Wrong diagnosis on homework help from parents: authors find correlation, mistake it for causation.
Greene, Jay P.
The Broken Compass: Parental Involvement with Children's
Education
by Keith Robinson and Angel L. Harris
Harvard University Press, 2013, $45.00; 322 pages.
"Don't help your kids with their homework," declares
a recent Atlantic Magazine article by education reporter phenom Dana
Goldstein. "Most measurable forms of parental involvement seem to
yield few academic dividends for kids, or even to backfire--regardless
of a parent's race, class, or level of education." How does
Goldstein know this? Her article relies on a new book, The Broken
Compass: Parental Involvement with Children's Education, by
sociologists Keith Robinson and Angel L. Harris of the University of
Texas and Duke, respectively. Robinson and Harris examine 63 different
measures of parental involvement in their children's education.
They look at things like whether parents say they communicated with
teachers or administrators, observed classrooms, helped pick classes and
do homework together, established rules and consequences for grades and
homework, and volunteered at school. In general, they find that parental
involvement does not boost students' academic achievement. In fact,
their analyses usually show that parental involvement is harmful. To
"control" for the influence of background characteristics,
they report results separately for parents of different levels of
income, educational attainment, and race.
[ILLUSTRATION OMITTED]
Demonstrating that most forms of parental involvement are not only
not helpful but sometimes counterproductive for student academic
achievement would be a remarkable and counterintuitive finding. But, on
close inspection, Robinson and Harris's analyses do not demonstrate
anything of the sort. They simply observe that students who are
struggling to make progress in school also have parents who report being
more involved in their children's education. It is quite possible,
perhaps even likely, that Robinson and Harris have confused the
direction of causation in their correlational analyses. That is,
Robinson and Harris's book might simply be demonstrating that
parents become more involved in their children's education when
those children are failing to make good progress. Lack of academic
progress might very well be causing parental involvement, not the other
way around.
If it feels as if this point about confusing the direction of
causation is just nit-picking, imagine I have a new set of analyses
claiming to show that hospitals fail to help improve people's
health. Indeed, my analyses show that people who are hospitalized tend
to have worse health outcomes. Without having actually done the
analyses, I am quite confident that a regression would show
hospitalization having a negative effect on health. I am confident that
this negative result would hold even if I reported results broken out by
the pre-existence of illnesses. I am sure that among people with heart
conditions, for example, those who are hospitalized die at higher rates
than those who are not.
The obvious problems with my hypothetical hospital analyses are the
same as those afflicting Robinson and Harris's analyses of parental
involvement. People may seek hospital care because they are having more
serious health problems, just like parents may become more involved when
their children are struggling academically. Hospitals are probably not
any more dangerous to your health than parental involvement is to
student learning.
The strangest thing about The Broken Compass is that the authors
appear entirely unaware of their inability to prove that parental
involvement causes flat or negative trends in student achievement. They
run one regression after another, never considering, let alone
addressing, the fact that these correlational analyses do not establish
causation. Taking into account prior student achievement, as well as
parental race, income, and educational levels, does not solve this
problem.
Doing so just shows that, regardless of family background, parental
involvement and student academic progress are inversely correlated: the
worse the student's change in achievement, the greater the parent
involvement and vice versa. The fact that their research spans three
decades of longitudinal data sets with 63 different measures of parental
engagement also does not solve their inability to establish causation. A
larger and more extensive longitudinal study based on correlations is no
more convincing than a small and short-term one. It's the wrong
kind of analysis no matter its scale.
Social science has made enormous progress over the last few decades
in finding ways to isolate causation. Researchers are conducting more
experiments, as well as using techniques like instrumental variables and
regression discontinuity that simulate experiments. Those methods could
be used to study the effects of parental involvement. Robinson and
Harris could have randomly assigned parents to receive training or
incentives to increase their involvement and then compared the academic
progress of their children to the progress of children whose parents did
not receive that training or those incentives. They could have found
some naturally occurring experiment that altered the ability of some
parents to be involved. They could have at least acknowledged the
problem with establishing causation and properly cautioned readers not
to draw overly strong conclusions. But the authors of The Broken Compass
do none of these things.
After examining more than 300 pages of The Broken Compass with its
dozens of regressions and charts, I know no more about the causal
relationship between parental involvement and academic progress than I
did before. If the purpose of The Broken Compass were simply to raise
questions about this inverse correlation, it might be a fine book. But
when the authors and unthinking reporters use it to recommend that
parents stop helping kids with homework, they are being irresponsible,
no less so than advising sick people to avoid hospitals because they
tend to kill you.
As reviewed by Jay P. Greene
Jay P. Greene is professor of education reform at the University of
Arkansas.