Theory/policy: introduction.
Hafstein, Valdimar Tr. ; Thompson, Tok
As an interdisciplinary forum, Cultural Analysis interweaves and
overlaps a variety of vantage points on expressive and everyday culture.
This fifth volume stands at a crossroads where theory meets policy, and
where academic and public interests converge. The contributors come to
this intersection from the fields of folklore, anthropology, and
cultural studies. All these fields have been interdisciplinary highways
at one time or another, but they have also been torn by conflicts
between "applied" or "public sector" practitioners
and academic purists.
In the United States, the debate over the legitimacy of public
folklore began in the middle of the 20th century. In seeking to
establish the study of folklore as an autonomous academic discipline,
Richard M. Dorson, director of the Folklore Institute and first American
department of folklore at Indiana University, disparaged the
"application" and "popularization" of the field in
the public sphere (e.g., Dorson 1950, 1969; see also Bendix 1997,
188-194). Later, Dorson even went so far as to combat the creation of
the American Folklife Center at the Library of Congress (Bulger 2003).
The establishment of folklore in higher education in the latter half of
the century, however, produced far more experts in the field than could
hope to find academic positions. It has thus contributed to the
expansion and sophistication of public folklore practice in cultural
institutions and apparatuses, from museums to folklife festivals, and
from the offices of "city folklorists" to the Smithsonian
Center for Folklife and Cultural Heritage (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1988;
Baron and Spitzer 1992). Indeed, in spite of such tensions, the study of
folklore has longstanding ties to the government of social life, going
back at least to the 19th century, as an instrument for mapping
populations and for representing provincial peripheries to metropolitan
centers (Linke 1990; Noyes 1999).
The split between theory and public practice remains a leitmotif in
the discipline, however, though the two are certainly no longer as
bifurcated as they once were. In particular, questions of cultural
politics and representation have created common ground between
folklorists at universities, arts councils, museums, and various other
public and private agencies and institutions. This theoretical
reorientation has encouraged a reassessment of the division of labor in
the field and has helped to heal the split between academic and applied
traditions (Kirshenblatt-Gimblett 1988; cf. Baron 1999).
As Barbro Klein demonstrates in this volume, similar tensions
marked the development of the sibling discipline of folklife
studies/ethnology in Sweden, in that case between scholars oriented
towards social planning in the welfare state and those more concerned
with historical analysis or cultural critique. Indeed, such debates are
attested in various national disciplinary histories as well as those of
international forums. Thus, for example, ethnologist Bjarne Rogan has
brought to light how the International Society for Ethnology and
Folklore (SIEF) was born out of just such a creative tension between
theory and policy, first as a subsidiary body of the Comite
Internationale de Cooperation Intellectuelle (CICI) in Paris and of its
successor, UNESCO, but later got rid of the policy agenda and
refashioned itself as a "purely" academic organization (Rogan
2004). UNESCO, meanwhile, continues its ambitious cultural policy
programs, which both re-present and refashion local culture as Dorothy
Noyes reveals in her article here on "The Judgment of
Solomon," where she examines some effects of the
organization's efforts to safeguard "intangible cultural
heritage" and the work of its sister organization, the World
Intellectual Property Organization (WIPO) in the field of folklore and
traditional knowledge.
Anthropology, meanwhile, has perhaps made a smoother transition
into the acceptance of the applied realm. Maybe this stems from its
colonial past--after all, anthropology gained its institutionalized
beginnings precisely from its promise to enable policy planning. Whether
one considers the American Bureau of Ethnology (explicitly trying to
both understand and control restive Native American groups, as outlined
in the foundational report by its founder, John Wesley Powell, "The
Need of Studying the Indian in Order to Teach Him" [1869]), or
British social anthropology's emphasis on understanding power
structures in its colonized territories (see, e.g., Asad 1973; Harris
1968; Leach 1984), anthropology has deep roots in practical applications
(for a much fuller account, see Pels and Salemink 2000). Ruth
Benedict's The Chrysanthemum and the Sword (1946), a tract on
Japanese national character undertaken during World War II for the U.S.
government, proved a sort of watershed. After the war, many
anthropologists maintained strong misgivings on working in the interest
of the state--an understandable position, given the frequent antagonism
between states and the minority groups that provide the staple of
anthropological studies.
