Learning from live theater: students realize gains in knowledge, tolerance, and more.
Greene, Jay P.
AS SCHOOLS NARROW THEIR FOCUS on improving performance on math and
reading standardized tests, they have greater difficulty justifying
taking students out of the classroom for experiences that are not
related to improving those test scores. Schools are either attending
fewer field trips or shifting toward field trips to places they know
students already enjoy. When testing is over, schools are often inclined
to take students on "reward" field trips to places like
amusement parks, bowling alleys, and movie theaters.
The nature of culturally enriching field trips is that they are
often to places that students don't yet know they might enjoy. In a
previous study, we examined the impact of field trips to an art museum.
We found significant benefits in the form of knowledge, future cultural
consumption, tolerance, historical empathy, and critical thinking for
students assigned by lottery to visit Crystal Bridges Museum of American
Art (see "The Educational Value of Field Trips," research,
Winter 2014). In the current study, we examine the impact of assigning
student groups by lottery to see high-qullity theater productions of
Hamlet or A Christmas Carol. This is the first randomized experiment to
discover what students get out of seeing live theater. Our results are
generally similar to those found in the previous study. Culturally
enriching field trips have significant educational benefits for students
whether they are to see an art museum or live theater. Among students
assigned by lottery to see live theater, we find enhanced knowledge of
the plot and vocabulary in those plays, greater tolerance, and improved
ability to read the emotions of others.
Our goal in pursuing research on the effects of culturally
enriching field trips is to broaden the types of measures that education
researchers, and in turn policymakers and practitioners, consider when
judging the educational success or failure of schools. It requires
significantly greater effort to collect new measures than to rely solely
on state-provided math and reading tests, but we believe that this
effort is worthwhile. By broadening the measures used to assess
educational outcomes, we can also learn what role, if any, cultural
institutions may play in producing those outcomes.
Research Design
The opportunity to study the effects on students of seeing live
theater arose as part of a collaboration with TheatreSquared, an
award-winning professional theater in Fayetteville, Arkansas.
TheatreSquared agreed to add matinee performances of A Christmas Carol
and Hamlet, and school groups in grades 7 through 12 were offered the
opportunity to receive free tickets to one of those performances. A
total of 49 school groups, with 670 students, completed the application
process and participated in the study. Twenty-four of those groups
applied to see A Christmas Carol, and 25 applied to see Hamlet.
Applicants were organized into 24 matched groupings based on their
similarity in terms of grade level, demographics, and whether they
comprised a drama, English, or some other type of class. Lotteries were
held within each of those matched groupings to determine which groups
would receive the free tickets to see a play and which would serve as
the control group. A total of 22 school groups attended one of the
performances, and 27 were in the control group. As one would hope from a
lottery-based research design, the resulting treatment- and
control-group students are generally alike in terms of gender, race, and
the grade in which they are enrolled.
During the winter and spring of the 2013-14 school year, surveys
were administered by members of the research team to 330 treatment- and
340 control-group students. The information was collected from each
matched grouping on average 47 days after the treatment students in that
matched grouping saw the play. Of the students who completed the consent
forms necessary to participate in the study, we collected surveys from
78 percent in the treatment group and from 79 percent of students in the
control group.
The survey collected background information on students as well as
a number of important outcomes. Each survey contained a series of items
to assess student knowledge of the plot and vocabulary used in the
plays. There were also several items to measure student tolerance as
well as student interest in viewing and participating in live theater.
We also employed a measure known as the Reading the Mind in the
Eyes Test (RMET), which captures the ability to infer what other people
are thinking or feeling by looking at their eyes. The test was developed
by British psychologist Simon Baron-Cohen and his colleagues as a tool
for studying theory of mind, particularly for people with autism. It is
now widely used by researchers interested in studying theory of mind and
empathy for people developing typically, as well as for those with
autism. Researchers using RMET have found that reading literary fiction
or engaging in theatrical role-playing enhances people's ability to
read the emotions of others. We suspected that watching live theater
might have a similar effect and decided to include RMET in our survey.
The version of RMET we employed was developed for use with adolescents
and has 28 photographs cropped to show only people's eyes. Subjects
are asked to pick one of four words that best describes what the
photographed person is thinking or feeling.
