Reaping the whirlwind: union victory on tenure may be short-lived.
Dunn, Joshua
Vergara v. California, a 2012 lawsuit that challenged the
state's teacher-tenure laws, terrified teachers unions when it was
filed. In April 2016, to the unions' relief, they won a victory in
the case. But that victory is likely to be Pyrrhic. Copycat cases have
already been filed in New York and Minnesota that have a much better
chance of success, and lawsuits in other states are sure to follow.
Ironically, these cases will rely on the same political strategy and
legal reasoning that unions have enthusiastically supported in
school-finance cases around the country. Having sown the legal wind, the
unions will now reap the litigation whirlwind.
Taking a page from the school-finance advocates' book, the
Vergara plaintiffs concocted a clever but dubious constitutional
rationale against the tenure laws. They contended that California's
brief 18-month window for awarding tenure, onerous teacher-dismissal
policies, and last-in, first-out requirements adversely affected
minority students. This alleged "disparate impact," they
claimed, violated the state constitution's equal protection clause.
The unions suffered an embarrassing defeat when the plaintiffs won at
trial--but the judge's ruling was heavy on political rhetoric and
light on legal reasoning (see "Script Doctors," legal beat,
Fall 2014). As a result, while unions took a public relations hit, they
seemed to be equipped with a strong argument for an appeal.
That was confirmed in April when a California appellate court
overturned the trial judge. The problem with the plaintiffs'
argument, according to the court, was that it did not prove that the
statutes in question disproportionately harmed a particular class of
children. Instead, the plaintiffs only showed that the teacher-tenure
protections potentially harmed all students. Winning because you might
harm all children, not just some, is not exactly a resounding victory,
but the unions were happy to take it.
Yet their celebration over the ruling could come to an abrupt end
when the copycat lawsuits in New York and Minnesota are decided.
Smoothing the plaintiffs' way in Davids v. New York is the 1995
decision in Campaign for Fiscal Equity (CFE) v. New York, a long-running
constitutional challenge that contended that the state was failing to
adequately fund New York City schools. The case became one of the
nation's most successful educational-adequacy lawsuits when New
York's highest court, the Court of Appeals, ruled that the state
constitution's spare education clause guaranteed a "sound
basic education" to every child.
Thus, in contrast to Vergara, in which the plaintiffs had to prove
that teacher-employment statutes harm a discrete class of students, the
New York plaintiffs only have to show that the policies deprive some
students of a sound basic education, which CFE defined as "not
merely skills, but skills fashioned to meet a practical goal: meaningful
participation in contemporary society." As evidence continues to
accumulate that teachers are the most important school-based influence
on student achievement, the plaintiffs should find it easy to satisfy
this extremely broad standard. Hence, CFE, which the unions
enthusiastically supported, created a legal superhighway for the Davids
plaintiffs to travel.
In Forslund v. Minnesota, the plaintiffs are relying on the state
constitution's requirement that the legislature provide for a
"thorough and uniform" education. As in the New York case,
their arguments closely follow the reasoning of adequacy lawsuits from
around the country. According to adequacy advocates, vague clauses like
"thorough and uniform" actually contain divinable standards
that courts can compel the legislature to meet. Compared to proving that
schools' problems stem from inadequate funding, showing that
tenure, dismissal, and last-in, first-out policies harm children should
be easy.
But even if the lawsuits do not ultimately succeed, the discovery
process is likely to create a public relations nightmare for unions.
That process will allow the lawsuits' supporters to publicize
embarrassing facts about incompetent teachers protected by tenure and
generate momentum for reform in the legislature. Unions will, of course,
object to the use of litigation for political purposes, but that has
been the strategy of school-finance litigants for decades: use a lawsuit
to pressure the legislature to cave in to your demands.
In California, Vergara has certainly generated a torrent of bad
coverage for teachers unions. When the union had to defend policies that
protected teachers who spelled magician as "magition" and
truth as "thruth," the editorial pages of the Sacramento Bee,
the San Francisco Chronicle, and the Los Angeles Times all came out for
reform. With the Vergara plaintiffs' recent appeal to the state
Supreme Court, those unpleasant facts will stay in the news even longer.
Even if the unions win in court, they're likely to lose in the
court of public opinion.
BY JOSHUA DUNN
Joshua Dunn is associate professor of political science at the
University of Colorado-Colorado Springs.