Instead, the modern growth in "applied
anthropology"--which is often to say those anthropologists working
outside the academy--has emphasized working with indigenous groups,
NGOs, and educational groups rather than with state governments (see,
for example, the highly influential society and journal "Cultural
Survival"). Applied anthropology continues to be a large and
important part of the anthropological discourse, but is often left
theoretically framed in terms of simple advocacy for minority groups.
It is on the French school of thought and Foucauldian notions of
power (pouvoir: literally, "to be able to"), that most of the
current anthropological work on policy has depended. Such work remains
estranged from the mainstream, however, and there appears to be a dearth
of dialogue dealing with this critical juncture (with notable
exceptions, such as Cris Shore and Susan Wright's 1997 Anthropology
of Policy. Critical Perspectives on Governance and Power). Cris Shore
continues his work in this volume of Cultural Analysis with his article
investigating the cultural policies of the European Union.
In cultural studies, the so-called "cultural policy
debate" began in the 1980s and continued well into the 1990s, as
the field was carving out an institutional niche for itself in academia
(see, e.g., Bennett 1992, 1998; Cunningham 1992; Lee 1992; O'Regan
1992; Miller 1994). The movement towards a practical engagement with
cultural reform came largely out of Australia, but spilled over to
British and American contexts, and it emphasized productive relations
between intellectuals at universities and intellectuals within cultural
institutions, bureaus, and agencies.
The movement within cultural studies towards practical engagement
met with particularly vitriolic response in some circles in the United
States, epitomized in Fredric Jameson's 1993 review of Tony
Bennett's contribution to a collection of essays on Cultural
Studies (1992). Here, Jameson expresses repugnance at the prospect of
"talking to the ISAs" (i.e., the Ideological State
Apparatuses, a term borrowed from the writings of Louis Althusser),
apparently oblivious to the fact that he is speaking from within just
such an apparatus--the university.
It may be that the American context is particularly conducive to
the sort of bifurcation of academic and practical concerns that is
evident in the "cultural policy" and the "public
folklore" debates. As Tony Bennett has suggested, "the sheer
size of the higher education sector [in the U.S.] and the significant
role of private institutions within that sector provide the kind of
institutional conditions which allow critical debate to circulate in a
semi-autonomous realm which might seem removed from those of government
and administration" (Bennett 1998, 35). This is hardly the case
elsewhere. In this volume, Tony Bennett challenges Habermas'
theories on the public sphere, to assert that the dichotomization between academics and bureaucrats, between the theoretical and the
practical, is overwrought; he argues that both belong in the more
inclusive category of "intellectuals."
It has been said that the "cultural policy debate"
produced more heat than light (Frow and Morris 1993, xxix), and much the
same holds true of the debate surrounding public folklore. We think it
is fair to say, however, that now that most of the heat has dissipated,
what is left is a commitment to public engagement that has not corrupted
or corroded the intellectual endeavors of either field but rather
expanded and strengthened them. It is in this spirit that Cultural
Analysis has undertaken this special volume. We believe that the past
tensions and lacunae illustrate the need for an operational nexus
between theory and policy, and for an open channel of communication
between intellectual workers in higher education, in government, and in
administration. Maintaining autonomy from advocacy as well as
bureaucracy, critical engagement with cultural policy can contribute not
only to a better government of culture and to a more effective
contestation of that government, but also to the frameworks and tools of
cultural analysis.
Each in its own area, the articles in this volume clear a space for
critical thought within which cultural policies may be analyzed,
explored, refined, reflected on, evaluated, questioned, and contested.
In part, this is the role played by the discussion piece--written on the
volume's articles as well as its larger theme--by Toby Miller, who
is one of those scholars who have led the way in the critical analysis
and theorization of cultural policy. We invite our readers to
participate in the exploration of these spaces, and we hope that this
volume may contribute towards an increased understanding of this
critical juncture between cultural theory and policy.
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Valdimar Tr. Hafstein, Tok Thompson
Editors, Cultural Analysis