brain injury that might include mental health
problems, and speech or hearing difficulties. There is also scant
attention to appropriate housing for those diagnosed with a mental
illness who have been discharged from correctional facilities, are
living with their children or partner, or living in rural areas
(Montgomery et al. 2008).
Beyond the individual with a mental illness disability is the
challenge of understanding how these housing programs function--not
merely in organizational characteristics such as staff type, numbers,
level of training, and availability of support services, on or off-site.
Additional descriptors need to detail how organizational values and
practices, important components of service delivery (Glisson 2007;
Waegemakers Schiff 2001), are implemented in these housing models and to
what extent this impacts on the quality of life and personal
satisfaction of residents. This calls for further attention to program
evaluation studies that link philosophy and organizational design to
effectiveness studies. A template for these programs could assist
service delivery organizations and researchers by providing a framework
for determining the components essential for acceptable, effective, and
efficacious housing.
While we have come a long way in the evolution of humane housing
and supports for persons with mental illness, the review we conducted
suggests that we are now poised for a next generation of research. This
agenda should include the specifics of unique populations as well as
critical details of program and service delivery to assure that those
who are disabled with a mental illness are able to live with the same
degree of autonomy, individuality, and respect equal to all members of
civil society.
Acknowledgements
This research was funded by the Mental Health Housing Subcommittee
of the Calgary Homeless Foundation
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Rebecca Schiff
Justice Studies
University of Regina
Jeannette Waegemakers Schiff
Faculty of Social Work
Barbara Schneider
Faculty of Communication and Culture
University of Calgary