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All of the scales used to measure student knowledge about the
plays, tolerance, ability to read the emotions of others, as well as
interest in watching or participating in live theater, are either
established or were validated with conventional tests of scale
construction. All of the results reported below are based on analyses
that control for student grade level, gender, and minority status, and
compare students only within each matched grouping, while taking into
account the fact that students within a given group are likely to be
similar in ways that we are unable to observe.
Knowledge
Among students who are assigned by lottery to see live theater,
knowledge of the plots of those plays as well as the vocabulary used in
those productions is significantly enhanced, above and beyond what they
learn by reading those works or by seeing film versions (see Figure 1).
Gains from Live Theater (Fig 1)
Students who see live theater become more knowledgeable of the plot
and vocabulary of the plays, more tolerant, and better able to read
the emotions of others.
Knowledge Tolerance Reading other
people's
emotions
Eftect of theater field trip 63** 26** 23**
Effect adlusted for having read 58** 31** 21*
or watched a movie of the play
* Effect is statistically significant at the 90% confidence level
** Effect Is statistically significant at the 95% confidence level
Source: Authors' ca1cuIatuns
For each play we asked students six questions about the plot and
five questions about the vocabulary used. We combined those 11 items
into a single scale measuring a student's knowledge of the plays.
Students assigned by lottery to see the live productions improved their
knowledge of those plays by 63 percent of a standard deviation, a
dramatic increase.
It may be easier for readers to grasp the nature and magnitude of
this knowledge result by describing some of the changes produced on some
of the individual plot and vocabulary questions we asked. For example,
we asked Hamlet students, "Who are Rosencrantz and
Guildenstern?" and 83 percent of the students who were assigned by
lottery to see the play could correctly identify them as Hamlet's
friends, compared to 45 percent of the control group. Of the students
who saw A Christmas Carol, 88 percent could correctly identify Jacob
Marley as Ebenezer Scrooge's deceased business partner, compared to
66 percent of the control group. More than 94 percent of the treatment
group knew that Ophelia drowns in Hamlet, compared to 62 percent of the
control group. Of those who saw A Christmas Carol, 93 percent knew that
humbug meant "nonsense or a trick" compared to 62 percent of
the control group, and 66 percent knew that destitute meant "very
poor," compared to 50 percent of the control group. And 71 percent
of students who saw Hamlet knew that idle meant "not working,
active, or being used," compared to 61 percent of the control
group.
Even the control-group students did much better than chance in
picking the correct answer out of four multiple-choice options for each
question. Our sample contained a large number of drama and Advanced
Placement (AP) English students, whose knowledge of the plots and
vocabulary from these plays may have been relatively high even without
seeing a live production. But another possible explanation for the
relatively high amount of knowledge among the control group is that
almost one-quarter of them had read Hamlet or A Christmas Carol or
watched movie versions of those stories for school that year. An even
higher rate of the treatment groups, 52 percent, reported having read or
watched movies of Hamlet or A Christmas Carol for school that year.
Teachers who knew their students would attend the play were almost twice
as likely to assign students to read or watch movies to prepare for the
theater field trip.
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This raises the question of whether treatment-group students
acquired so much knowledge about the plays because they saw the live
theater performances or because they had been prepared by reading and
watching movies. Of course, student groups were not randomly assigned to
read or watch the movies, so we can't have the same confidence in
identifying causal relationships, but we can use information about
reading and watching movies to try to separate the extent to which the
benefits we observed were produced by seeing a live theater production,
or by having read and watched movies of those same works in school.
It is very clear that reading or watching movies of Hamlet and A
Christmas Carol cannot account for the increase in knowledge students
experienced by winning the lottery to see the plays. Even when we
control for watching the movie or reading the material for school, the
estimated effect of winning the lottery to see the plays remains
basically unchanged, producing an effect size of 58 percent of a
standard deviation for the treatment group on knowledge of the plot and
vocabulary of the plays. Students who were assigned to read Hamlet or A
Christmas Carol did no better on tests of their knowledge of the plays
than did other students. Watching the movies for school is associated
with about half of the benefit (30 percent of a standard deviation) as
seeing the live theater performance. If teachers want students to learn
plays, it is much better for them to take students to a live theater
performance than to have them read the material or watch a movie. Plays
are taught best by seeing them performed live.
Tolerance
We hypothesized that culturally enriching field trips are
broadening experiences that expose students to a diverse world populated
with different people and ideas, making them more aware and accepting of
those differences. As part of the previous study in which we randomly
assigned school groups to tour an art museum on a field trip, we found a
significant increase in tolerance among students who toured the museum.
