Justice deferred: Supreme Court lets agency fees stand.
Dunn, Joshua
Predicting how the U.S. Supreme Court will rule based on oral
arguments is a risky business, and that reality came into high relief
after Justice Antonin Scalia's unexpected passing in February.
After the January 11 arguments in Friedrichs v. California Teachers
Association, a majority of the justices were
clearly poised to overturn a 38-year-old mistake and eliminate one
of the most cherished powers of teachers unions--the authority to
confiscate money from nonmembers. But Scalia's death led to a split
decision, leaving the union's power intact, at least for now, and
raising the stakes in this year's presidential election.
In 1977, the court held in Abood v. Detroit Board of Education that
public employees could not be compelled to join a union but could be
forced to pay "agency" fees, AKA "fair-share" fees,
to help cover costs associated with collective bargaining. Unless all
workers were required to pay, union leaders argued, many nonmembers
would become "free riders" who didn't contribute their
fair share.
For teachers unions, Abood has been a financial windfall. In states
that allow agency fees, more than 90 percent of teachers join a union,
while only 68 percent join in states that don't. Since agency fees
cost a teacher nearly as much as union dues, many see little reason not
to join the union and get full membership benefits. As well, unions
impose opt-out policies requiring teachers to "affirmatively
decline" every year to support the political activities of the
union, which allows them to request a partial refund of their dues.
In 2013, California teacher Rebecca Friedrichs and eight others
filed suit contending that the mandatory fees violated their rights to
freedom of speech and association. To expedite the case, they asked the
Ninth Circuit Court to rule in favor of the union in hopes of sending
the case straight to the Supreme Court. Under existing precedents, the
plaintiffs pointed out, the union's case would probably hold, but
new rulings had called those precedents into question, making the
Supreme Court the only one that could adjudicate the teachers'
claims. The Ninth Circuit agreed, setting up a January showdown before
the Supreme Court.
At oral argument, the plaintiffs seemed to carry the day. Roberts,
Scalia, and Alito pointed out that the union's position rests on a
false assumption: that one can draw a clear line between the political
and nonpolitical activities of public-sector unions. Scalia contended
that one cannot, that "everything that is collectively bargained
with the government is within the political sphere." The only way
for unions to credibly claim they represent the interests of all
teachers is to assume that all teachers have the same preferences. But
the very existence of Friedrichs shows that to be false. Justice Kennedy
said that the "union is basically making these teachers compelled
riders for issues on which they strongly disagree." In short,
it's not a free ride if you never wanted the ride. It's more
like being clubbed in the head, tied up, and thrown in the union trunk.
Notably, the best evidence for the weakness of the union's position
came from the court's liberal bloc of Breyer, Sotomayor, Kagan, and
Ginsburg, who made little effort to dispute the plaintiffs First
Amendment arguments. Instead, those justices mainly argued that Abood
should be upheld because the case "was [decided] forty years
ago" and overturning such a "deeply entrenched" precedent
would be unsettling. Fundamental rights, however, do not normally yield
to that kind of utilitarian calculus, and hiding behind stare decisis
looked like weakness, not strength.
After oral argument, Friedrichs was set to become one of the most
significant cases of this term, but Scalia's death threw the
outcome into doubt and gave the union hope. That hope was confirmed in
March, when the court issued a per curiam decision, saying, "The
judgment is affirmed by an equally divided Court." Despite this
decision, the future of Friedrichs remains uncertain. The court's
judgment leaves the Ninth Circuit ruling in place, but it has no
precedential value. Once the court has a full complement of members, the
plaintiffs will ask the court to rehear the case. Since Scalia's
replacement is unlikely to be confirmed until after the election, it
looks like the new president will be the one who determines the final
fate of agency fees and teachers' First Amendment rights.
by JOSHUA DUNN
Joshua Dunn is associate professor of political science at the
University of Colorado-Colorado Springs. feature