To test whether field trips to see live theater have a similar effect,
we utilized a scale that measures tolerance of others.
Students assigned by lottery to see A Christmas Carol or Hamlet
scored significantly higher on our tolerance measure than did the
control-group students. The difference is a little more than one-quarter
of a standard deviation (26 percent). To put this effect in context,
consider that students were asked the extent to which they agreed or
disagreed with the following statement: "Plays critical of America
should not be allowed to be performed in our community."
If students won the lottery and went on the field trip to see the
plays, only 9 percent agreed that plays critical of America should be
forbidden, compared to 21 percent of the control group. Students were
similarly asked the extent to which they agreed or disagreed with the
statement: "People who disagree with my point of view bother
me."
Only 22 percent of the treatment-group students agreed with that
statement, compared to 30 percent of the control group.
There is something about cultural experiences that seems to promote
tolerance. Is it possible that reading or watching movies of these
stories account for the benefit we observed? Again, we reanalyzed our
data controlling for students having been assigned to watch or read
these works for school. Students who read A Christmas Carol or Hamlet
for school were no more tolerant than students who had not done so, and
students who watched the movies were actually somewhat less tolerant.
Controlling for reading and watching movies strengthens slightly the
estimated benefit of seeing live theater on tolerance to an effect of 31
percent of a standard deviation.
If it is true that seeing live theater increaser tolerance, then
past theater exposure should also be positively related to tolerance. We
randomly assigned student to only this theater experience, not past
ones, so our confidence in making any causal claims about the effects of
past experiences should be lower. Nevertheless, it would support our
finding that being randomly assigned to see this show improved tolerance
if past theater experiences were also positively related.
We do not have a direct measure of the cumulative exposure students
have had to theater, but it is reasonable to assume that students who
are more interested in live theater have also had more exposure to it.
We did ask a series of items about students' interest in seeing
live theater. As we discuss below, attending a play had no impact on
interest in seeing live theater, so this measure is telling us about
differences in students' interest in live theater independent of
our experiment. When we modify our analysis to control for interest in
theater, the benefit of seeing A Christmas Carol or Hamlet does not
change much (22 percent of a standard deviation), but we do find that
interest in seeing theater (our proxy for past exposure) is strongly
related to tolerance. A one-standard-deviation increase in theater
interest is associated with an increase of 37 percent of a standard
deviation in tolerance. This evidence suggests the plausibility of our
finding that being randomly assigned to go on a field trip to see live
theater increases tolerance. We had a similar finding in our earlier
study of field trips to an art museum.
Reading Other People's Emotions
Seeing live theater may be particularly beneficial in teaching
students to recognize the emotions of others. Theater works best when
the actors effectively convey to the audience what their characters are
thinking and feeling. The intensity of that experience may provide the
audience with practice in reading emotions that is not normally found in
everyday experience. Some earlier research also suggested that literary
and acting interventions are effective at increasing people's
ability to read the emotions of others. We expected the same might be
true of the students seeing live theater in our experiment, so we
administered the youth version of the Reading the Mind in the Eyes Test
(RMET).
Students who won the lottery to go on a field trip to the theater
scored significantly higher on RMET than did the control group. Even the
control group scored fairly well on the test, correctly identifying the
emotions portrayed in the photographs of eyes 71 percent of the time.
But the students who saw A Christmas Carol or Hamlet could correctly
identify emotions 73.4 percent of the time. That translates into an
increase of almost one-quarter of a standard deviation (23 percent).
Having read or watched movies of these works, in contrast, was not
associated with students' ability to read the emotions of others.
And adding controls for reading or watching films of these works did not
substantially change the estimated effect of seeing the live
performances. The intensity and immediacy of live performance appears to
have conveyed this ability to recognize what other people are thinking
and feeling in a way that watching a movie or reading a text could not.
We collected the RMET measure, on average, 47 days after treatment,
which suggests more than a fleeting benefit. To test whether past
theater experiences are also positively related to the ability to read
the emotions of others, we ran another model controlling for interest in
seeing live theater as a proxy for the cumulative effect of past theater
exposure. Doing so does not change the estimated benefit of seeing A
Christmas Carol or Hamlet, but it does show that past theater experience
is also significantly and positively related to the ability to read the
emotions of others. A one-standard-deviation increase in interest in
live theater (as a proxy for past theater exposure) is associated with
an increase of 9 percent of a standard deviation in the RMET score.
While our proxy for past theater experiences was not randomly
assigned and cannot be used to make causal claims, the fact that past
theater is positively related to the ability to recognize emotions helps
confirm the plausibility of our finding. Seeing live theater seems to
teach students how to be better at reading other people's emotions,
a quite useful skill.
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Participation and Consumption
It is also important to note outcomes that we thought might be
affected by winning the lottery to see live theater but that produced no
significant effects. In particular, we suspected that seeing live
theater might inspire students to become more interested in either
participating in future theater productions or going to view them. We
found no evidence of this. Students who saw A Christmas Carol or Hamlet
were no different in their desire to participate in or view theater than
those who did not see a live performance.
The lack of an effect on student interest in viewing theater
differs from the findings from the art museum study. In the earlier
study, students who toured an art museum expressed significantly
stronger interest in future museum attendance and actually returned to
the museum at higher rates than did the control group. But on closer
examination, the results are not actually so different. The benefit in
the earlier field-trip study was concentrated in students who lacked
previous cultural experiences, specifically younger, rural, minority,
and low-income students as well as those who had not previously been to
the art museum. More-advantaged students showed no significant benefit
in the art museum study in terms of their interest in future museum
consumption. The subjects in the TheatreSquared study are similar to the
more-advantaged students in the art museum study. They are older, on
average in 9th grade, and many were in drama or AP English classes
(particularly for Hamlet, since that play is often read for AP English).
These students already had a fairly high prior exposure to live theater,
so it is possible that the marginal benefit of this one experience on
interest in theater consumption is not strong enough to be detectable.
Limitations
Several groups had to cancel their attendance of A Christmas Carol
because their schools were closed by snowstorms on the days of the
performances. In the results presented above, we have treated school
closures caused by weather as random events and reassigned those schools
that did not see the play to the control group. An alternative way to
handle these missed performances is to leave those students in the
treatment group, but to adjust the results for the fact that not all
treatment-group students actually attended the play as intended. Doing
so produces basically the same estimated effects, with the exception
that the effect of live theater on tolerance falls short of being
statistically significant. We provide these results and a more detailed
explanation for why they are not our preferred analysis in the
methodological appendix available on the Education Next website.
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Because the statistical power of this experiment is driven by the
number of school groups, not the number of individual students, we are
unable to conduct subgroup analyses to reveal how seeing a play may
differently affect subsets of students. For example, with our limited
number of school groups we cannot know whether minority students, female
students, younger students, low-income students, or rural students
receive different benefits from seeing live theater. Our ability to
conduct these subgroup analyses is further constrained by the relative
homogeneity of the students in our sample, with most being white and in
advanced classes. However, this homogeneity does improve the similarity
of students within our matched groupings, strengthening the overall
results.
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We are unable to say much about how A Christmas Carol and Hamlet
may have differed in their effects. Again, we have too few school
groups. Also, school groups chose the play for which they applied, so we
do not have the benefit of random assignment to make causal claims about
how the two plays may have differed in their effects.
Conclusion
Culturally enriching field trips matter. They produce significant
benefits for students on a variety of educational outcomes that schools
and communities care about. This experiment on the effects of field
trips to see live theater demonstrates that seeing plays is an effective
way to teach academic content; increases student tolerance by providing
exposure to a broader, more diverse world; and improves the ability of
students to recognize what other people are thinking or feeling. These
are significant benefits for students on specific educational outcomes
that schools pursue and communities respect. Especially when considered
alongside our previous experiment on field trips to art museums, this
research shows that schools can draw upon the cultural institutions in
their communities to assist in producing important educational outcomes.
Not all learning occurs most effectively within the walls of a school
building. Going on enriching field trips to cultural institutions makes
effective use of all of a community's resources for teaching
children.
Finally, this research helps demonstrate that schools produce
important educational outcomes other than those captured by math and
reading test scores, and that it is possible for researchers to collect
measures of those other outcomes. If what's measured is what
matters, then we need to measure more outcomes to expand the definition
of what matters in education.
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by JAY P. GREENE, COLLIN HITT, ANNE KRAYBILL, AND CARI A. BOGULSKI
Jay P. Greene is professor of education reform at the University of
Arkansas, where Collin Hitt and Anne Kraybill are doctoral students and
Carl A. Bogulski is a researcher.